La batalla del bosque de Teutoburgo ( Schlacht im Teutoburger Wald , Hermannsschlacht o Varusschlacht ), descrita como el desastre de Varian ( Clades Variana ) por los historiadores romanos , tuvo lugar en el bosque de Teutoburgo en el año 9 d.C., cuando una alianza de pueblos germánicos emboscó a las legiones romanas. y sus auxiliares , dirigidos por Publius Quinctilius Varus . La alianza fue dirigida por Arminius , un oficial germánico de la auxiliar de Varus. Arminio había adquirido la ciudadanía romanay había recibido una educación militar romana, lo que le permitió engañar metódicamente al comandante romano y anticipar las respuestas tácticas del ejército romano .
Batalla del bosque de Teutoburgo | |||||||||
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Parte de las primeras campañas imperiales en Germania | |||||||||
Cenotafio de Marco Celio , primer centurión del XVIII , que "cayó en la guerra de Varo" ( 'bello Variano' ). Inscripción reconstruida: "A Marco Celio, hijo de Tito, del distrito de Lemonian, de Bolonia, primer centurión de la decimoctava legión. 53+1 ⁄ 2 años. Cayó en la Guerra de Varian. Los huesos desu liberto pueden estar enterrados aquí. Publius Caelius, hijo de Titus, del distrito de Lemonian, su hermano, erigió (este monumento). " [1] | |||||||||
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Beligerantes | |||||||||
Pueblos germánicos aliados (probablemente incluidos Cherusci , Marsi , Chatti y Bructeri ) | imperio Romano | ||||||||
Comandantes y líderes | |||||||||
Arminius Segimer | Publius Quinctilius Varus † Marcus Caelius † | ||||||||
Unidades involucradas | |||||||||
Fuerza | |||||||||
Desconocido, pero estimado en 15.000 [2] -20.000 | 14.000–22.752 [3] No combatientes desconocidos [3] | ||||||||
Víctimas y pérdidas | |||||||||
Desconocido, pero moderado | 16.000 [4] –20.000 muertos [5] Algunos otros esclavizados |
A pesar de esta derrota, los romanos continuaron incursionando en Germania, conquistando nuevos territorios y formando nuevas provincias como Marcomannia y Sarmatia.
Irónicamente, los descendientes de los reinos vasallos, como los suevos, (por soberanía ) que Augusto intentó crear en Germania para expandir las romanitas y el Imperio de manera pacífica, serían los que invadieron el Imperio en los siglos IV y V . [6] [7]
Fondo
Después de los ataques de Druso I en 11-9 a. C., Arminio , junto con su hermano Flavus, [8] [9] fue enviado a Roma como tributo por su padre, Segimerus el Conquistador , [10] [11] jefe de los más nobles casa en la tribu de los Cherusci. Luego, Arminio pasó su juventud en Roma como rehén , donde recibió una educación militar e incluso se le otorgó el rango de Ecuestre . Durante la ausencia de Arminio, Segimerus fue declarado cobarde por los otros jefes germánicos, porque se había sometido al dominio romano, un crimen punible con la muerte según la ley germánica . Entre el 11 a. C. y el 4 d. C., la hostilidad y la sospecha entre los pueblos germánicos aliados se profundizaron. Los acuerdos comerciales y políticos entre los señores de la guerra se deterioraron. [a] En 4 EC, el general romano (y más tarde emperador) Tiberio entró en Germania y subyugó a los Cananefates en Germania Inferior , los Chatti [b] cerca de la parte superior del río Weser y los Bructeri al sur del bosque de Teutoburgo. Después de estas conquistas, condujo a su ejército a través del Weser.
A principios del 6 d.C. Legatus Gaius Sentius Saturninus [14] [15] y el cónsul Legatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus dirigieron un ejército masivo de 65.000 legionarios de infantería pesada , 10.000-20.000 jinetes , arqueros , 10.000-20.000 civiles (13 legiones y su séquito, en total alrededor de 100.000 hombres) en una operación ofensiva contra Maroboduus , [16] [17] el rey de los marcomanos , que eran una tribu de los suevos . [c] Más tarde, en el año 6 EC, el liderazgo de la fuerza romana fue entregado a Publius Quinctilius Varus , un noble y funcionario administrativo experimentado de una familia patricia [16] que estaba relacionado con la familia imperial. [19] Fue asignado a consolidar la nueva provincia de Germania en el otoño de ese año. [dieciséis]
Luego, Tiberio se vio obligado a centrar su atención en el Bellum Batonianum , también conocido como la Gran Revuelta Iliria, que estalló en la provincia de Illyricum . Dirigida por Bato el Daesitiate , [20] Bato el Breuciano , [21] Pinnes de Panonia , [22] y elementos de los Marcomanos, duró casi cuatro años. Tiberio se vio obligado a detener su campaña contra Maroboduus y reconocerlo como rey [23] para que luego pudiera enviar sus ocho legiones ( VIII Augusta , XV Apolínea , XX Victoriosa Valeriana , XXI Predator , XIII Gemelo , XIV Gemelo , XVI Galo y un unidad desconocida) [24] para aplastar la rebelión en los Balcanes .
Casi la mitad de todas las legiones romanas existentes fueron enviadas a los Balcanes para poner fin a la revuelta, que a su vez fue provocada por el abandono constante, la escasez endémica de alimentos, los altos impuestos y el comportamiento severo de los recaudadores de impuestos romanos. Esta campaña, dirigida por Tiberio y el Cuestodor Legatus Germanicus bajo el emperador Augusto , fue una de las más difíciles y cruciales en la historia del Imperio Romano. Debido a esta redistribución masiva de legiones disponibles, cuando Varus fue nombrado Legatus Augusti pro praetore en Germania, solo tres legiones estaban disponibles para él.
El nombre y los hechos de Varus eran bien conocidos más allá del imperio debido a su crueldad y crucifixión de insurgentes. Si bien era temido por la gente, era muy respetado por el senado romano . En el Rin, estuvo al mando de las legiones XVII , XVIII y XIX . Estos habían sido dirigidos anteriormente por el general Gaius Sentius Saturninus, que había sido enviado de regreso a Roma después de recibir una ornamenta triumphalia . [25] Las otras dos legiones en los cuarteles de invierno del ejército en castrum Moguntiacum [26] estaban dirigidas por el sobrino de Varus, Lucius Nonius Asprenas [24] y quizás Lucius Arruntius.
