La escultura asiria es la escultura de los antiguos estados asirios , especialmente el Imperio neoasirio del 911 al 612 a. C., que gobernó el Irak moderno , Siria y partes de Irán . Forma una fase del arte de Mesopotamia , que se diferencia en particular por su uso mucho mayor de piedra y alabastro de yeso para grandes esculturas.
Muchas de las obras más conocidas son los enormes lamassu que protegen las entradas y los relieves de los palacios asirios sobre delgadas losas de alabastro, que originalmente se pintaron, al menos en parte, y se fijaron en la pared alrededor de las salas principales de los palacios. La mayoría de ellos se encuentran en museos de Europa o América, luego de un agitado período de excavaciones de 1842 a 1855, [1] que llevaron al arte asirio de ser casi completamente desconocido a ser el tema de varios libros más vendidos e imitado en caricaturas políticas. . [2]
Los relieves del palacio contienen escenas en bajo relieve que glorifican al rey, mostrándolo en guerra, cazando y cumpliendo otros roles reales. Muchas obras dejadas in situ , o en museos locales a sus lugares de hallazgo, [3] han sido deliberadamente destruidas en la reciente ocupación del área por ISIS , el ritmo de destrucción supuestamente aumentó a fines de 2016, con la ofensiva de Mosul . [4]
Otros tipos de arte sobrevivientes incluyen muchos sellos cilíndricos , [5] algunos relieves en roca , relieves y estatuas de templos, tiras de bronce en relieve utilizadas en puertas grandes [6] y pequeñas cantidades de trabajos en metal. [7] Un grupo de dieciséis pesas de bronce con forma de leones con inscripciones bilingües tanto en caracteres cuneiformes como fenicios , fueron descubiertos en Nimrud. [8] Los marfiles de Nimrud , un grupo importante de pequeñas placas que decoraban muebles, se encontraron en el almacén de un palacio cerca de los relieves, pero procedían de todo el Mediterráneo, y relativamente pocos se fabricaban localmente en estilo asirio. [9]
Relieves de palacio
Los relieves del palacio se fijaron a las paredes de los palacios reales formando franjas continuas a lo largo de las paredes de grandes salones. El estilo aparentemente comenzó alrededor del 879 a. C., cuando Ashurnasirpal II trasladó la capital a Nimrud , cerca de la moderna Mosul en el norte de Irak . [10] A partir de entonces, los nuevos palacios reales, de los que típicamente había uno por reinado, fueron decorados extensamente de esta manera durante los aproximadamente 250 años hasta el final del Imperio Asirio. [11] Hubo un desarrollo estilístico sutil, pero un gran grado de continuidad en los temas y el tratamiento. [12]
Las composiciones se organizan en losas u ortostatos , por lo general de unos 7 pies de altura, utilizando entre uno y tres registros horizontales de imágenes, con escenas que generalmente se leen de izquierda a derecha. Las esculturas suelen ir acompañadas de inscripciones en escritura cuneiforme que explican la acción o dan el nombre y los extravagantes títulos del rey. [13] Las cabezas y las piernas se muestran de perfil, pero los torsos en una vista frontal o de tres cuartos, como en el arte mesopotámico anterior. [14] Los ojos también se muestran en gran parte frontalmente. Algunos paneles muestran solo unas pocas figuras cercanas al tamaño natural, tales escenas generalmente incluyen al rey y otros cortesanos, [15] pero las representaciones de campañas militares incluyen docenas de pequeñas figuras, así como muchos animales e intentos de mostrar paisajes.
