El socialismo democrático es una filosofía política que apoya la democracia política dentro de una economía de propiedad social , [1] con un énfasis particular en la democracia económica , la democracia en el lugar de trabajo y la autogestión de los trabajadores [2] dentro de una economía socialista de mercado o alguna forma de socialista planificado descentralizado economía . [3] Los socialistas democráticos argumentan que el capitalismo es intrínsecamente incompatible con los valores de libertad , igualdad y solidaridad.y que estos ideales solo pueden lograrse mediante la realización de una sociedad socialista. [4] Aunque la mayoría de los socialistas democráticos buscan una transición gradual al socialismo , [5] el socialismo democrático puede apoyar la política revolucionaria o reformista como medio para establecer el socialismo. [6] Como término, el socialismo democrático fue popularizado por los socialdemócratas y otros socialistas que se oponían al desarrollo socialista autoritario en la Unión Soviética y en otros lugares durante el siglo XX. [7]
Los orígenes del socialismo democrático se remontan a los pensadores socialistas utópicos del siglo XIX y al movimiento cartista británico , que en cierto modo diferían en sus objetivos, pero que compartían la esencia de la toma de decisiones democráticas y la propiedad pública de los medios de producción como características positivas de la sociedad en la que participaron defendido. [8] A finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX, el socialismo democrático también fue influenciado por la socialdemocracia. El gradualista forma de socialismo promovido por los británicos Fabian Society y Eduard Bernstein 's socialismo evolutivo en Alemania influyó en el desarrollo del socialismo democrático. [9] El socialismo democrático es lo que la mayoría de los socialistas entienden por el concepto de socialismo. [10] Puede ser un concepto muy amplio o más limitado, [11] refiriéndose a todas las formas de socialismo que son democráticas y rechazan un estado marxista-leninista autoritario . [12] El socialismo democrático es una etiqueta amplia y un movimiento que incluye formas de socialismo libertario , [13] socialismo de mercado , [14] socialismo reformista [4] y socialismo revolucionario [15] , así como socialismo ético , [16] socialismo liberal , [17] socialdemocracia [18] y algunas formas de socialismo de Estado [19] y socialismo utópico . [8]
El socialismo democrático se contrasta con el marxismo-leninismo que los socialistas democráticos perciben como autoritario o antidemocrático en la práctica. [20] Los socialistas demócratas se oponen al sistema político estalinista y al sistema económico de tipo soviético , rechazando la forma de gobierno autoritaria percibida y el sistema de mando administrativo centralizado que se formó en la Unión Soviética y otros estados marxista-leninistas durante el siglo XX. [21] El socialismo democrático también se distingue de la socialdemocracia de la Tercera Vía [22] sobre la base de que los socialistas democráticos están comprometidos con la transformación sistémica de la economía del capitalismo al socialismo, mientras que los partidarios socialdemócratas de la Tercera Vía estaban más preocupados por desafiar el Nuevo Derecho a recuperar el poder de la socialdemocracia. [23] Esto ha dado lugar a que tanto los analistas como los críticos socialistas democráticos argumenten que, en efecto, respaldaba el capitalismo, incluso si se debía al reconocimiento de que el anticapitalismo franco en estas circunstancias era políticamente inviable, o que no solo era antisocialista y neoliberal , pero antisocialdemócrata en la práctica. [24] Algunos sostienen que esto fue el resultado de su tipo de reformismo que les llevó a administrar el sistema de acuerdo con la lógica capitalista [25], mientras que otros lo vieron como una forma liberal y moderna de socialismo democrático que teóricamente encajaba dentro del socialismo de mercado, distinguiéndolo de socialismo democrático clásico, especialmente en el Reino Unido. [26]
Si bien tienen el socialismo como un objetivo a largo plazo, [27] algunos socialistas democráticos que siguen la socialdemocracia están más preocupados por frenar los excesos del capitalismo y apoyan las reformas progresistas para humanizarlo en la actualidad. [28] En contraste, otros socialistas democráticos creen que el intervencionismo económico y reformas políticas similares destinadas a abordar las desigualdades sociales y suprimir las contradicciones económicas del capitalismo solo exacerbarían las contradicciones, [29] haciendo que emerjan en otros lugares bajo una apariencia diferente. [30] Esos socialistas democráticos creen que los problemas fundamentales con el capitalismo son de naturaleza sistémica y sólo pueden resolverse mediante la sustitución del modo de producción capitalista con el modo de producción socialista , es decir, sustituir la propiedad privada con la propiedad colectiva de los medios de producción y que se extiende democracia a la esfera económica en forma de democracia industrial . [31] La principal crítica al socialismo democrático se refiere a la compatibilidad de la democracia y el socialismo. [32] Los académicos, comentaristas políticos y otros estudiosos tienden a distinguir entre el socialismo autoritario y el socialismo democrático como ideología política, donde el primero representa al bloque soviético y el segundo a los partidos socialistas democráticos en los países del bloque occidental que han sido elegidos democráticamente en países como Gran Bretaña, Francia y Suecia, entre otros. [33]
Descripción general
Definición
El socialismo democrático se define como una economía socialista en la que los medios de producción son propiedad o están controlados social y colectivamente , [2] junto con un sistema político democrático de gobierno. [34] Los socialistas demócratas rechazan la mayoría de los estados socialistas autodenominados y el marxismo-leninismo . [35] El político del Partido Laborista británico Peter Hain clasifica el socialismo democrático junto con el socialismo libertario como una forma de socialismo antiautoritario desde abajo (utilizando el concepto popularizado por el activista socialista estadounidense Hal Draper ) [36] en contraste con el socialismo autoritario y el socialismo de estado . [37] Para Hain, esta división autoritaria y democrática es más importante que la que existe entre reformistas y revolucionarios . [38] En el socialismo democrático, es la participación activa de la población en su conjunto y de los trabajadores en particular en la autogestión de la economía lo que caracteriza al socialismo [2] mientras que la planificación económica centralizada [39] coordinada por el Estado y la nacionalización hacen no representa el socialismo en sí mismo. [40] Nicos Poulantzas presenta un argumento similar y más complejo . [41] Para Draper, el socialismo revolucionario-democrático es un tipo de socialismo desde abajo, escribiendo en Las dos almas del socialismo que "el principal portavoz de la Segunda Internacional de un socialismo revolucionario-democrático-desde-abajo [...] fue Rosa Luxemburg , quien puso tan enfáticamente su fe y esperanza en la lucha espontánea de una clase trabajadora libre que los creadores de mitos le inventaron una ' teoría de la espontaneidad ' ". [42] De manera similar, escribió sobre Eugene V. Debs que" El 'socialismo de Debs' provocó una tremenda respuesta del corazón del pueblo, pero Debs no tuvo sucesor como tribuna del socialismo democrático revolucionario ". [43]
Algunos socialistas marxistas enfatizan la creencia de Karl Marx en la democracia [44] y se llaman a sí mismos socialistas democráticos. [8] El Partido Socialista de Gran Bretaña y el Movimiento Socialista Mundial definen el socialismo en su formulación clásica como un "sistema de sociedad basado en la propiedad común y el control democrático de los medios e instrumentos para producir y distribuir riqueza por y en interés de la comunidad." [45] Además, incluyen la falta de clases, la apatridia y la abolición del trabajo asalariado como características de una sociedad socialista, caracterizándola como una economía apátrida , sin propiedades , posmonetaria basada en el cálculo en especie , libre asociación de productores , democracia en el lugar de trabajo y libre acceso a bienes y servicios producidos únicamente para uso y no para intercambio . [46] Aunque estas características generalmente se reservan para describir una sociedad comunista, [47] esto es consistente con el uso de Marx, Friedrich Engels y otros, quienes se refirieron al comunismo y al socialismo indistintamente. [48]
Como definición socialista democrática, el politólogo Lyman Tower Sargent afirma:
El socialismo democrático se puede caracterizar de la siguiente manera:
- Gran parte de la propiedad en manos del público a través de un gobierno elegido democráticamente, incluidas la mayoría de las principales industrias, servicios públicos y sistemas de transporte.