Después de su regreso de Roma, Arminio se convirtió en un consejero de confianza de Varus, [27] pero en secreto forjó una alianza de pueblos germánicos que tradicionalmente habían sido enemigos. Estos probablemente incluyeron Cherusci, [16] Marsi , [16] Chatti, [16] y Bructeri. [16] Estos eran algunos de los cincuenta grupos germánicos de la época. [28] Utilizando la indignación colectiva por la insolencia tiránica de Varus y la crueldad desenfrenada hacia los conquistados, [26] Arminio pudo unir a los grupos desorganizados que se habían sometido con hosco odio al dominio romano y mantener la alianza hasta el momento más oportuno. de huelga. [29]
Entre el 6 y el 9 EC, los romanos se vieron obligados a mover ocho de las once legiones presentes en Germania al este del río Rin para aplastar una rebelión en los Balcanes, dejando a Varus con solo tres legiones para enfrentar a los alemanes. [24] Esto representó la oportunidad perfecta para que Arminius derrotara a Varus. [23] Mientras Varo se dirigía desde su campamento de verano al oeste del río Weser hacia el cuartel general de invierno cerca del Rin , escuchó informes de una rebelión local, informes que habían sido fabricados por Arminio. [17] Edward Shepherd Creasy escribe que "Esto le fue presentado a Varus como una ocasión que requería su pronta asistencia en el lugar; pero se mantuvo en la ignorancia estudiada de que era parte de un levantamiento nacional concertado; y todavía veía a Arminio como su vasallo sumiso ". [30]
Varo decidió sofocar este levantamiento de inmediato, acelerando su respuesta tomando un desvío por un territorio que no era familiar para los romanos. Arminio, que lo acompañaba, lo encaminó por una ruta que facilitaría una emboscada. [17] Otro noble de Cheruscan , Segestes , hermano de Segimerus y suegro reacio de Arminius, [11] [31] advirtió a Varus la noche antes de que partieran las fuerzas romanas, supuestamente sugiriendo que Varus debería aprehender a Arminius, junto con otros germánicos líderes a quienes identificó como participantes en el levantamiento planeado. Su advertencia, sin embargo, fue descartada por derivar de la disputa personal entre Segestes y Arminius. Luego, Arminio se fue con el pretexto de reunir fuerzas germánicas para apoyar la campaña romana. Una vez libre de miradas indiscretas, inmediatamente dirigió a sus tropas en una serie de ataques contra las guarniciones romanas circundantes.
Los hallazgos arqueológicos recientes sitúan la batalla en Kalkriese Hill en el condado de Osnabrück, Baja Sajonia. [16] Sobre la base de los relatos romanos, los romanos marchaban hacia el noroeste desde lo que ahora es la ciudad de Detmold , pasando al este de Osnabrück después de acampar en la zona, antes del ataque.
Batallas
Las fuerzas de Varus incluían sus tres legiones (Legio XVII, Legio XVIII y Legio XIX), seis cohortes de tropas auxiliares (no ciudadanos o tropas aliadas) y tres escuadrones de caballería ( alae ). La mayoría de ellos carecían de experiencia en combate, tanto en lo que respecta a los combatientes germánicos como en las condiciones locales prevalecientes. Las fuerzas romanas no marchaban en formación de combate y estaban intercaladas con un gran número de seguidores del campamento . Cuando entraron en el bosque al noreste de Osnabrück, encontraron el camino estrecho y embarrado. Según Dio Cassius también se había producido una violenta tormenta. También escribe que Varus se olvidó de enviar grupos de reconocimiento por delante del cuerpo principal de tropas.
La línea de marcha ahora se extendía peligrosamente larga, entre 15 y 20 kilómetros (9,3 y 12,4 millas). [27] Fue en este estado cuando fue atacado por guerreros germánicos armados con espadas ligeras, lanzas grandes y lanzas cortas de hoja estrecha llamadas fremae . Los atacantes rodearon a todo el ejército romano y arrojaron jabalinas sobre los intrusos. [32] Arminio, recordando su educación en Roma, entendió las tácticas de sus enemigos y fue capaz de dirigir a sus tropas para contrarrestarlos eficazmente utilizando números localmente superiores contra las legiones romanas dispersas . Los romanos lograron establecer un campamento nocturno fortificado y, a la mañana siguiente, irrumpieron en el campo abierto al norte de las colinas de Wiehen , cerca de la moderna ciudad de Ostercappeln . La ruptura fue acompañada de grandes pérdidas para los sobrevivientes romanos, al igual que un nuevo intento de escapar marchando a través de otra zona boscosa, mientras continuaban las lluvias torrenciales.
The Romans undertook a night march to escape, but marched into another trap that Arminius had set, at the foot of Kalkriese Hill. There a sandy, open strip on which the Romans could march was constricted by the hill, so that there was a gap of only about 100 metres (330 ft) between the woods and the swampland at the edge of the Great Bog. The road was further blocked by a trench, and, towards the forest, an earthen wall had been built along the roadside, permitting the Germanic alliance to attack the Romans from cover. The Romans made a desperate attempt to storm the wall, but failed, and the highest-ranking officer next to Varus, Legatus Numonius Vala, abandoned the troops by riding off with the cavalry. His retreat was in vain, however, as he was overtaken by the Germanic cavalry and killed shortly thereafter, according to Velleius Paterculus. The Germanic warriors then stormed the field and slaughtered the disintegrating Roman forces. Varus committed suicide,[27] and Velleius reports that one commander, Praefectus Ceionius, surrendered, then later took his own life,[33] while his colleague Praefectus Eggius died leading his doomed troops.
Roman casualties have been estimated at 15,000–20,000 dead, and many of the officers were said to have taken their own lives by falling on their swords in the approved manner.[27] Tacitus wrote that many officers were sacrificed by the Germanic forces as part of their indigenous religious ceremonies, cooked in pots and their bones used for rituals.[34] Others were ransomed, and some common soldiers appear to have been enslaved.