Las campañas se centran en el progreso del ejército, incluido el vadeo de los ríos, y generalmente culminan con el asedio de una ciudad, seguido de la rendición y el pago de tributos, y el regreso del ejército a casa. Un conjunto completo y característico muestra la campaña que condujo al sitio de Laquis en 701; es el "mejor" del reinado de Senaquerib , de su palacio en Nínive y ahora en el Museo Británico. [16] Ernst Gombrich observó que ninguna de las muchas bajas provienen del lado asirio. [17] Otra secuencia famosa muestra la Caza del León de Ashurbanipal , de hecho, la matanza escenificada y ritualizada por el rey Ashurbanipal de leones ya capturados y liberados en una arena, desde el Palacio Norte en Nínive. El realismo de los leones siempre ha sido elogiado, y las escenas a menudo se consideran "las obras maestras supremas del arte asirio", aunque el patetismo que los espectadores modernos tienden a sentir quizás no fue parte de la respuesta asiria. [18]
Hay muchos relieves de seres sobrenaturales menores, llamados con términos como " genio alado ", pero las principales deidades asirias solo están representadas por símbolos. Los "genios" suelen realizar un gesto de purificación, fertilización o bendición con un cubo y un cono ; el significado de esto sigue sin estar claro. [19] Especialmente en figuras más grandes, los detalles y patrones en áreas como trajes, cabello y barbas, troncos y hojas de árboles, y similares, están tallados muy meticulosamente. Las figuras más importantes a menudo se muestran más grandes que otras, y en los paisajes los elementos más distantes se muestran más arriba, pero no más pequeños, que los del primer plano, aunque algunas escenas se han interpretado en el sentido de que utilizan la escala para indicar la distancia. Otras escenas parecen repetir una figura en una sucesión de momentos diferentes, realizando la misma acción, la más famosa es un león que carga. Pero estos aparentemente fueron experimentos que siguen siendo inusuales. [20]
El rey se muestra a menudo en escenas narrativas, y también como una gran figura de pie en algunos lugares prominentes, generalmente a la que asisten genios alados. Una composición repetida dos veces en lo que tradicionalmente se llama el "salón del trono" (aunque quizás no lo fue) del palacio de Ashurbanipal en Nimrud muestra un "Árbol Sagrado" o " Árbol de la Vida " flanqueado por dos figuras del rey, con genios alados. usando el cubo y el cono detrás de él. Por encima del árbol, uno de los dioses principales, quizás Ashur el dios principal, se asoma en un disco alado, de escala relativamente pequeña. Esas escenas se muestran en otras partes de la túnica del rey, sin duda reflejando bordados en los trajes reales, y los dioses principales se muestran normalmente en discos o simplemente como símbolos flotando en el aire. En otros lugares, el árbol suele ser atendido por genios. [21]
Las mujeres se muestran relativamente raramente, y luego generalmente como prisioneras o refugiadas; una excepción es una escena de "picnic" que muestra a Ashurbanipal con su reina. [22] Es probable que se pueda suponer que los muchos asistentes reales sin barba eran eunucos , que dirigían gran parte de la administración del imperio, a menos que también tuvieran la cabeza rapada y los sombreros muy altos de los sacerdotes. [23] Los reyes a menudo van acompañados de varios cortesanos, el más cercano al rey probablemente sea a menudo el heredero designado, que no era necesariamente el hijo mayor. [24]
Las enormes escalas de los esquemas del palacio permitieron que las narrativas se mostraran a un ritmo expansivo sin precedentes, aclarando la secuencia de eventos y permitiendo descripciones ricamente detalladas de las actividades de un gran número de figuras, que no se equipararían hasta los relieves de las columnas narrativas romanas de la Columna de Trajano y Columna de Marco Aurelio . [25]
León moribundo, Caza de leones de Ashurbanipal , Palacio Norte, Nínive
Prisioneros y caballería, alivio de Laquis
Sargón II (derecha), probablemente frente a su heredero Senaquerib , Khorsabad
Los asistentes eunucos llevan muebles y un cuenco.