- Un límite a la acumulación de propiedad privada
- Regulación gubernamental de la economía
- Amplios programas de asistencia y pensiones financiados con fondos públicos
- Los costos sociales y la prestación de servicios se suman a las consideraciones puramente financieras como medida de eficiencia.
La propiedad pública se limita a la propiedad productiva y la infraestructura significativa; no se extiende a la propiedad personal, hogares y pequeñas empresas. Y en la práctica, en muchos países socialistas democráticos, no se ha extendido a muchas grandes corporaciones. [49]
Otro ejemplo son los Socialistas Democráticos de América (DSA), con la organización que define el socialismo democrático como una economía de propiedad social descentralizada y rechazando centralizado , la planificación económica de tipo soviético , afirmando:
La propiedad social podría adoptar muchas formas, como las cooperativas de propiedad de los trabajadores o las empresas de propiedad pública administradas por representantes de los trabajadores y los consumidores. Los socialistas democráticos favorecen la mayor descentralización posible. Si bien las grandes concentraciones de capital en industrias como la energía y el acero pueden requerir alguna forma de propiedad estatal, muchas industrias de bienes de consumo podrían funcionar mejor como cooperativas. Los socialistas democráticos han rechazado durante mucho tiempo la creencia de que toda la economía debería planificarse de forma centralizada. Si bien creemos que la planificación democrática puede dar forma a importantes inversiones sociales como el transporte público, la vivienda y la energía, se necesitan mecanismos de mercado para determinar la demanda de muchos bienes de consumo. [50]
El DSA ha sido crítico de los estados socialistas describe a sí mismo, con el argumento de que "[j] UST porque sus élites burocráticas ellos llaman 'socialista' no hacerlo así, sino que también llaman 'democrático.' Sus regímenes" [51] Mientras que en última instancia se comprometieron para instituir el socialismo, DSA centra la mayor parte de sus actividades políticas en reformas dentro del capitalismo, argumentando: "Como es poco probable que veamos un fin inmediato al capitalismo mañana, DSA lucha hoy por reformas que debilitarán el poder de las corporaciones y aumentarán el poder de la gente trabajadora ". [52]
El político del Partido Laborista Peter Hain, que se identifica con el socialismo libertario, [53] da la siguiente definición:
El socialismo democrático debería significar un estado activo y democráticamente responsable para apuntalar la libertad individual y brindar las condiciones para que todos estén empoderados, independientemente de quiénes sean o de sus ingresos. Debería complementarse con la descentralización y el empoderamiento para lograr una mayor democracia y justicia social. [...] Hoy en día, la tarea del socialismo democrático es recuperar el terreno elevado sobre la democracia y la libertad mediante la máxima descentralización del control, la propiedad y la toma de decisiones. Porque el socialismo sólo puede lograrse si surge desde abajo por demanda popular. La tarea del gobierno socialista debería ser habilitadora, no impositiva. Su misión es dispersar más que concentrar el poder, con una noción pluralista de democracia en su corazón. [54]
Tony Benn , otro destacado político de izquierda del Partido Laborista, [55] describió el socialismo democrático como un socialismo que es "abierto, libertario, pluralista, humano y democrático; nada en común con las imágenes duras, centralizadas, dictatoriales y mecanicistas que son presentado a propósito por nuestros oponentes y un pequeño grupo de personas que controlan los medios de comunicación en Gran Bretaña ". [56]
El socialismo democrático a veces representa políticas dentro del capitalismo en oposición a una ideología que apunta a trascender y reemplazar al capitalismo, aunque no siempre es así. Robert M. Page, lector de Socialismo democrático y política social en la Universidad de Birmingham , escribió sobre el socialismo democrático transformador para referirse a la política del primer ministro del Partido Laborista , Clement Attlee y su gobierno ( redistribución fiscal , cierto grado de propiedad pública y Estado de bienestar fuerte ) y el socialismo democrático revisionista desarrollado por el político del Partido Laborista Anthony Crosland y el primer ministro del Partido Laborista, Harold Wilson , argumentando:
El pensador laborista revisionista más influyente, Anthony Crosland, sostuvo que desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial había surgido una forma más "benévola" de capitalismo. [...] Según Crosland, ahora era posible lograr una mayor igualdad en la sociedad sin la necesidad de una transformación económica "fundamental". Para Crosland, se podría lograr una forma más significativa de igualdad si el dividendo del crecimiento derivado de una gestión eficaz de la economía se invirtiera en servicios públicos "favorables a los pobres" en lugar de mediante la redistribución fiscal. [57]
La Internacional Socialista , de la que son miembros casi todos los partidos democráticos socialistas, laboristas y socialdemócratas, declara el objetivo del desarrollo del socialismo democrático. [58] Algunas tendencias del socialismo democrático abogan por la revolución social para la transición al socialismo , distinguiéndolo de algunas formas de socialdemocracia . [59] En la política soviética, el socialismo democrático es la versión del modelo de la Unión Soviética que se reformó de manera democrática. El líder soviético Mikhail Gorbachev describió la perestroika como la construcción de un "socialismo nuevo, humano y democrático". [60] En consecuencia, algunos antiguos partidos comunistas se han rebautizado como socialistas democráticos. [61] Esto incluye partidos como La Izquierda en Alemania, [62] un partido que sucedió al Partido del Socialismo Democrático que fue el sucesor legal del Partido de Unidad Socialista de Alemania . [63]
Superposición con la socialdemocracia
El socialismo democrático ha sido descrito como la forma de socialdemocracia anterior al desplazamiento del keynesianismo por el neoliberalismo y el monetarismo, lo que provocó que muchos partidos socialdemócratas adoptaran la ideología de la Tercera Vía , aceptando el capitalismo como el status quo actual y los poderes existentes , redefiniendo el socialismo en de una manera que mantuvo intacta la estructura capitalista. [24] La nueva versión de la Cláusula IV de la Constitución del Partido Laborista utiliza el socialismo democrático para describir una forma modernizada de socialdemocracia. [64] Si bien afirma un compromiso con el socialismo democrático, [65] ya no compromete definitivamente al partido con la propiedad pública de la industria y en su lugar defiende "la empresa del mercado y el rigor de la competencia" junto con "servicios públicos de alta calidad [...] ya sea propiedad del público o responsable ante ellos ". [65] Al igual que la socialdemocracia moderna, algunas formas de socialismo democrático siguen un camino gradual, reformista o evolutivo hacia el socialismo en lugar de uno revolucionario, [66] una tendencia que se refleja en la declaración del revisionista laborista Anthony Crosland , quien argumentó que el socialismo del mundo anterior a la guerra se estaba volviendo cada vez más irrelevante. [67] Esta tendencia se invoca en un intento de distinguir el socialismo democrático de marxista-leninista del socialismo como en Norman Thomas ' socialismo democrático: una nueva tasación , [68] Roy Hattersley ' s Elija Libertad: El Futuro del Socialismo Democrático , [69] Socialismo democrático en Gran Bretaña y Suecia de Malcolm Hamilton , [70] Socialismo democrático y política económica de Jim Tomlinson : Los años de Attlee, 1945-1951 [71] y Socialismo democrático: una encuesta global de Donald F. Busky . [72] Una variante de este conjunto de definiciones es el argumento de Joseph Schumpeter expuesto en Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942) [73] de que las democracias liberales estaban evolucionando del capitalismo liberal al socialismo democrático con el crecimiento de la democracia industrial , las instituciones reguladoras y autogestión . [74]