All Roman accounts stress the completeness of the Roman defeat. The finds at Kalkriese of 6,000 pieces of Roman equipment, but only a single item that is clearly Germanic (part of a spur), suggests few Germanic losses. However, the victors would most likely have removed the bodies of their fallen, and their practice of burying their warriors' battle gear with them would have also contributed to the lack of Germanic relics. Additionally, several thousand Germanic soldiers were deserting militiamen and wore Roman armour, and thus would appear to be "Roman" in the archaeological digs. It is also known that the Germanic peoples wore perishable organic material, such as leather, and less metal.
The victory was followed by a clean sweep of all Roman forts, garrisons and cities (of which there were at least two) east of the Rhine; the remaining two Roman legions in Germania, commanded by Varus' nephew Lucius Nonius Asprenas, were content to try to hold the Rhine. One fort, Aliso, most likely located in today's Haltern am See,[35] fended off the Germanic alliance for many weeks, perhaps even a few months. After the situation became untenable, the garrison under Lucius Caedicius, accompanied by survivors of Teutoburg Forest, broke through the siege, and reached the Rhine. They resisted long enough for Lucius Nonius Asprenas to organize the Roman defence on the Rhine with two legions and Tiberius to arrive with a new army, preventing Arminius from crossing the Rhine and invading Gaul.[36][37]
Secuelas
Upon hearing of the defeat, the Emperor Augustus, according to the Roman historian Suetonius in The Twelve Caesars, was so shaken that he stood butting his head against the walls of his palace, repeatedly shouting:
Quintili Vare, legiones redde! (Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions!)
The legion numbers XVII, XVIII and XIX were not used again by the Romans.[38] This was in contrast to other legions that were reestablished after suffering defeat.
The battle abruptly ended the period of triumphant Roman expansion that followed the end of the Civil Wars forty years earlier. Augustus' stepson Tiberius took effective control, and prepared for the continuation of the war. Legio II Augusta, XX Valeria Victrix and XIII Gemina were sent to the Rhine to replace the lost legions.
Arminius sent Varus' severed head to Maroboduus, king of the Marcomanni, the other most powerful Germanic ruler, with the offer of an anti-Roman alliance. Maroboduus declined, sending the head to Rome for burial, and remained neutral throughout the ensuing war. Only thereafter did a brief, inconclusive war break out between the two Germanic leaders.[39]
Represalia romana
Germanicus' campaign against the Germanic coalition
Though the shock at the slaughter was enormous, the Romans immediately began a slow, systematic process of preparing for the reconquest of the country. In 14 CE, just after Augustus' death and the accession of his heir and stepson Tiberius, a massive raid was conducted by the new emperor's nephew Germanicus. He attacked the Marsi with the element of surprise. The Bructeri, Tubanti and Usipeti were roused by the attack and ambushed Germanicus on the way to his winter quarters, but were defeated with heavy losses.[40][41]
The next year was marked by two major campaigns and several smaller battles with a large army estimated at 55,000–70,000 men, backed by naval forces. In spring 15 CE, Legatus Caecina Severus invaded the Marsi a second time with about 25,000–30,000 men, causing great havoc. Meanwhile, Germanicus' troops had built a fort on Mount Taunus from where he marched with about 30,000–35,000 men against the Chatti. Many of the men fled across a river and dispersed themselves in the forests. Germanicus next marched on Mattium (caput gentis) and burned it to the ground.[42][43] After initial successful skirmishes in summer 15 CE, including the capture of Arminius' wife Thusnelda,[44] the army visited the site of the first battle. According to Tacitus, they found heaps of bleached bones and severed skulls nailed to trees, which they buried, "...looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood...". At a location Tacitus calls the pontes longi ("long causeways"), in boggy lowlands somewhere near the Ems, Arminius' troops attacked the Romans. Arminius initially caught Germanicus' cavalry in a trap, inflicting minor casualties, but the Roman infantry reinforced the rout and checked them. The fighting lasted for two days, with neither side achieving a decisive victory. Germanicus' forces withdrew and returned to the Rhine.[45][46][d]
Under Germanicus, the Romans marched another army, along with allied Germanic auxiliaries, into Germania in 16 CE. He forced a crossing of the Weser near modern Minden, suffering some losses to a Germanic skirmishing force, and forced Arminius' army to stand in open battle at Idistaviso in the Battle of the Weser River. Germanicus' legions inflicted huge casualties on the Germanic armies while sustaining only minor losses. A final battle was fought at the Angrivarian Wall west of modern Hanover, repeating the pattern of high Germanic fatalities, which forced them to flee beyond the Elbe.[49][50] Germanicus, having defeated the forces between the Rhine and the Elbe, then ordered Caius Silius to march against the Chatti with a mixed force of three thousand cavalry and thirty thousand infantry and lay waste to their territory, while Germanicus, with a larger army, invaded the Marsi for the third time and devastated their land, encountering no resistance.[51]
With his main objectives reached and winter approaching, Germanicus ordered his army back to their winter camps, with the fleet incurring some damage from a storm in the North Sea.[52] After a few more raids across the Rhine, which resulted in the recovery of two of the three legions' eagles lost in 9 CE,[53] Tiberius ordered the Roman forces to halt and withdraw across the Rhine. Germanicus was recalled to Rome and informed by Tiberius that he would be given a triumph and reassigned to a new command.[54][55][56]
Military action in 14 CE
Campaigns in 15 CE
Operations in 16 CE
Germanicus' campaign had been taken to avenge the Teutoburg slaughter and also partially in reaction to indications of mutinous intent amongst his troops. Arminius, who had been considered a very real threat to stability by Rome, was now defeated. Once his Germanic coalition had been broken and honour avenged, the huge cost and risk of keeping the Roman army operating beyond the Rhine was not worth any likely benefit to be gained.[27] Tacitus, with some bitterness, claims that Tiberius' decision to recall Germanicus was driven by his jealousy of the glory Germanicus had acquired, and that an additional campaign the next summer would have concluded the war and facilitated a Roman occupation of territories between the Rhine and the Elbe.[57][58]
Later campaigns
The third legionary standard was recovered in 41 CE by Publius Gabinius from the Chauci during the reign of Claudius, brother of Germanicus.[59] Possibly the recovered aquilae were placed within the Temple of Mars Ultor ("Mars the Avenger"), the ruins of which stand today in the Forum of Augustus by the Via dei Fori Imperiali in Rome.