Lamassu
Los Lamassu eran deidades o espíritus menores protectores, la versión asiria de la figura del "toro con cabeza humana" que había figurado durante mucho tiempo en la mitología y el arte mesopotámicos. Lamassu tiene alas, una cabeza humana masculina con el elaborado tocado de una divinidad, y el cabello y la barba elaboradamente trenzados compartidos con la realeza. El cuerpo es el de un toro o un león, siendo la forma de los pies la principal diferencia. Los pares prominentes de lamassu generalmente se colocaban en las entradas de los palacios, frente a la calle y también en los patios internos. Eran figuras de "doble aspecto" en las esquinas, en alto relieve, un tipo encontrado anteriormente en el arte hitita . De frente parecen estar de pie, y de lado, caminan, y en versiones anteriores tienen cinco patas, como es evidente cuando se ven oblicuamente. Lamassu generalmente no aparece como figuras grandes en los esquemas de bajorrelieve que recorren las habitaciones del palacio, donde las figuras de genios alados son comunes, pero a veces aparecen dentro de relieves narrativos, aparentemente protegiendo a los asirios. [26]
Las colosales figuras del camino de entrada a menudo eran seguidas por un héroe que agarraba un león que se retorcía, también colosal y en alto relieve; estos y algunos genios además de lamassu son generalmente los únicos otros tipos de alto relieve en la escultura asiria. Los héroes continúan la tradición del Maestro de los Animales en el arte mesopotámico y pueden representar a Enkidu , una figura central en la antigua epopeya mesopotámica de Gilgamesh . En el palacio de Sargón II en Khorsabad , un grupo de al menos siete lamassu y dos de esos héroes con leones rodearon la entrada a la "sala del trono", "una concentración de figuras que produjo una abrumadora impresión de poder". [27] El arreglo se repitió en el palacio de Senaquerib en Nínive, con un total de diez lamassu. [28] Otras figuras que acompañan al colosal lamassu son genios alados con el cubo y el cono , que se cree que son el equipo para un ritual protector o purificador. [29]
Lamassu también aparece en los sellos de los cilindros . Varios ejemplos que quedaron in situ en el norte de Irak fueron destruidos en la década de 2010 por el EIIL cuando ocuparon la zona. El colosal lamassu también custodiaba el inicio de los grandes canales construidos por los reyes asirios. [30] En el caso de los templos, se han encontrado parejas de leones colosales custodiando las entradas. [31]
Construcción
Hay afloramientos de la roca de yeso "mármol de Mosul" que se utiliza normalmente en varios lugares del reino asirio, aunque no especialmente cerca de las capitales. La roca es muy blanda y ligeramente soluble en agua, y las caras expuestas se degradaron y hubo que cortarlas antes de alcanzar la piedra utilizable. Hay relieves que muestran la explotación de canteras para el nuevo palacio de Senaquerib en Nínive , aunque se concentran en la producción de grandes lamassu . Se extrajeron bloques con prisioneros de guerra y se cortaron en losas con largas sierras de hierro. Esto pudo haber sucedido en el sitio del palacio, que es sin duda donde se realizó el tallado de los ortostatos, después de que las losas se hubieran fijado en su lugar como un paramento a una pared de ladrillos de adobe , usando clavijas y abrazaderas de plomo, con los fondos apoyados en una pared. lecho de betún . [32] Para algunos relieves se utiliza una "atractiva piedra caliza fosilífera ", como en varias salas del Palacio Sudoeste de Nínive. [33] En contraste con los ortostatos, los lamassu fueron tallados, o al menos en parte, en la cantera, sin duda para reducir su enorme peso. [34]
La piedra de alabastro es suave pero no frágil y muy adecuada para tallar con detalle con herramientas de la Edad del Hierro . Puede haber diferencias considerables en estilo y calidad entre los paneles adyacentes, lo que sugiere que se asignaron a diferentes maestros talladores. Probablemente el maestro dibujó o incidió el diseño en la losa antes de que un equipo de escultores cortara laboriosamente las áreas del fondo y terminara de tallar las figuras. Luego, los escribas colocaron las inscripciones para que las siguieran los cortadores, después de lo cual la losa se pulió hasta dejarla lisa y se añadió la pintura. [35] Se muestra a los escribas dirigiendo a los talladores en otro relieve (en las Puertas de Balawat ) que muestra la creación de un relieve de roca; presumiblemente se aseguraron de que la descripción de los aspectos reales y religiosos de los sujetos fuera como debería ser. [36]