El socialismo democrático tiene cierto grado de superposiciones significativas en las posiciones políticas prácticas con la socialdemocracia, [75] aunque a menudo se distinguen entre sí. [76] Las políticas comúnmente apoyadas por socialistas democráticos son de naturaleza keynesiana , incluida una importante regulación económica junto con una economía mixta , amplios planes de seguro social , generosos programas públicos de pensiones y una expansión gradual de la propiedad pública sobre industrias estratégicas. [49] Políticas como la educación y la atención médica universal y gratuita se describen como "socialismo puro" porque se oponen al "hedonismo de la sociedad capitalista". [77] En parte debido a esta superposición, algunos comentaristas políticos ocasionalmente usan los términos indistintamente. [78] Una diferencia es que los socialdemócratas modernos tienden a rechazar los medios revolucionarios aceptados por los socialistas más radicales . [79] Otra diferencia es que algunos socialistas democráticos y socialdemócratas se preocupan principalmente por las reformas prácticas dentro del capitalismo, con el socialismo relegado a un futuro indefinido. [80] Otros quieren ir más allá de las meras reformas melioristas y abogan por una transformación sistémica del modo de producción del capitalismo al socialismo . [81]
Mientras que la Tercera Vía ha sido descrita como una nueva socialdemocracia [82] o neo-socialdemocracia [83] que representa una socialdemocracia modernizada [84] y un socialismo competitivo, [85] la forma de socialdemocracia que se mantuvo comprometida con la La abolición del capitalismo, así como los socialdemócratas opuestos a la Tercera Vía, se fusionaron en el socialismo democrático. [86] Durante finales del siglo XX y principios del siglo XXI, estas etiquetas fueron aceptadas, impugnadas y rechazadas debido al desarrollo dentro de la izquierda europea del eurocomunismo entre las décadas de 1970 y 1980, [87] el surgimiento del neoliberalismo a mediados y finales 1970, [88] la caída de la Unión Soviética en diciembre de 1991 y de los gobiernos marxista-leninistas entre 1989 y 1992, [89] el ascenso y caída de la Tercera Vía [24] entre los años 1970 [90] y 2010 [91] y el aumento simultáneo de los movimientos anti-austeridad , [92] verde , [93] populista de izquierda [94] y Occupy [95] a fines de la década de 2000 y principios de la de 2010 debido a la crisis financiera mundial de 2007-2008 y la Gran Recesión , [96] cuyas causas se han atribuido ampliamente al cambio neoliberal [97] y las políticas económicas de desregulación . [98] Este último desarrollo contribuyó al surgimiento de políticos que representan un retorno a la socialdemocracia consensuada de la posguerra como Jeremy Corbyn en el Reino Unido y Bernie Sanders en los Estados Unidos, [99] quien asumió la etiqueta socialista democrática de describen su rechazo a los políticos centristas que apoyaban la triangulación dentro de los partidos Laborista y Demócrata , como con el Nuevo Laborismo y los Nuevos Demócratas , respectivamente. [100]
Dado que la socialdemocracia se originó como un movimiento socialista o comunista revolucionario , [101] una distinción hecha para separar las versiones modernas del socialismo democrático y la socialdemocracia es que la primera puede incluir medios revolucionarios [102] mientras que la segunda afirma que la única forma constitucional aceptable de gobierno es la democracia representativa bajo el imperio de la ley . [103] Muchos socialdemócratas "se refieren a sí mismos como socialistas o socialistas democráticos" y algunos "usan o han usado estos términos indistintamente". [104] Otros argumentan que "existen claras diferencias entre los tres términos, y prefirieron describir sus propias creencias políticas utilizando únicamente el término 'socialdemocracia'". [105] La socialdemocracia es la forma evolutiva del socialismo democrático que tiene como objetivo lograr el socialismo de manera gradual y pacífica a través de procesos políticos establecidos como el parlamento. [106] En las ciencias políticas, el socialismo democrático y la socialdemocracia se consideran en gran medida sinónimos y superpuestos o no mutuamente excluyentes [107], mientras que se distinguen en el uso periodístico, en algunos casos de forma marcada. [108] Si bien los socialdemócratas continúan llamándose y describiéndose a sí mismos como socialistas democráticos o simplemente socialistas , [104] el significado del socialismo democrático y la socialdemocracia se invirtió efectivamente. [109] El socialismo democrático originalmente representaba el socialismo logrado por medios democráticos y generalmente resultó en reformismo, mientras que la socialdemocracia incluía alas reformistas y revolucionarias. [110] Con la asociación de la socialdemocracia como régimen político [111] y el desarrollo de la Tercera Vía, [24] la socialdemocracia se asoció casi exclusivamente con el reformismo [112] mientras que el socialismo democrático pasó a incluir tendencias comunistas y revolucionarias. [113]
Partido político
Mientras que la mayoría de los partidos socialdemócratas se describen a sí mismos como socialistas democráticos , donde el socialismo democrático representa la teoría y la socialdemocracia la práctica y viceversa, los científicos políticos distinguen entre los dos. Socialdemócrata se utiliza para los partidos socialistas de centro izquierda, [114] "cuyo objetivo es la mejora gradual de la pobreza y la explotación dentro de una sociedad capitalista liberal". [115] Por otro lado, socialista democrático se utiliza para los partidos socialistas más de izquierda, incluidos los partidos populistas de izquierda como La Izquierda , Podemos y Syriza . [116] Esto se refleja a nivel de partido europeo, donde los partidos socialdemócratas de centro-izquierda están dentro del Partido de Socialistas Europeos y la Alianza Progresista de Socialistas y Demócratas, mientras que los partidos socialistas democráticos de izquierda están dentro del Partido de los Europeos. Izquierda y la Izquierda Unitaria Europea – Izquierda Verde Nórdica . [117] Aparte del socialismo democrático, este último también incluye tendencias comunistas y partidos comunistas de orientación socialista democrática. [118]
Según Steve Ludlam, "la llegada del Nuevo Laborismo marcó un asalto sin precedentes y posiblemente final a la tradición socialista democrática del partido, es decir, la tradición de aquellos que buscan la transformación del capitalismo en socialismo por medios abrumadoramente legislativos. [...] Pasaría un tiempo antes de que algunos de los socialdemócratas del partido, aquellos cuyo objetivo es la mejora gradual de la pobreza y la explotación dentro de una sociedad capitalista liberal, comenzaran a temer la misma amenaza a la tradición igualitaria laborista que la izquierda reconoció a su tradición socialista ". [115] Esto se reflejó de manera similar en Labor: A Tale of Two Parties de Hilary Wainwright. [119]