The last chapter was recounted by the historian Tacitus. Around 50 CE, bands of Chatti invaded Roman territory in Germania Superior, possibly an area in Hesse east of the Rhine that the Romans appear to have still held, and began to plunder. The Roman commander, Publius Pomponius Secundus, and a legionary force supported by Roman cavalry recruited auxiliaries from the Vangiones and Nemetes. They attacked the Chatti from both sides and defeated them, and joyfully found and liberated Roman prisoners, including some from Varus' legions who had been held for 40 years.[60]
Impacto en la expansión romana
From the time of the rediscovery of Roman sources in the 15th century, the Battles of the Teutoburg Forest have been seen as a pivotal event resulting in the end of Roman expansion into northern Europe. This theory became prevalent in the 19th century, and formed an integral part of the mythology of German nationalism.
More recently some scholars questioned this interpretation, advancing a number of reasons why the Rhine was a practical boundary for the Roman Empire, and more suitable than any other river in Germania.[61] Logistically, armies on the Rhine could be supplied from the Mediterranean via the Rhône, Saône and Mosel, with a brief stretch of portage. Armies on the Elbe, on the other hand, would have to have been supplied either by extensive overland routes or ships travelling the hazardous Atlantic seas. Economically, the Rhine was already supporting towns and sizeable villages at the time of the Gallic conquest. Northern Germania was far less developed, possessed fewer villages, and had little food surplus and thus a far lesser capacity for tribute. Thus the Rhine was both significantly more accessible from Rome and better suited to supply sizeable garrisons than the regions beyond. There were also practical reasons to fall back from the limits of Augustus' expansionism in this region. The Romans were mostly interested in conquering areas that had a high degree of self-sufficiency which could provide a tax base for them to extract from. Most of Germania Magna did not have the higher level of urbanism at this time as in comparison with some Celtic Gallic settlements, which were in many ways already integrated into the Roman trade network in the case of southern Gaul. In a cost/benefit analysis, the prestige to be gained by conquering more territory was outweighed by the lack of financial benefits accorded to conquest.[62][63]
The Teutoburg Forest myth is noteworthy in 19th century Germanic interpretations as to why the "march of the Roman Empire" was halted, but in reality Roman punitive campaigns into Germania continued and they were intended less for conquest or expansion than they were to force the Germanic alliance into some kind of political structure that would be compliant with Roman diplomatic efforts.[64] The most famous of those incursions, led by the Roman emperor Maximinus Thrax, resulted in a Roman victory in 235 CE at the Battle at the Harzhorn Hill, which is located in the modern German state of Lower Saxony, east of the Weser river, between the towns of Kalefeld and Bad Gandersheim.[65] After the Marcomannic Wars, the Romans even managed to occupy the provinces of Marcomannia and Sarmatia, corresponding to modern Czech Republic, Slovakia and Bavaria/Austria/Hungary north of Danube. Final plans to annex those territories were discarded by Commodus deeming the occupation of the region too expensive for the imperial treasury.[66][67][68]
After Arminius was defeated and dead, having been murdered in 21 CE by opponents within his own tribe, Rome tried to control Germania beyond the Limes indirectly, by appointing client kings. Italicus, a nephew of Arminius, was appointed king of the Cherusci, Vangio and Sido became vassal princes of the powerful Suebi,[69][70] and the Quadian client king Vannius was imposed as a ruler of the Marcomanni.[71][72] Between 91 and 92 during the reign of emperor Domitian, the Romans sent a military detachment to assist their client Lugii against the Suebi in what is now Poland.[73]
Roman controlled territory was limited to the modern states of Austria, Baden-Württemberg, southern Bavaria, southern Hesse, Saarland and the Rhineland as Roman provinces of Noricum,[74] Raetia[75] and Germania.[76] The Roman provinces in western Germany, Germania Inferior (with the capital situated at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, modern Cologne) and Germania Superior (with its capital at Mogontiacum, modern Mainz), were formally established in 85 CE, after a long period of military occupation beginning in the reign of the emperor Augustus.[77] Nonetheless, the Severan-era historian Cassius Dio is emphatic that Varus had been conducting the latter stages of full colonization of a greater German province,[78] which has been partially confirmed by recent archaeological discoveries such as the Varian-era Roman provincial settlement at Waldgirmes Forum.
Sitio de la batalla
The theories about the location of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest have emerged in large numbers especially since the beginning of the 16th century, when the Tacitus works Germania and Annales were rediscovered. The assumptions about the possible place of the battle are based essentially on place names and river names, as well as on the description of the topography by the ancient writers, on investigations of the prehistoric road network, and on archaeological finds. Only a few assumptions are scientifically based theories.
The prehistorian and provincial archaeologist Harald Petrikovits combined the several hundred theories in 1966 into four units:[80]
- according to the northern theory on the northern edge of the Wiehen Hills and Weser Hills
- according to Lippe theory in the eastern half of the Teutoburg Forest or between this and the Weser river
- according to the Münsterland theory south of the Teutoburg Forest near Beckum or just to the east of it and
- according to the southern theory in the hill country southeast of the Westphalian Lowland.
For almost 2,000 years, the site of the battle was unidentified. The main clue to its location was an allusion to the saltus Teutoburgiensis in section i.60–62 of Tacitus' Annals, an area "not far" from the land between the upper reaches of the Lippe and Ems rivers in central Westphalia. During the 19th century, theories as to the site abounded, and the followers of one theory successfully argued for a long wooded ridge called the Osning, near Bielefeld. This was then renamed the Teutoburg Forest.[81]
Late 20th-century research and excavations were sparked by finds by a British amateur archaeologist, Major Tony Clunn, who was casually prospecting at Kalkriese Hill, 52°26′29″N 8°08′26″E / 52.44139°N 8.14056°E / 52.44139; 8.14056) with a metal detector in the hope of finding "the odd Roman coin". He discovered coins from the reign of Augustus (and none later), and some ovoid leaden Roman sling bolts. Kalkriese is a village administratively part of the city of Bramsche, on the north slope fringes of the Wiehen, a ridge-like range of hills in Lower Saxony north of Osnabrück. This site, some 100 kilometres (62 mi) north west of Osning, was first suggested by the 19th-century historian Theodor Mommsen, renowned for his fundamental work on Roman history.
Initial systematic excavations were carried out by the archaeological team of the Kulturhistorisches Museum Osnabrück under the direction of Professor Wolfgang Schlüter from 1987. Once the dimensions of the project had become apparent, a foundation was created to organise future excavations and to build and operate a museum on the site, and to centralise publicity and documentation. Since 1990 the excavations have been directed by Susanne Wilbers-Rost.