The reliefs only covered the lower parts of the walls of rooms in the palaces, and higher areas were often painted, at least in patterns, and at least sometimes with other figures. Brightly coloured carpets on the floor completed what was probably a striking decor, largely in primary colours. None of these have survived, but we have some door-sills carved with repeated geometric motifs, presumed to imitate the carpets.[37]
After the palaces were abandoned and lost their wooden roofs, the unbaked mud-brick walls gradually collapsed, covering the space in front of the reliefs, and largely protecting them from further damage from the weather. Relatively few traces of paint remain, and these are often on heads and faces – hair and beards were black, and at least the whites of eyes white. Possibly metal leaf was used on some elements, such as small scenes shown decorating textiles. Julian Reade concludes that "It is nonetheless puzzling that more traces of painting [on sculpture] have not been recorded".[38]
Otros relieves narrativos
Apart from the alabaster wall reliefs, all found in palaces, other objects carrying relatively large reliefs are bronze strips used to reinforce and decorate large gates. Parts of three sets have survived, all from the 9th century and the relatively minor city of Imgur-Enlil, modern Balawat. The Balawat Gates were all double gates about 20 foot high, with both the front and back sides decorated with eight bronze repoussé strips, each carrying two registers of narrative reliefs some five inches high. There were presumably equivalents at other Assyrian sites, but at the collapse of the empire the buildings at Balawat caught fire "before they had been efficiently looted" by the enemy, and remained hidden in the ashes and rubble;[39] gypsum slabs were not worth the trouble of looting, unlike bronze. The subjects were similar to the wall reliefs, but on a smaller scale; a typical band is 27 centimetres high, 1.8 metres wide, and only a millimetre thick.[40]
In stone there are reliefs of a similar size on some stelae, most notably two in rectangular obelisk form, both with stepped tops like ziggurats. These are the early 11th-century White Obelisk of Ashurnasirpal I and the 9th century Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, both in the British Museum, which also has the fragmentary "Broken Obelisk" and "Rassam Obelisk". Both have reliefs on all four sides in eight and five registers respectively, and long inscriptions describing the events. The Black and Rassam Obelisks were both set up in what seems to have been the central square in the citadel of Nimrud, presumably a very public space, and the White in Nineveh. All record much the same types of scenes as the narrative sections of wall-relief, and the gates. The Black Obelisk concentrates on scenes of the bringing of tribute from conquered kingdoms, including Israel, while the White also has scenes of war, hunting, and religious figures. The White Obelisk, from 1049–1031, and the "Broken Obelisk" from 1074–1056, predate the earliest known wall-reliefs by 160 years or more, but are respectively in worn and fragmentary condition.[41]
The Black Obelisk is of special interest as the lengthy inscriptions, with names of places and rulers that could be related to other sources, were of importance in the decipherment of cuneiform script.[42] The Obelisk contains the earliest writing mentioning both the Persian and Jewish peoples, and confirmed some of the events described in the Bible, which in the 19th century was regarded as timely support for texts whose historical accuracy was under increasing attack.[43] Other, much smaller pieces with helpful inscriptions were a set of sixteen weight measures in the form of lions.[44]
Estatuas y estelas de retratos
There are very few large free-standing Assyrian statues and, with one possible exception (below), none have been found of the major divinities in their temples. Possibly others existed; any in precious metals would have been looted as the empire fell. Two statues of kings are similar to the portraits in palace reliefs, though seen frontally. They came from temples, where they showed the king's devotion to the deity. The Statue of Ashurnasirpal II is in the British Museum, and that of Shalmaneser III in Istanbul.[45]