Según Andrew Mathers, el trabajo de 1987 de Hilary Wainwright Labor: A Tale of Two Parties proporcionó "una lectura diferente que contrastaba la tradición socialdemócrata 'mejoradora y pragmática' expresada principalmente en el Partido Laborista Parlamentario con una tradición socialista democrática 'transformadora y visionaria' asociada principalmente con los miembros de base comprometidos estrechamente con las luchas extraparlamentarias ". [120]
Ciencias económicas
Los socialistas democráticos han promovido una variedad de modelos diferentes de socialismo y economía , que van desde el socialismo de mercado, donde las empresas de propiedad social operan en mercados competitivos y son autogestionadas por su fuerza laboral, hasta el socialismo participativo sin mercado basado en la planificación económica descentralizada . [121]
El socialismo democrático también apuesta por una forma descentralizada de planificación económica donde las unidades productivas se integran en una sola organización y se organizan sobre la base de la autogestión. [21] Eugene V. Debs y Norman Thomas , ambos candidatos presidenciales de Estados Unidos por el Partido Socialista de América , entendieron el socialismo como un sistema económico estructurado sobre la producción para el uso y la propiedad social en lugar del sistema con fines de lucro y propiedad privada de los medios de producción . [122]
Los socialistas democráticos y los defensores contemporáneos del socialismo de mercado han argumentado que, más que el socialismo en sí, la principal razón de las deficiencias económicas de las economías de tipo soviético eran las economías de mando . Su sistema de mando administrativo provocó su incapacidad para crear reglas y criterios operativos para el funcionamiento eficiente de las empresas estatales en su asignación jerárquica de recursos y mercancías y la falta de democracia en los sistemas políticos con los que se combinaron las economías de tipo soviético. [123]
Planificación democrática
Una economía democrática planificada ha sido propuesta como base para el socialismo y defendida de diversas formas por algunos socialistas democráticos que apoyan una forma de socialismo no mercantil mientras rechazan la planificación central de tipo soviético . Se ha argumentado que la planificación descentralizada permite que se produzca un sistema espontáneamente autorregulado de control de existencias (que se basa únicamente en el cálculo en especie ) y que, a su vez, supera decisivamente las objeciones planteadas por el argumento del cálculo económico de que cualquier economía a gran escala debe necesariamente recurrir a un sistema de precios de mercado. [124]
Esta forma de planificación económica implica algún proceso de toma de decisiones democrática y participativa dentro de la economía y dentro de las propias empresas en forma de democracia industrial . Diversos informáticos y economistas radicales también han propuesto formas informáticas de planificación económica democrática y coordinación entre empresas económicas . [125] Los defensores presentan la planificación económica democrática o descentralizada y participativa como una alternativa al socialismo de mercado para una sociedad poscapitalista . [126]
Socialismo de mercado
Algunos defensores del socialismo de mercado lo ven como un sistema económico compatible con la ideología política del socialismo democrático. [127] Los defensores del socialismo de mercado tales como Jaroslav Vanek argumentan que los mercados libres son realmente imposible bajo las condiciones de la propiedad privada de la propiedad productiva . Vaněk sostuvo que las diferencias de clase y la distribución desigual del ingreso y el poder económico que resultan de la propiedad privada de la industria permiten que los intereses de la clase dominante sesguen el mercado a su favor, ya sea en forma de monopolio y poder de mercado , o utilizando su poder de mercado. riqueza y recursos para legislar políticas gubernamentales que beneficien sus intereses comerciales específicos. Además, Vaněk afirma que los trabajadores en una economía socialista basada en empresas cooperativas y autogestionadas tienen incentivos más fuertes para maximizar la productividad porque recibirían una parte de las ganancias basada en el desempeño general de su empresa, más su salario o salario fijo. [128] Muchos socialistas y proto-socialistas anteriores a Marx eran fervientes anticapitalistas al igual que partidarios del libre mercado, incluido el filósofo británico Thomas Hodgskin , el pensador mutualista francés y filósofo anarquista Pierre-Joseph Proudhon y los filósofos estadounidenses Benjamin Tucker y Lysander Spooner , entre otros. [129] [ verificación necesaria ] Aunque el capitalismo se ha fusionado comúnmente con el libre mercado, existe una teoría y un sistema económico de laissez-faire similar asociado con el socialismo llamado laissez-faire de izquierda [130] para distinguirlo del capitalismo de laissez-faire . [131]
Un ejemplo de esta tendencia socialista de mercado democrático es el mutualismo, una teoría socialista democrática y libertaria desarrollada por Proudhon en el siglo XVIII, de la cual surgió el anarquismo individualista . Benjamin Tucker es un eminente anarquista individualista estadounidense , que adoptó un sistema socialista de laissez-faire que denominó socialismo anarquista en oposición al socialismo de estado . [132] Esta tradición se ha asociado recientemente con eruditos contemporáneos como Kevin Carson , [133] Gary Chartier , [134] Charles W. Johnson, [135] Samuel Edward Konkin III , [136] Roderick T. Long , [137] Chris Matthew Sciabarra [138] y Brad Spangler, [139] que enfatizan el valor de los mercados radicalmente libres, denominaron mercados libres para distinguirlos de la concepción común que estos libertarios de izquierda creen que está plagada de estatismo y privilegios burgueses . [140]
Conocidos como anarquistas de mercado de izquierda [141] o libertarios de izquierda orientados al mercado, [142] [se necesitan mejores fuentes ] los defensores de este enfoque afirman enérgicamente las ideas liberales clásicas de la autopropiedad y los mercados libres mientras mantienen eso asumido Conclusiones lógicas estas ideas apoyan posiciones anti-capitalistas , anti-corporativistas , anti-jerárquicas y pro-laborales en economía, anti-imperialismo en política exterior y puntos de vista radicalmente progresistas con respecto a temas socioculturales como género, sexualidad y raza. [143] Haciendo eco del lenguaje de estos socialistas de mercado, sostienen que el anarquismo de mercado radical debe ser visto por sus defensores y por otros como parte de la tradición socialista debido a su herencia, objetivos emancipatorios y potencial y que los anarquistas de mercado pueden y deben llamarse a sí mismos socialistas. [144] Los críticos del mercado libre y el laissez-faire como se entiende comúnmente argumentan que el socialismo es totalmente compatible con una economía de mercado y que un sistema de libre mercado o laissez-faire verdaderamente sería anticapitalista y socialista en la práctica. [130]