Excavations have revealed battle debris along a corridor almost 24 kilometres (15 mi) from east to west and little more than 1.6 kilometres (1 mi) wide. A long zig-zagging wall of peat turves and packed sand had apparently been constructed beforehand: concentrations of battle debris in front of it and a dearth behind it testify to the Romans' inability to breach the Germans' strong defence. Human remains appear to corroborate Tacitus' account of the Roman legionaries' later burial.[82] Coins minted with the countermark VAR, distributed by Varus, also support the identification of the site. As a result, Kalkriese is now perceived to be an event of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest.
The de:Varusschlacht Museum und Park Kalkriese [83] includes a large outdoor area with trails leading to a re-creation of part of the earthen wall from the battle and other outdoor exhibits. An observation tower, which holds most of the indoor exhibits, allows visitors to get an overview of the battle site. A second building includes the ticket centre, museum store and a restaurant. The museum houses a large number of artefacts found at the site, including fragments of studded sandals legionaries lost, spearheads, and a Roman officer's ceremonial face-mask, which was originally silver-plated.
Alternative theories on the battle's location
Although the majority of evidence has the battle taking place east and north of Osnabrück and the end at Kalkriese Hill, some scholars and others still adhere to older theories. Moreover, there is controversy among Kalkriese adherents themselves as to the details.
The German historians Peter Kehne and Reinhard Wolters believe that the battle was probably in the Detmold area, and that Kalkriese is the site of one of the battles in 15 CE. This theory is, however, in contradiction to Tacitus' account.
A number of authors, including the archaeologists Susanne Wilbers-Rost and Günther Moosbauer, historian Ralf Jahn, and British author Adrian Murdoch (see below), believe that the Roman army approached Kalkriese from roughly due east, from Minden, North Rhine-Westphalia, not from south of the Wiehen Hills (i.e., from Detmold). This would have involved a march along the northern edge of the Wiehen Hills, and the army would have passed through flat, open country, devoid of the dense forests and ravines described by Cassius Dio. Historians such as Gustav-Adolf Lehmann and Boris Dreyer counter that Cassius Dio's description is too detailed and differentiated to be thus dismissed.
Tony Clunn (see below), the discoverer of the battlefield, and a "southern-approach" proponent, believes that the battered Roman army regrouped north of Ostercappeln, where Varus committed suicide, and that the remnants were finally overcome at the Kalkriese Gap.
Peter Oppitz argues for a site in Paderborn, some 120 kilometres (75 mi) south of Kalkriese. Based on a reinterpretation of the writings of Tacitus, Paterculus, and Florus and a new analysis of those of Cassius Dio, he proposes that an ambush took place in Varus's summer camp during a peaceful meeting between the Roman commanders and the Germans.[84]
En la cultura popular
- In the 1792 historical novel Marcus Flaminius by Cornelia Knight, the main character is a survivor of the battle.[85]
- Die Hermannsschlacht is an 1808 drama by Heinrich von Kleist based on the events of the battle.
- The battle and its aftermath feature in both the novel by Robert Graves and television series I, Claudius. In the novel and TV series, Cassius Chaerea (the praetorian guardsman who later murdered the mad Emperor Caligula) is portrayed as one of the few Roman survivors. The Emperor Augustus is shown as being devastated by the shocking defeat, shouting "Varus, give me back my legions!"; in the television adaptation, this is modified to "Quinctilus Varus, where are my Eagles?!"
- Die Sendung mit der Maus, a re-enactment for children's television using Playmobil toys to represent the Roman legions.[86]
- Give Me Back My Legions! is a 2009 historical novel by Harry Turtledove. It covers the events of Teutoburg Forest from the viewpoints of different major characters.
- German folk metal Heilung included the poem "Schlammschlacht", which describes the battle from a Cherusci point of view, on their 2015 album Ofnir.
- Wolves of Rome is a 2016 historical novel by Valerio Massimo Manfredi. First published in Italian in 2016 as “Teutoburgo”, republished in English in 2018. It is a fictional recount of the life of Armin (Hermann) and the events of Teutoburg Forest.
- The intro to the 2019 music video 'Deutschland', by German metal band Rammstein, depicts the band members as soldiers during this battle. [87]
- Barbarians, a German original series detailing the Roman Imperial campaign through Germania in 9 CE, premiered on Netflix in October 2020.[88]
Nacionalismo germánico
The legacy of the Germanic victory was resurrected with the recovery of the histories of Tacitus in the 15th century, when the figure of Arminius, now known as "Hermann" (a mistranslation of the name "Armin" which has often been incorrectly attributed to Martin Luther), became a nationalistic symbol of Pan-Germanism. From then, Teutoburg Forest has been seen as a pivotal clash that ended Roman expansion into northern Europe. This notion became especially prevalent in the 19th century, when it formed an integral part of the mythology of German nationalism.
In 1808 the German Heinrich von Kleist's play Die Hermannsschlacht aroused anti-Napoleonic sentiment, even though it could not be performed under occupation. In 1847, Josef Viktor von Scheffel wrote a lengthy song, "Als die Römer frech geworden" ("When the Romans got cheeky"), relating the tale of the battle with somewhat gloating humour. Copies of the text are found on many souvenirs available at the Detmold monument.
The battle had a profound effect on 19th century German nationalism along with the histories of Tacitus; the Germans, at that time still divided into many states, identified with the Germanic peoples as shared ancestors of one "German people" and came to associate the imperialistic Napoleonic French and Austro-Hungarian forces with the invading Romans, destined for defeat.
As a symbol of unified Romantic nationalism, the Hermannsdenkmal, a monument to Hermann surmounted by a statue, was erected in a forested area near Detmold, believed at that time to be the site of the battle. Paid for largely out of private funds, the monument remained unfinished for decades and was not completed until 1875, after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71 unified the country. The completed monument was then a symbol of conservative German nationalism. The battle and the Hermannsdenkmal monument are commemorated by the similar Hermann Heights Monument in New Ulm, Minnesota, US, erected by the Sons of Hermanni, a support organisation for German immigrants to the United States. Hermann, Missouri, US, claims Hermann (Arminius) as its namesake and a third statue of Hermann was dedicated there in a ceremony on 24 September 2009, celebrating the 2,000th anniversary of Teutoburg Forest.