There is a unique female nude statue in the British Museum, missing its extremities, which was found in the temple of Ishtar at Nineveh. The pubic hair is carefully represented. It carries an inscription on the back that King Ashur-bel-kala erected it for the "titilation" or enjoyment of the people. It might represent Ishtar, goddess of love among other things,[46] in which case it would be the only known Assyrian statue of a major divinity. All these have standing poses, though seated statues were already known in Mesopotamian art, for example about a dozen statues of Gudea, who ruled Lagash c. 2144 – 2124 BC.[47]
Like other Near-Eastern cultures, the Assyrians erected stelae for various purposes, including marking boundaries. Many just carry inscriptions, but there are some with significant relief sculpture, mostly a large standing portrait of the king of the day, pointing at symbols of the gods, similar in pose to those in palace reliefs, surrounded by a round-topped frame.[48]
Similar figures of kings are shown in rock reliefs, mostly around the edges of the empire. Those shown being made on the Balawat Gates are presumably the ones surviving in poor condition near the Tigris Tunnel. The Assyrians probably took the form from the Hittites; the sites chosen for their 49 recorded reliefs often also make little sense if "signalling" to the general population was the intent, being high and remote, but often near water. The Neo-Assyrians recorded in other places, including metal reliefs on the Balawat Gates showing them being made, the carving of rock reliefs, and it has been suggested that the main intended audience was the gods, the reliefs and the inscriptions that often accompany them being almost of the nature of a "business report" submitted by the ruler.[49] A canal system built by the Neo-Assyrian king Sennacherib (reigned 704–681 BC) to supply water to Nineveh was marked by a number of reliefs showing the king with gods.[50]
Other reliefs at the Tigris tunnel, a cave in modern Turkey believed to be the source of the river Tigris, are "almost inaccessible and invisible for humans".[51] Probably built by Sennacherib's son Esarhaddon, Shikaft-e Gulgul is a late example in modern Iran, apparently related to a military campaign.[52] The Assyrians added to the Commemorative stelae of Nahr el-Kalb in modern Lebanon, where Ramses II, Pharaoh of Egypt, had rather optimistically commemorated the boundary of his empire many centuries earlier; many later rulers added to the collection.[53] The Assyrian examples were perhaps significant in suggesting the style of the much more ambitious Persian tradition, beginning with the Behistun relief and inscription, made around 500 BC for Darius the Great, on a far grander scale, reflecting and proclaiming the power of the Achaemenid empire.
High relief hero clutching lion, from the entrance to the throne room at Khorsabad
Group displayed in the British Museum, including a lion from a temple entrance, and the Black and White Obelisks
The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III in the British Museum, the White Obelisk of Ashurnasirpal I just behind
Shalmaneser III receives tribute from Sua, king of Gilzanu, on the Black Obelisk
Unique Assyrian female nude statue from the temple of Ishtar at Nineveh
Stela of Shamshi-Adad V
Three royal stelae at the British Museum
Lion weight; 6th-4th century BC; bronze; height: 29.5 cm, width: 24.8 cm; Louvre
Excavaciones
Iraq was part of the Ottoman Empire throughout the 19th century, and the government was content to allow foreign excavations and the removal of finds with little hindrance. Even in the 1870s excavators were often only regulated by a regime intended for mining operations, and had to pay a tax based on a proportion of the value of material removed.[54]