Según sus partidarios, esto daría lugar a la sociedad que defienden los socialistas democráticos, cuando el socialismo no se entiende como socialismo de estado y se combina con los estados socialistas autodenominados [145] y se entiende que el libre mercado y el laissez-faire significan libres de toda forma de privilegio económico, monopolios y escaseces artificiales. [131] Esto es compatible con la opinión de la economía clásica de que las rentas económicas , es decir, los beneficios generados por la falta de competencia perfecta , deben reducirse o eliminarse en la medida de lo posible mediante la libre competencia en lugar de estar libres de regulación. [146] David McNally , profesor de la Universidad de Houston , ha argumentado en la tradición marxista que la lógica del mercado produce inherentemente desigualdad social y conduce a intercambios desiguales , escribiendo que la intención moral y la filosofía moral de Adam Smith defienden el intercambio igualitario. fue socavado por la práctica del libre mercado que defendió, ya que el desarrollo de la economía de mercado implicaba coerción, explotación y violencia que la filosofía moral de Smith no pudo contrarrestar. McNally critica a los socialistas de mercado por creer en la posibilidad de que los mercados justos basados en intercambios iguales se logren purgando elementos parasitarios de la economía de mercado como la propiedad privada de los medios de producción, argumentando que el socialismo de mercado es un oxímoron cuando el socialismo se define como una acabar con el trabajo asalariado . [147]
Implementación
Mientras que el socialismo es comúnmente utilizado para describir el marxismo-leninismo y los estados y gobiernos afiliados, también ha habido varios anarquistas y socialistas sociedades que siguieron los principios socialistas democráticos, que abarca antiautoritaria y democrático anticapitalismo . [148] Los ejemplos históricos más notables son la Comuna de París , las diversas repúblicas soviéticas establecidas en el período posterior a la Primera Guerra Mundial, la Rusia soviética temprana antes de la abolición de los consejos soviéticos por los bolcheviques , la Cataluña revolucionaria como señaló George Orwell [149] y más recientemente Rojava en el norte de Siria . [150] Otros ejemplos incluyen los kibutzim en el Israel actual , [151] Marinaleda en España , [152] los zapatistas del EZLN en Chiapas [153] y hasta cierto punto las políticas de autogestión de los trabajadores dentro de la República Federal Socialista de Yugoslavia y Cuba . [154] Sin embargo, el ejemplo más conocido es el de Chile bajo el presidente Salvador Allende , [155] quien fue violentamente derrocado en un golpe militar financiado y respaldado por la CIA en 1973 [156].
Cuando la nacionalización de las grandes industrias fue relativamente generalizada durante el consenso keynesiano de posguerra , no era raro que algunos comentaristas políticos describieran a varios países europeos como estados socialistas democráticos que buscaban llevar a sus países hacia una economía socialista . [157] En el año 1956, lo que lleva británica Partido del Trabajo político Anthony Crosland afirmó que el capitalismo había sido abolida en Gran Bretaña, aunque otros como el galés Aneurin Bevan , Ministro de Salud durante el primer gobierno laborista de posguerra y el arquitecto del Servicio Nacional de Salud , cuestionó la afirmación de que Gran Bretaña era un estado socialista. [158] Para Crosland y otros que apoyaron sus puntos de vista, Gran Bretaña era un estado socialista. Según Bevan, Gran Bretaña tenía un Servicio Nacional de Salud socialista que se oponía al hedonismo de la sociedad capitalista británica. [77] Aunque las leyes del capitalismo todavía funcionaban plenamente como en el resto de Europa y la empresa privada dominaba la economía, [159] algunos comentaristas políticos afirmaron que durante el período de posguerra, cuando los partidos socialistas estaban en el poder, países como Gran Bretaña y Francia eran estados socialistas democráticos y el mismo reclamo se aplica ahora a los países nórdicos con el modelo nórdico . [160] En la década de 1980, el gobierno del presidente François Mitterrand se propuso expandir el dirigismo al intentar nacionalizar todos los bancos franceses, pero este intento enfrentó la oposición de la Comunidad Económica Europea que exigía una economía capitalista de libre mercado entre sus miembros. [161] No obstante, la propiedad pública en Francia y el Reino Unido durante el apogeo de la nacionalización en las décadas de 1960 y 1970 nunca representó más del 15-20% de la formación de capital . [159]
La forma de socialismo practicada por partidos como el Partido de Acción Popular de Singapur durante sus primeras décadas en el poder fue de tipo pragmático, ya que se caracterizó por su rechazo a la nacionalización. El partido seguía reivindicando ser un partido socialista , señalando su regulación del sector privado, la intervención activista en la economía y sus políticas sociales como evidencia de este reclamo. [162] El primer ministro de Singapur, Lee Kuan Yew, declaró que ha sido influenciado por el Partido Laborista británico socialista democrático. [163] Esas confusiones y disputas son causadas no solo por la definición socialista, sino también por la definición capitalista. Democristianos , liberales sociales , nacionales y conservadores tienden a apoyar políticas socialdemócratas y generalmente ven al capitalismo compatible con una economía mixta , mientras que los liberales clásicos , liberales conservadores , conservadores y liberales , neoliberales y derechistas libertarios definen el capitalismo como el libre mercado . Esos liberales económicos apoyan un gobierno pequeño , una economía de mercado capitalista de laissez-faire mientras se oponen a las políticas socialistas democráticas, así como al intervencionismo económico y las regulaciones gubernamentales. [164] Según ellos, el capitalismo realmente existente es corporativismo , corporatocracia o capitalismo de compinches . [165]
El socialismo a menudo se ha combinado con una economía de mando administrativo , socialismo autoritario , un gran gobierno , estados marxista-leninistas , planificación económica de tipo soviético , intervencionismo estatal y socialismo estatal . [164] Los economistas de la Escuela Austriaca como Friedrich Hayek y Ludwig von Mises utilizaron continuamente el socialismo como sinónimo de planificación central y socialismo de estado, combinándolo con el fascismo y oponiéndose a las políticas socialistas democráticas, incluido el estado de bienestar. [166] Esto es especialmente cierto en los Estados Unidos, donde el socialismo se ha convertido en un peyorativo utilizado por conservadores y libertarios para manchar políticas, propuestas y figuras públicas liberales y progresistas . [167]
Filosofía
El socialismo democrático involucra a toda la población controlando la economía a través de algún tipo de sistema democrático , con la idea de que los medios de producción pertenecen y son administrados por la clase trabajadora en su conjunto. [2] La interrelación entre la democracia y el socialismo se extiende muy atrás en el movimiento socialista de El Manifiesto Comunista ' énfasis s en ganar como primer paso la 'batalla de la democracia', [169] con Karl Marx escrito que la democracia es "el camino hacia la socialismo." [170] Pensadores socialistas tan diversos como Eduard Bernstein , Karl Kautsky , Vladimir Lenin y Rosa Luxemburg [171] también escribieron que la democracia es indispensable para la realización del socialismo. [172] El apoyo filosófico para el socialismo democrático se puede encontrar en las obras de filósofos políticos como Axel Honneth y Charles Taylor . Honneth ha planteado la opinión de que las ideologías políticas y económicas tienen una base social, lo que significa que se originan en la comunicación intersubjetiva entre los miembros de una sociedad. Honneth critica el estado y la ideología liberales porque asume que los principios de la libertad individual y la propiedad privada son ahistóricos y abstractos cuando en realidad evolucionaron a partir de un discurso social específico sobre la actividad humana. En contraste con el individualismo liberal , Honneth ha enfatizado la dependencia intersubjetiva entre humanos, es decir, que el bienestar humano depende de reconocer a los demás y ser reconocidos por ellos. Con un énfasis en la comunidad y la solidaridad , el socialismo democrático puede verse como una forma de salvaguardar esta dependencia. [173]