In Germany, where since the end of World War II there has been a strong aversion to nationalistic celebration of the past, such tones have disappeared from German textbooks.[28] Commemoration of the battle's 2,000th anniversary in 2009 was muted.[28] According to Der Spiegel, "The old nationalism has been replaced by an easy-going patriotism that mainly manifests itself at sporting events like the soccer World Cup."[28]
Paintings of the 19th century
Grab des Arminius (Grave of Arminius), Caspar David Friedrich, 1812
Hermannsschlacht, drawing by Crown prince Frederick William IV of Prussia, 1813
Hermann zersprengt die Ketten von Germania (Hermann breaks the chains of Germania), Karl Russ, circa 1818
Der siegreich vordringende Hermann (The victorious advance of Hermann), Peter Janssen, 1873
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest - Furor Teutonicus, Paja Jovanović, 1889
Unfortunate campaign of Germanicus, unknown artist, circa 1900
Fuentes
Ancient sources
The following is a list of all known references to the battle from the literary sources of classical antiquity. Though the account provided in the Roman History is the most detailed of these, Dio Cassius' almost two-century removal from the event and his use of detail mentioned by no earlier author render it much more likely to be a literary re-imagining than a reliable historical record.[citation needed]
- Ovid, Tristia (Sorrows), poetic verses written in 10 and 11 CE
- Marcus Manilius, Astronomica, a poem written early in the 1st century CE
- Strabo, Geographia 7:1.4, geographically themed history, written around 18 CE
- Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2:117–120, written in 30 CE
- Tacitus, Annals 1.3, 1.10, 1.43, 1.55–71, 2.7, 2.41, 2.45, 2.88, a history written in 109 CE
- Suetonius, Lives of the Twelve Caesars: Augustus 23, Tiberius 17–18, biographies written in 121 CE
- Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum omnium annorum DCC Libri duo 2:30, history/panegyric, written in the early 2nd century CE
- Dio Cassius, Roman History 56:18–24, written in the first half of the 3rd century CE
- Seneca the Younger, "Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium," referenced in Letter 47, Section 10
20th century
- Gesa von Essen, Hermannsschlachten. Germanen- und Römerbilder in der Literatur des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts. Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen 1998, ISBN 3-89244-312-2 (in German) (Hermann Battles. Images of Teutons and Romans in the literature of the 18th and 19th centuries.)
- Wolfgang Schlüter (Ed.), Römer im Osnabrücker Land. Die archäologischen Untersuchungen in der Kalkrieser-Niewedder Senke. Rasch, Bramsche 1991, ISBN 3-922469-57-4 (in German) (Romans in the Osnabrück District. The archaeological excavations in the Kalkriese-Niewedde depression.)
- Edward Shepherd Creasy, Germans under Arminius Revolt Against Rome in The Great Events by Famous Historians, Vol. 2, compilation of historical essays published in 1905
21st century
- Ancient Warfare special "The Varian Disaster", June 2009 (essays by various authors, including Clunn and Murdoch)
- Fergus M. Bordewich, "The ambush that changed history" in Smithsonian Magazine, September 2005, pp. 74–81.
- Wilm Brepohl, Neue Überlegungen zur Varusschlacht. Aschendorff, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-402-03502-2 (in German) (Reconsidering the Varus Battle.)
- Cawthorne, Nigel (July 24, 2012). Battles That Changed History: An Encyclopedia of World Conflict. Arcturus Publishing. ISBN 978-1848589544. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- Tony Clunn, The Quest for the Lost Roman Legions, Savas Beatie LLC, 2005, 372 pp. ISBN 978-1-932714-70-8. The late author discovered the battlefield. This book is a combination of the account of his discovery, the artifacts he found, and his theory about the course of the battle, with that portion recounted in fictional style built around the history.
- Creasy, E. S. (1 September 2007). The Fifteen Decisive Battles from Marathon to Waterloo. Wildside Press LLC. ISBN 978-1434484420. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- Davis, Paul K. (1999). 100 Decisive Battles: From Ancient Times to the Present. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195143663. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- Boris Dreyer, Arminius und der Untergang des Varus. Warum die Germanen keine Römer wurden. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2009, ISBN 978-3-608-94510-2 (in German) (Arminius and the downfall of Varus. Why the Teutons did not become Romans.)
- Durschmied, Erik (April 13, 2013). The Weather Factor: How Nature Has Changed History. Hachette UK. ISBN 978-1444769654. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- Adrian Goldsworthy, In The Name of Rome: The Men Who Won The Roman Empire. Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 2004.
- Joachim Harnecker, Arminius, Varus und das Schlachtfeld von Kalkriese. Eine Einführung in die archäologischen Arbeiten und ihre Ergebnisse. 2nd ed. Rasch, Bramsche 2002 ISBN 3-934005-40-3 (in German) (Arminius, Varus and the battlefield of Kalkriese. An introduction to the archaeological work and its results.)
- Ralf Günter Jahn, Der Römisch-Germanische Krieg (9–16 n. Chr.). Dissertation, Bonn 2001 (in German) (The Roman-Germanic war (9–16 CE).)
- Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn, "Auf dem Marsch in die Germania Magna. Roms Krieg gegen die Germanen". In: Martin Müller, Hans-Joahim Schalles und Norbert Zieling (Eds.), Colonia Ulpia Traiana. Xanten und sein Umland in römischer Zeit. Zabern, Mainz 2008, ISBN 978-3-8053-3953-7, S. 67–91. (in German) ("On the march into Germania Magna. Rome's war against the Germanic tribes".)
- Fabian Link, Die Zeitdetektive. Die Falle im Teutoburger Wald: Ein Krimi aus der Römerzeit. Ravensburger, 2010, ISBN 978-3-473-34535-9. (in German) (The time detectives. The events in the Teutoburg Forest: a crime story of Roman times.) (youth fiction)
- Ralf-Peter Märtin, Die Varusschlacht. Rom und die Germanen. S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-10-050612-2 (in German) (The Varus Battle. Rome and the Germanic tribes.)
- Günther Moosbauer, Die Varusschlacht. Beck'sche Reihe, Verlag C. H. Beck Wissen, München 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-56257-0 (in German) (The Varus Battle.)