The character of the palace reliefs made excavation relatively straightforward, if the right site was chosen. Assyrian palaces were built on high mud-brick platforms. Test trenches were started in various directions, and once one of them had hit sculpture, the trenches had only to follow the lines of the wall, often through a whole suite of rooms. Most trenches could be open to the sky, but at Nimrud, where one palace overlay another, tunnels were necessary in places.[55] Layard estimated "that he had exposed nearly two miles of sculptured walls in Sennacherib's palace alone", not to mention the Library of Ashurbanipal he found there.[56] His excavation practices left a lot to be desired by modern standards; the centres of rooms were not only not excavated, but the material removed from the trench in one room might be deposited in another, compromising later excavations.[57] Typically the slabs were sawn to roughly a third of their original depth, to save weight in carrying them back to Europe,[58] which was typically more complicated and difficult than digging them up.[59]
Botta
The first hint of future discoveries came in 1820 when Claudius Rich, British Resident (a sort of local ambassador or consul) in Bagdhad, and an early scholar of the ancient Near East, went to Mosul and the site of ancient Nineveh, where he was told of a large relief panel that had been found and soon broken up. His account was published in 1836; he also brought back two small fragments.[60] In 1842 the French consul in Mosul, Paul-Émile Botta, hired men to dig at Kuyunjik, the largest mound at Nineveh. Little was found until a local farmer suggested they try Khorsabad (ancient Dur-Sharrukin) nearby, where "a short trial was dramatically successful", as a palace of Sargon II was found a few feet below the surface, with plentiful reliefs, although they had been burned and disintegrated easily.[61]
Press reports of Botta's finds, from May 1843, interested the French government, who sent him funds and the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres sent him Eugène Flandin (1809–1889), an artist who had already made careful archaeological drawings of Persian antiquities in a long trip beginning in 1839. Botta decided there was no more to find at the site in October 1844, and concentrated on the difficult task of getting his finds back to Paris, where the first large consignments did not arrive until December 1846. Botta left the two huge lamassu now in the British Museum as too large to transport; Henry Rawlinson, by now British Resident in Bagdhad, sawed them into several pieces for transport in 1849.[62] In 1849 Monument de Ninive was published, a sumptuously illustrated and exemplary monograph in 4 volumes by Botta and Flandin.
Layard and Rassam
Austen Henry Layard (1817–1894) was in the early 1840s "a roving agent attached to the embassy at Constantinople", who had already visited Nimrud in 1840. In 1845 he persuaded Sir Stratford Canning, the ambassador in Constantinople, to personally fund an expedition to excavate there. On his first day digging at Nimrud, with only six workers in November 1845, slabs were found, initially only with inscriptions, but soon with reliefs. He continued to dig until June 1847, with the British government, through the British Museum, taking over the funding from Canning in late 1846, repaying his expenditure. The volume of finds was such that getting them back to Britain was a major task, and many pieces either were reburied, or reached other countries. Layard had recruited the 20-year old Hormuzd Rassam in Mosul, where his brother was British Vice-consul, to handle the pay and supervision of the diggers, and encouraged the development of his career as a diplomat and archaeologist.[63]
Layard returned to England in June 1847, also taking Rassam, who he had arranged to study at Cambridge. He left a few workers, mainly to keep other diggers off the sites, as the French were digging again. His finds were arriving in London, to great public interest, which he greatly increased by publishing a string of books, especially Nineveh and its Remains in 1849. The mistaken title arose because Henry Rawlinson had at that point become convinced that the Nimrud site was actually the ancient Nineveh, though he changed his mind soon after.[64] By October 1849 Layard was back in Mosul, accompanied by the artist Frederick Cooper, and continued to dig until April 1851, after which Rassam took charge of the excavations.[65] By this stage, thanks to Rawlinson and other linguists working on the tablets and inscriptions brought back and other material, the Assyrian cuneiform was at the least becoming partly understood,[66] a task that progressed well over the next decade.