Si bien el socialismo se usa con frecuencia para describir los estados socialistas y las economías de estilo soviético , especialmente en los Estados Unidos debido al Primer y Segundo Susto Rojo , los socialistas democráticos usan el socialismo para referirse a su propia tendencia que rechaza las ideas del socialismo autoritario y el socialismo de estado como socialismo, [35] considerándolos como una forma de capitalismo de Estado en el que el Estado emprende la actividad económica comercial y donde los medios de producción se organizan y gestionan como empresas estatales , incluidos los procesos de acumulación de capital , gestión centralizada y trabajo asalariado . [174] Los socialistas democráticos incluyen a los socialistas que se oponen al marxismo-leninismo ya los socialdemócratas que están comprometidos con la abolición del capitalismo en favor del socialismo y la institución de una economía poscapitalista . [35] Según Andrew Lipow, así escribieron en 1847 los editores del Journal of the Communist League , directamente influenciados por Marx y Friedrich Engels , a quienes Lipow describe como "los fundadores del socialismo democrático revolucionario moderno":
No estamos entre esos comunistas que buscan destruir la libertad personal, que desean convertir el mundo en un enorme cuartel o en una gigantesca casa de trabajo. Ciertamente hay algunos comunistas que, con la conciencia tranquila, se niegan a tolerar la libertad personal y les gustaría sacarla del mundo porque consideran que es un obstáculo para la completa armonía. Pero no tenemos ningún deseo de cambiar la libertad por la igualdad. Estamos convencidos de que en ningún orden social se garantizará la libertad como en una sociedad basada en la propiedad comunitaria. [175]
Teórica y filosóficamente, el socialismo en sí mismo es democrático, visto como la forma democrática más alta por sus defensores y en un momento es uno y lo mismo con la democracia. [176] Algunos argumentan que el socialismo implica democracia [177] y que el socialismo democrático es un término redundante. [178] Sin embargo, otros como Michael Harrington sostienen que el término socialismo democrático es necesario para distinguirlo del de la Unión Soviética y otros estados socialistas autodeclarados. Para Harrington, la razón principal de esto se debió a la perspectiva que consideraba que la Unión Soviética de la era estalinista había logrado en la propaganda usurpar el legado del marxismo y distorsionarlo en propaganda para justificar su política. [179] Tanto el leninismo como el marxismo-leninismo han enfatizado la democracia, [58] respaldando alguna forma de organización democrática de la sociedad y la economía mientras apoyan el centralismo democrático , con los marxistas-leninistas y otros argumentando que los estados socialistas como la Unión Soviética eran democráticos. [180] Los marxistas-leninistas también tendieron a distinguir lo que llamaron democracia socialista del socialismo democrático , un término que asociaron peyorativamente con "reformismo" y "socialdemocracia". [181] En última instancia, se les considera fuera de la tradición socialista democrática. [20] Por otro lado, el anarquismo (especialmente dentro de su tradición social anarquista ) y otras tendencias ultraizquierdistas han sido discutidas dentro de la tradición socialista democrática por su oposición al marxismo-leninismo y su apoyo a formas de democracia más descentralizadas y directas. [182]
Si bien tanto los anarquistas como las tendencias de ultraizquierda han rechazado la etiqueta, ya que tienden a asociarla a formas reformistas y estatistas de socialismo democrático, se las considera formas de socialismo democrático-revolucionario y algunos anarquistas se han referido al socialismo democrático . [183] Algunas organizaciones trotskistas como la Alianza Socialista Australiana , los Socialistas Alternativos Socialistas y Victorianos o el Nuevo Partido Anticapitalista Francés , la Liga Comunista Revolucionaria y el Socialismo desde abajo han descrito su forma de socialismo como democrática y han enfatizado la democracia en su desarrollo revolucionario del socialismo. . [184] De manera similar, varios trotskistas han enfatizado el socialismo democrático revolucionario de León Trotsky . [185] Algunos como Hal Draper hablaron de "socialismo democrático revolucionario". [186] Esos socialistas democráticos revolucionarios del tercer campo defendían una revolución política socialista que establecería o restablecería la democracia socialista en estados obreros deformados o degenerados . [187] Draper también comparó la socialdemocracia y el estalinismo como dos formas de socialismo desde arriba , en oposición a su propio socialismo desde abajo como la versión más pura y marxista del socialismo. [186]
Como tradición política, el socialismo democrático representa una amplia corriente de izquierda antiestalinista y, en algunos casos , antileninista dentro del movimiento socialista, [35] incluido el socialismo antiautoritario desde abajo, [36] socialismo libertario , [13] mercado socialismo , [3] marxismo [188] y cierta comunista izquierda y ultra-izquierda tendencias como consejismo y comunización así como clásico y marxismo libertario . [189] También incluye el marxismo ortodoxo [190] relacionado con Karl Kautsky [191] y Rosa Luxemburg [192] , así como el revisionismo de Eduard Bernstein. [193] Además, el socialismo democrático se relaciona con la tendencia del eurocomunismo de origen entre los años 1950 y 1980, [194] en referencia a los partidos comunistas que adoptaron el socialismo democrático después de Nikita Jruschov 's desestalinización en 1956, [195] pero también que de la mayoría de los partidos comunistas desde la década de 1990. [196]
As a socialist tradition,[109] social democracy is generally classified as a form of democratic socialism.[197] Within democratic socialism, social democracy underwent various major forms throughout its history and is distinguished between the early trend[198] that supported revolutionary socialism,[199] mainly related to Marx and Engels[200] as well as other notable social-democratic politicians and orthodox Marxist thinkers such as Bernstein,[193] Kautsky,[191] Luxemburg[192] and Lenin,[201] including more democratic and libertarian interpretations of Leninism;[202] the revisionist trend adopted by Bernstein and other reformist socialist leaders between the 1890s and 1940s;[203] the post-war trend[198] that adopted or endorsed Keynesian welfare capitalism[204] as part of a compromise between capitalism and socialism;[205] and those opposed to the Third Way.[24]
Historia
19th century
Socialist models and ideas espousing common or public ownership have existed since antiquity, but the first self-conscious socialist movements developed in the 1820s and 1830s. Western European social critics, including Robert Owen, Charles Fourier, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Louis Blanc, Charles Hall and Henri de Saint-Simon, were the first modern socialists who criticised the excessive poverty and inequality generated by the Industrial Revolution. The term was first used in English in the British Cooperative Magazine in 1827 and came to be associated with the followers of Owen such as the Rochdale Pioneers, who founded the co-operative movement. Owen's followers stressed both participatory democracy and economic socialisation in the form of consumer co-operatives, credit unions and mutual aid societies. In the case of the Owenites, they also overlapped with a number of other working-class and labour movements such as the Chartists in the United Kingdom.[206]