- Murdoch, Adrian (1 December 2012). Rome's Greatest Defeat: Massacre in the Teutoburg Forest. The History Press. ISBN 978-0752494555. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- Paweł Rochala, Las Teutoburski 9 rok n.e. (in Polish) Bellona, Warszawa, 2005.
- Michael Sommer, Die Arminiusschlacht. Spurensuche im Teutoburger Wald. Stuttgart 2009 (in German) (The Arminius Battle. Search for traces in the Teutoburg Forest.)
- Dieter Timpe, Römisch-germanische Begegnung in der späten Republik und frühen Kaiserzeit. Voraussetzungen – Konfrontationen – Wirkungen. Gesammelte Studien. Saur, München & Leipzig, 2006, ISBN 3-598-77845-7 (in German) (Roman-Germanic encounter in the late Republic and early Empire. Conditions – Confrontations – Effects. Collected Studies.)
- Tucker, Spencer (2010). Battles That Changed History: An Encyclopedia of World Conflict. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1598844290. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- Peter S. Wells, The Battle That Stopped Rome: Emperor Augustus, Arminius, and the Slaughter of the Legions in the Teutoburg Forest, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, NY 2003, ISBN 0-393-02028-2 Strong on archaeology; "Florus"-based theory.
- Peter Oppitz, Das Geheimnis der Varusschlacht. Zadara-Verlag, 2006, ISBN 3-00-019973-X (in German) (The mystery of the Varus Battle.) Paderborn would have been the site of the battle.
- Powell, Lindsay (2014). Roman Soldier versus Germanic Warrior 1st Century AD. Oxford: Osprey. ISBN 978-1-4728-0349-8.
- Vance, Norman (2015). "The Novel". In Vance, Norman; Wallace, Jennifer (eds.). The Oxford History of Classical Reception in English Literature (Volume 4: 1790-1880). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199594603.
- Rainer Wiegels (ed.), Die Varusschlacht. Wendepunkt der Geschichte? Theiss, Stuttgart 2007, ISBN 978-3-8062-1760-5 (in German) (The Varus Battle. Turning point of history?)
- Reinhard Wolters, Die Römer in Germanien. 5th ed. Verlag C.H. Beck, München 2006, ISBN 3-406-44736-8 (in German) (The Romans in Germania.)
- Reinhard Wolters, Die Schlacht im Teutoburger Wald. Arminius, Varus und das römische Germanien. München 2008, ISBN 978-3-406-57674-4 (in German) (The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman Germania.)
Ver también
- Clades Lolliana
- Chiefdom
- Sibb
- List of ancient Germanic peoples
- Germans
- Demise of Legio XXII Deiotariana
- Battle of Cannae
- Battle of Carrhae
Notas
- ^ Velleius Paterculus also reports that in the years 1–4 CE, there was unrest in Germania.[12]
- ^ Tacitus wrote that the Chatti were hostile, and subjugated the Cherusci, but were themselves "pacified" between 4 and 6 CE.[13]
- ^ Following their defeat at the hands of Drusus I in 9 BCE, the Marcomanni had fled into the territory of the Boii, from which they formed an alliance with the Hermunduri, Quadi, Semnones, Lugians, Zumi, Butones, Mugilones, Sibini and Langobards.[18]
- ^ Tacitus claims that the Romans won the battle at pontes longi;[47] however, modern sources say the battle was inconclusive.[48]
Referencias
- ^ "Marcus Caelius". www.livius.org. September 2010. Archived from the original on 2010-03-08.
- ^ Powell 2014, p. 35.
- ^ a b Powell 2014, p. 28.
- ^ Wells, Peter S. The Battle that stopped Rome. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2003, p. 187 ISBN 0-393-32643-8
- ^ Kevin Sweeney, Scholars look at factors surrounding Hermann’s victory Archived July 14, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. www.nujournal.com
- ^ Tacitus, Book 12, 27–31: Text in Latin and English at Sacred Texts
- ^ Germania, UNRV History
- ^ Tacitus Annals, II.9
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, XI.16
- ^ Velleius 2,118.
- ^ a b "Segimerus in Ancient Library". Ancient Library. September 2010. Archived from the original on 2010-01-21. Retrieved 2010-09-13.
- ^ Velleius Paterculus 2, 104,2
- ^ Several examples by Max Ihm, s. v. "Cheruski", in: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (RE) III.2, Stuttgart 1899, cols. 2270–2272. (in German)
- ^ Velleius 2,195.
- ^ Velleius 2,109.
- ^ a b c d e f g h "Publius Quinctilius Varus (46 BCE – 9 CE)". www.livius.org. September 2010.
- ^ a b c "Legio XVII". www.livius.org. September 2010.[dead link]
- ^ Strabo 7, 1, 3; Velleius 2, 108, 2; 2, 109, 2f.; Tacitus, Annals, II.45
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, IV.66
- ^ Wilkes, J. J. The Illyrians, 1992, p. 216, ISBN 0-631-19807-5. "Further east the formidable Daesitiates of central Bosnia retained their name. The great rebellion of All 6 had been led by their chief Bato, and their relatively low total of 103 decuriae likely reflects..."
- ^ Wilkes, J. J. The Illyrians, 1992, p. 207, ISBN 0-631-19807-5. "The rising began among the Daesitiates of central Bosnia under their leader Bato but they were soon joined by the Breuci. The four-year war which lasted..."
- ^ The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 10: The Augustan Empire, 43 BC-AD 69 (Volume 10) by Alan Bowman, Edward Champlin, and Andrew Lintott,1996,page 176: "... Daesitiates was soon matched by rebellion of the Breuci in Pannonia, headed by Pinnes and another Bato. ..."
- ^ a b Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History 2, 109, 5; Cassius Dio, Roman History 55, 28, 6–7
- ^ a b c "Legio V Alaudae". www.livius.org. September 2010.
- ^ Velleius 2,105.
- ^ a b "Drusus in Ancient Library". Ancient Library. September 2010. Archived from the original on 2012-10-12. Retrieved 2010-09-13.
- ^ a b c d e "The Ambush That Changed History". Fergus M. Bordewich, Smithsonian Magazine. September 2005. Retrieved 2008-10-17.