Initially Rassam's finds dwindled, in terms of large objects, and the British even agreed to cede the rights to half the Kuyunjik mound to the French, whose new consul, Victor Place, had resumed digging at Khorsabad. The British funds were running out by December 1853, when Rassam hit upon the palace of Ashurbanipal, which was "in some respects the finest sculptured palace of all", in the new French area of Kuyunjik. Fortunately, Place had not started digging there, and according to Rassam "it was an established rule that whenever one discovered a new palace, no one else could meddle with it, and thus,... I had secured it for England".[67] The new palace took until 1855 to clear, being finished by the Assyrian Exploration Fund, established in 1853 to dig for the benefit of British collections.[68]
Although it was not yet realized, by "the close of excavations in 1855, the hectic Heroic Age of Assyrian archaeology ended", with the great majority of surviving Assyrian sculpture found. Work has continued up to the present day, but no new palaces have been found at the capitals, and finds have mostly been isolated pieces, such as Rassam's discovery in 1878 of two of the Balawat Gates. Many of the pieces reburied have been re-excavated, some very quickly by art dealers, and others by the Iraqi government in the 1960s, leaving them on display in situ for visitors, after the sites were configured as museums. These were already damaged in wars in the 1990s,[69] and have probably been systematically destroyed by Daesh in the 2010s.[70]
Colecciones
As a result of the history of excavations, much the best single collection is in the British Museum, followed by the site museums and other collections in Iraq, which in the 20th century were the largest holdings when taken together,[71] though after the wars of the 21st century their current holdings are uncertain. The fate of the considerable number of pieces that have been found and then reburied is also uncertain. At the peak of excavations, the volume found was too large for the British and French to manage, and many pieces either were diverted at some point on their journey to Europe, or were given away by the museums. Other pieces were excavated by diggers working for dealers. As a result, there are significant groups of large lamassu corner figures and palace relief panels in Paris, Berlin, New York, and Chicago.[72] Many other museums have panels, especially a group of college museums in New England, with the museum at Dartmouth College having seven panels.[73] Altogether there are some 75 pieces in the United States.[74]
Apart from the British Museum, in the United Kingdom, the Ashmolean Museum has 10 reliefs (2 large, 8 small) [75]Bristol City Museum and Art Gallery has 3 large reliefs,[76] and the National Museum of Scotland (2.4 x 2.2 m),[77] and Victoria and Albert Museum one relief each.[78]
Notas
- ^ Reade, 5–17; see Larsen in further reading
- ^ Oates, 6–8; Hoving, 40
- ^ Reade, 5
- ^ In November 2016 the situation remains unclear. Browne, Gareth, "Isis flattened ancient capital after shipping out its treasures" in The Times (London), 19 November 2016 says that the most serious damage to Nimrud was done in late 2016, as the allied forces moved to retake Mosul, where the museum also had an important collection.
- ^ Frankfort, 198–199
- ^ Frankfort, 164–167
- ^ Frankfort, 194–196
- ^ British Museum Collection
- ^ Frankfort, 313–315, 319–322 (and see index); Honour & Fleming, 77; Nimrud ivories press release, British Museum
- ^ Reade, 25
- ^ Reade, 56–60, on the latest reliefs
- ^ Grove
- ^ Frankfort, 157
- ^ Grove
- ^ Reade, 42–43
- ^ Reade, 56 (quoted), 65–71
- ^ The Story of Art (in its chronological place; there are too many editions to give a page number)
- ^ Honour & Fleming, 76–77; Reade, 72–79, 73 quoted; Frankfort, 186–192; Hoving, 40–41
- ^ Frankfort, 146–148
- ^ Honour & Fleming, 75–77
- ^ Reade, 36–38
- ^ Reade, 47; image
- ^ Reade, 43–44
- ^ 42–43
- ^ Frankfort, 168; Honour & Fleming, 73, 75–77