Fenner Brockway identified three early democratic socialist groups during the English Civil War in his book Britain's First Socialists, namely the Levellers, who were pioneers of political democracy and the sovereignty of the people; the Agitators, who were the pioneers of participatory control by the ranks at their workplace; and the Diggers, who were pioneers of communal ownership, cooperation and egalitarianism.[207] The philosophy and tradition of the Diggers and the Levellers was continued in the period described by E. P. Thompson in The Making of the English Working Class by Jacobin groups like the London Corresponding Society and by polemicists such as Thomas Paine.[208] Their concern for both democracy and social justice marked them out as key precursors of democratic socialism.[209] Democratic socialism also has its origins in the Revolutions of 1848 and the French Democratic Socialists, although Karl Marx disliked the movement because he viewed it as a party dominated by the middle class and associated to them the word Sozialdemokrat, the first recorded use of the term social democracy.[210]
The Chartists gathered significant numbers around the People's Charter of 1838 which demanded the extension of suffrage to all male adults. Leaders in the movement also called for a more equitable distribution of income and better living conditions for the working classes. The very first trade unions and consumers' cooperative societies also emerged in the hinterland of the Chartist movement as a way of bolstering the fight for these demands.[211] The first advocates of socialism favoured social levelling in order to create a meritocratic or technocratic society based on individual talent as opposed to aristocratic privilege. Saint-Simon is regarded as the first individual to coin the term socialism.[212]
Saint-Simon was fascinated by the enormous potential of science and technology and advocated a socialist society that would eliminate the disorderly aspects of capitalism and would be based on equal opportunities.[213] He advocated the creation of a society in which each person was ranked according to his or her capacities and rewarded according to his or her work.[212] The key focus of Saint-Simon's socialism was on administrative efficiency and industrialism and a belief that science was the key to the progress of human civilisation.[214] This was accompanied by a desire to implement a rationally organised economy based on planning and geared towards large-scale scientific progress and material progress, embodying a desire for a more directed or planned economy.[212] The British political philosopher John Stuart Mill also came to advocate a form of economic socialism within a liberal context known as liberal socialism. In later editions of Principles of Political Economy (1848), Mill would argue that "as far as economic theory was concerned, there is nothing in principle in economic theory that precludes an economic order based on socialist policies."[215] Similarly, the American social reformer Henry George[8] and his geoist movement influenced the development of democratic socialism,[216] especially in relation to British socialism[217] and Fabianism,[218] along with Mill and the German historical school of economics.[219]
In the United Kingdom, the democratic socialist tradition was represented by William Morris's Socialist League and in the 1880s by the Fabian Society and later the Independent Labour Party founded by Keir Hardie in the 1890s, of which writer George Orwell would later become a prominent member.[220] In the early 1920s, the guild socialism of G. D. H. Cole attempted to envision a socialist alternative to Soviet-style authoritarianism while council communism articulated democratic socialist positions in several respects, notably through renouncing the vanguard role of the revolutionary party and holding that the system of the Soviet Union was not authentically socialist.[221]
The Fabian Society is a British socialist organisation which was established with the purpose of advancing the principles of socialism via gradualist and reformist means.[222] Today, the society functions primarily as a think tank and is one of the fifteen socialist societies affiliated with the Labour Party. Similar societies exist in Australia (the Australian Fabian Society), in Canada (the Douglas-Coldwell Foundation and the now disbanded League for Social Reconstruction) and in New Zealand. The society laid many of the foundations of the Labour Party and subsequently affected the policies of states emerging from the decolonisation of the British Empire, most notably India and Singapore. Originally, the Fabian Society was committed to the establishment of a socialist economy, alongside a commitment to British imperialism and colonialism as a progressive and modernising force.[223] In 1889 (the centennial of the French Revolution of 1789), the Second International was founded, with 384 delegates from twenty countries representing about 300 labour and socialist organisations.[224] It was termed the Socialist International and Friedrich Engels was elected honorary president at the third congress in 1893. Anarchists were ejected and not allowed in mainly due to pressure from Marxists.[225] It has been argued that at some point the Second International turned "into a battleground over the issue of libertarian versus authoritarian socialism. Not only did they effectively present themselves as champions of minority rights; they also provoked the German Marxists into demonstrating a dictatorial intolerance which was a factor in preventing the British labour movement from following the Marxist direction indicated by such leaders as H. M. Hyndman."[226]
In Germany, democratic socialism became a prominent movement at the end of the 19th century, when the Eisenach's Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany merged with Lassalle's General German Workers' Association in 1875 to form the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Reformism arose as an alternative to revolution, with leading social democrat Eduard Bernstein proposing the concept of evolutionary socialism. Revolutionary socialists, encompassing multiple social and political movements that may define revolution differently from one another, quickly targeted the nascent ideology of reformism and Rosa Luxemburg condemned Bernstein's Evolutionary Socialism in her 1900 essay titled Social Reform or Revolution? The Social Democratic Party of Germany became the largest and most powerful socialist party in Europe despite being an illegal organisation until the anti-socialist laws were officially repealed in 1890. In the 1893 German federal election, the party gained about 1,787,000 votes, a quarter of the total votes cast according to Engels. In 1895, the year of his death, Engels highlighted The Communist Manifesto's emphasis on winning as a first step the "battle of democracy."[227]