- ^ a b c d Crossland, David (August 28, 2009). "Battle of the Teutoburg Forest: Germany Recalls Myth That Created the Nation". Spiegel Online International. Der Spiegel. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
- ^ "Germans under Arminius Revolt Against Rome". Edward Shepherd Creasy, The Great Events by Famous Historians, Vol. 2. 1905.
- ^ Creasy, Edward Shepherd (1848). "The Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature, Science, and Art". Leavitt, Trow, & Company: 230. Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help) - ^ Tacitus, Annals, I.71
- ^ Spilsbury, Julian (2010). Great Military Disasters. UK: Quercus. ISBN 978-1-84866-039-7.
- ^ Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History, II. 119.
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, I.61
- ^ The Fort the Romans Held Archived 2016-11-30 at the Wayback Machine, published on 2009/05/10.
- ^ Syme, pg. 60
- ^ Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History II, 120, 4; Cassius Dio, Roman History LVI, 22, 2a-2b
- ^ Watson, G. R. (1969). The Roman Soldier. Thames and Hudson. p. 121.
- ^ Velleius 2,119,5.
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, I.50
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, I.51
- ^ Matthew Bunson: A Dictionary of the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press US 1995, ISBN 0-19-510233-9, p. 83
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, I.56
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, I.57
- ^ Smith 1880, p. 259
- ^ Wells 2003, pp. 204–205
- ^ Tacitus, I.63
- ^ Wells 2003, p. 206 ; Smith 1880, p. 259
- ^ Tacitus, The Annals 2.19
- ^ Tacitus, The Annals 2.22
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, II.25
- ^ Tacitus, The Annals 2.24
- ^ One Legion Eagle was recovered from the Marsi in 14 CE; the Legion XIX Eagle was recovered from the Bructeri in 15 CE by troops under Lucius Stertinius: The Works of Tacitus, Volume 1, The Annals, London: Bohn, 1854, Book 1, chapter 60, p. 42; Book 2, chapter 25, p. 69.
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, II.26
- ^ An image of a coin of Germanicus with a recovered standard can be seen at https://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xvii.html
- ^ Tacitus: [1] Annals: Book 2 {Chapter 32}
- ^ Tacitus, Annals II.26
- ^ Bowman, Champlin & Lintott 1996, p. 209
- ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History Book LX, Chapter 8
- ^ Tacitus, Annals, XII.27
- ^ Heather, Peter (2006). The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians.
- ^ Goodman, Martin (1997). The Roman World, 44 BC – AD 180. London: Routledge.
- ^ P. J., Heather (2010). Empires and Barbarians: The Fall of Rome and the Birth of Europe. New York: Oxford UP.
- ^ Anderson, Benedict (1991). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.
- ^ Historia Augusta, The Two Maximini 12:1–4; Herodian, Roman History, Book 7:2:3
- ^ Birley, 183
- ^ Historia Augusta, Marcus Aurelius, 24.5
- ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History, LXXIII, 3.
- ^ Tacitus, Book 12, 27–31: Text in Latin and English at Sacred Texts
- ^ Germania, UNRV History
- ^ Tacitus. The Annals.12.29
- ^ Tacitus. The Annals.12.30
- ^ Cassius Dio, "LXVII", Roman History
- ^ Sutter Fichtner, Paula (2009). Historical Dictionary of Austria. 70 (2 ed.). Scarecrow Press. p. xlviii. ISBN 9780810863101.
When the Romans began to appear in the region, shortly before the beginning of the Christian era, they turned Noricum into an administrative province, which encompassed much of what today is Austria.
- ^ "Ancient Germans. Their history". The Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay. 10: 647. 1917.
[...] Raetia (modern Bavaria and the adjoining country) [...].
- ^ Ramirez-Faria, Carlos (2007). "Germany". Concise Encyclopedia Of World History. Atlantic Publishers. p. 267. ISBN 9788126907755.
Provinces of Germany[:] Germania was the name of two Roman provinces on the left bank of the Rhine, but also the general Roman designation for the lands east of the Rhine.
- ^ Rüger, C. (2004) [1996]. "Germany". In Alan K. Bowman; Edward Champlin; Andrew Lintott (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History: X, The Augustan Empire, 43 B.C. – A.D. 69. 10 (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 527–28. ISBN 0-521-26430-8.
- ^ Cassius Dio 56.18
- ^ Wolfgang Schlüter: Zwischen Lutherdamm und Oberesch – Die Anfänge des Kalkriese-Projektes. In: Varus-Gesellschaft (Ed.): Varus-Kurier. Georgsmarienhütte, April 2002. pp. 7 ff. (in German)
- ^ Harald von Petrikovits: Arminius. In: Rheinisches Landesmuseum (Hrsg.): Bonner Jahrbücher 166. Bonn, 1966, S. 175 ff
- ^ Archaeologia Polona. Polska Akademia Nauk. 1998. p. 244. Retrieved 18 November 2012.
At the time, the location of the battle, the Cheruscan tribal seat, even Arminius' real name were unknown. The Teutoburg Forest, called the Osning Forest throughout the Middle Ages, was renamed after Tacitus' account
- ^ Smithsonian, p. 81; Tacitus, Annals 1.60.
- ^ Varusschlacht Museum und Park Kalkriese (in German) Retrieved 18 January 2021.
- ^ Das Geheimnis der Varusschlacht, Kelkheim, Germany: Zagara-Verlag, 2006 (in German)
- ^ Vance 2015, p. 285.
- ^ "Sendung mit der Maus spielt Varusschlacht nach" Rheinische Post, official website. (June 23, 2005) Retrieved November 2, 2010 (in German)
- ^ Rammstein. "Deutschland".
- ^ Robinson, Jacob. "German Historical-Drama 'Barbarians' Coming to Netflix in October 2020". What's on Netflix. Netflix. Retrieved 15 October 2020.
enlaces externos
- Fergus M. Bordewich: "The Ambush That Changed History" Smithsonian Magazine, September 2005
- Official site of the Kalkriese foundation
- Jona Lendering, The Battle in the Teutoburg Forest at livius.org
- Arminius / Varus. Die Varusschlacht im Jahre 9 n. Chr., Internet-Portal Westfälische Geschichte, LWL – Institut für westfälische Regionalgeschichte, Münster (in German)
- Student project site by Universität Osnabrück (in German)
- Varusbattle in Netherland (in German)
Coordinates: 52°24′29″N 8°07′46″E / 52.40806°N 8.12944°E / 52.40806; 8.12944