- ^ Frankfort, 147–148, 154; Reade, 28-29
- ^ Frankfort, 147–148, 148 quoted; Reade, 29
- ^ Grove
- ^ Reade, 38
- ^ Reade, 50
- ^ Reade, 23-24 (British Museum example illustrated below)
- ^ Reade, 25–26
- ^ Grove
- ^ Oates, 52
- ^ Reade, 27
- ^ Reade, 21
- ^ Reade, 29–31
- ^ Reade, 7, 29–30, 30 quoted
- ^ Reade, 32, quoted; Frankfort, 164–167
- ^ British Museum collection database; Frankfort, 164
- ^ Reade, 32, 35, 63–64; Frankfort, 167; White, British Museum page
- ^ Reade, 12
- ^ Reade, 62–71
- ^ British Museum collection database
- ^ Reade, 22–23
- ^ British Museum
- ^ Frankfort, 93-98
- ^ Reade, 20–22
- ^ Kreppner, throughout; 368 for 49 reliefs
- ^ Kreppner, 371; Malko, Helen, "Neo-Assyrian Rock Reliefs: Ideology and Landscapes of an Empire", Metropolitan Museum, accessed 28 November 2015
- ^ Kreppner, 374–375
- ^ Kreppner, 369–370; Van der Spek, R.J., "The Assyrian Royal Rock Inscription from Shikaft-i Gulgul", Iranica Antiqua, vol XII, 1977
- ^ Reade, 22; Grove
- ^ Reade, 11
- ^ Reade, 9–12
- ^ Reade, 14
- ^ Oates, 5
- ^ Cohen & Kangas, 5
- ^ Reade, 11, 15-16
- ^ Reade, 6; Oates, 1–2
- ^ Reade, 7; Oates, 3
- ^ Reade, 7
- ^ Reade, 9–12; Oates, 2–6
- ^ Oates, 6–8; Reade, 12
- ^ Reade, 12–14
- ^ Hoving, 40
- ^ Reade, 14–15
- ^ Reade, 14–15
- ^ Reade, 16–17, 16 quoted
- ^ Iconic Ancient Assyrian Sites Ravaged in ISIS's Last Stand in Iraq, by Kristin Romey, AINA repeating National Geographic
- ^ Reade, 5; Grove
- ^ Reade, 5; Grove
- ^ Hood Museum of Art, collection search on "Assyrian"
- ^ Hoving, 40
- ^ Ashmolean page
- ^ Bristol page
- ^ Edinburgh, Assyrian Relief Fact File
- ^ Assyrian Relief at V&A
Referencias
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Assyrian Art: Ashurbanipal Hunting Lions, Smarthistory |
- Cohen, Ada, Kangas, Stephen E., Assyrian Reliefs from the Palace of Ashurnasirpal II, 2010, University Press of New England, ISBN 9781584658177
- Frankfort, Henri, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, Pelican History of Art, 4th ed 1970, Penguin (now Yale History of Art), ISBN 0140561072
- "Grove": Russell, John M., Section 6. "c 1000–539 BC., (i) Neo-Assyrian." in Dominique Collon, et al. "Mesopotamia, §III: Sculpture." Grove Art Online, Oxford Art Online, Oxford University Press, accessed 19 November 2016, subscription required
- Hugh Honour and John Fleming, A World History of Art, 1st edn. 1982 (many later editions), Macmillan, London, page refs to 1984 Macmillan 1st edn. paperback. ISBN 0333371852
- Hoving, Thomas. Greatest Works of Western Civilization, 1997, Artisan, New York, ISBN 9781885183538
- Kreppner, Florian Janoscha, "Public Space in Nature: The Case of Neo-Assyrian Rock-Reliefs", Altorientalische Forschungen, 29/2 (2002): 367–383, online at Academia.edu
- Oates, D. and J. Oates, Nimrud, An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed, 2001, London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq, full PDF (332 pages)ISBN 978-0903472258
- Reade, Julian, Assyrian Sculpture, 1998 (2nd edn.), The British Museum Press, ISBN 9780714121413
Otras lecturas
- Collins, Paul, Assyrian Palace Sculptures, 2008, British Museum, ISBN 0714111678, 9780714111674
- Crawford, Vaughn Emerson, Harper, Prudence Oliver, Pittman, Holly, Assyrian Reliefs and Ivories in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Palace Reliefs of Assurnasirpal II and Ivory Carvings from Nimrud, 1980, Metropolitan Museum of Art, ISBN 0870992600, 9780870992605
- Kertai, David, The Architecture of Late Assyrian Royal Palaces, 2015, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0198723180, 9780198723189
- Larsen, Mogens Trolle, The Conquest of Assyria: Excavations in an Antique Land, 1840–1860, 1996, Psychology Press, ISBN 041514356X, 9780415143561
- Ornan, Tallay, The Triumph of the Symbol: Pictorial Representation of Deities in Mesopotamia and the Biblical Image Ban, 2005, Saint-Paul, ISBN 3525530072, 9783525530078, google books
- Russell, John M., Sennacherib's ‘Palace without Rival’ at Nineveh, 1991, Chicago