In his introduction to the 1895 edition of Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, Engels attempted to resolve the division between gradualist reformist and revolutionary socialists in the Marxist movement by declaring that he was in favour of short-term tactics of electoral politics that included gradualist and evolutionary socialist policies while maintaining his belief that revolutionary seizure of power by the proletariat should remain a key goal of the socialist movement. In spite of this attempt by Engels to merge gradualism and revolution, his effort only diluted the distinction of gradualism and revolution and had the effect of strengthening the position of the revisionists.[228] Engels' statements in the French newspaper Le Figaro in which he argued that "revolution" and the "so-called socialist society" were not fixed concepts, but rather constantly changing social phenomena and said that this made "us [socialists] all evolutionists", increased the public perception that Engels was gravitating towards evolutionary socialism. Engels also wrote that it would be "suicidal" to talk about a revolutionary seizure of power at a time when the historical circumstances favoured a parliamentary road to power which he predicted could happen "as early as 1898."[229]
Engels' stance of openly accepting gradualist, evolutionary and parliamentary tactics while claiming that the historical circumstances did not favour revolution caused confusion among political commentators and the public. Bernstein interpreted this as indicating that Engels was moving towards accepting parliamentary reformist and gradualist stances, but he ignored that Engels' stances were tactical as a response to the particular circumstances at that time and that Engels was still committed to revolutionary socialism. Engels was deeply distressed when he discovered that his introduction to a new edition of The Class Struggles in France had been edited by Bernstein and Karl Kautsky in a manner which left the impression that he had become a proponent of a peaceful road to socialism.[228] On 1 April 1895, four months before his death, Engels responded to Kautsky:
I was amazed to see today in the Vorwärts an excerpt from my 'Introduction' that had been printed without my knowledge and tricked out in such a way as to present me as a peace-loving proponent of legality [at all costs]. Which is all the more reason why I should like it to appear in its entirety in the Neue Zeit in order that this disgraceful impression may be erased. I shall leave Liebknecht in no doubt as to what I think about it and the same applies to those who, irrespective of who they may be, gave him this opportunity of perverting my views and, what's more, without so much as a word to me about it.[230]
Early 20th century
In Argentina, the Socialist Party was established in the 1890s, being led by Juan B. Justo and Nicolás Repetto, among others, becoming the first mass party in the country and in Latin America. The party affiliated itself with the Second International.[231] Between 1924 and 1940, it was one of the many socialist party members of the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the forerunner of the present-day Socialist International.[232] In 1904, Australians elected Chris Watson as the first Prime Minister from the Australian Labor Party, becoming the first democratic socialist elected into office. The British Labour Party first won seats in the House of Commons in 1902. By 1917, the patriotism of World War I changed into political radicalism in Australia, most of Europe and the United States. Other socialist parties from around the world who were beginning to gain importance in their national politics in the early 20th century included the Italian Socialist Party, the French Section of the Workers' International, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, the Socialist Party of America and the Chilean Socialist Workers' Party. The International Socialist Commission (ISC) was formed in February 1919 at a meeting in Bern, Switzerland by parties that wanted to resurrect the Second International.[233]
The socialist industrial unionism of Daniel De Leon in the United States represented another strain of early democratic socialism in this period. It favoured a form of government based on industrial unions, but it also sought to establish a socialist government after winning at the ballot box.[234] Democratic socialism continued to flourish in the Socialist Party of America, especially under the leadership of Norman Thomas.[235] The Socialist Party of America was formed in 1901 after a merger between the three-year-old Social Democratic Party of America and disaffected elements of the Socialist Labor Party of America which had split from the main organisation in 1899. The Socialist Party of America was also known at various times in its long history as the Socialist Party of the United States (as early as the 1910s) and Socialist Party USA (as early as 1935, most common in the 1960s), but the official party name remained Socialist Party of America.[236] Eugene V. Debs twice won over 900,000 votes in the 1912 presidential elections and increased his portion of the popular vote to over 1,000,000 in the 1920 presidential election despite being imprisoned for alleged sedition. The Socialist Party of America also elected two Representatives (Victor L. Berger and Meyer London), dozens of state legislators, more than hundred mayors and countless minor officials.[237] Furthermore, the city of Milwaukee has been led by a series of democratic socialist mayors in the early 20th century, namely Frank Zeidler, Emil Seidel and Daniel Hoan.[238]
In February 1917, revolution broke out in Russia in which workers, soldiers and peasants established soviets, the monarchy was forced into exile fell and a provisional government was formed until the election of a constituent assembly. Alexander Kerensky, a Russian lawyer and revolutionary, became a key political figure in the Russian Revolution of 1917. After the February Revolution, Kerensky joined the newly formed Russian Provisional Government, first as Minister of Justice, then as Minister of War and after July as the government's second Minister-Chairman. A leader of the moderate socialist Trudovik faction of the Socialist Revolutionary Party known as the Labour Group, Kerensky was also the Vice-Chairman of the powerful Petrograd Soviet. After failing to sign a peace treaty with the German Empire to exit from World War I which led to massive popular unrest against the government cabinet, Kerensky's government was overthrown on 7 November by the Bolsheviks led by Vladimir Lenin in the October Revolution. Soon after the October Revolution, the Russian Constituent Assembly elected Socialist-Revolutionary leader Victor Chernov as President of a Russian Republic, but it rejected the Bolshevik proposal that endorsed the Soviet decrees on land, peace and workers' control and acknowledged the power of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.[239]
As a result of the 1917 Russian Constituent Assembly election which saw a landslide victory for the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Bolsheviks declared on the next day that the assembly was elected based on outdated party lists which did not reflect the Socialist Revolutionary Party split into Left and Right Socialist-Revolutionary factions. The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries were allied with the Bolsheviks.[240] The All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets promptly dissolved the Russian Constituent Assembly.[241]
At a conference held on 27 February 1921 in Vienna, parties which did not want to be a part of the Communist International or the resurrected Second International formed the International Working Union of Socialist Parties (IWUSP).[242] The ISC and the IWUSP eventually joined to form the LSI in May 1923 at a meeting held Hamburg.[243] Left-wing groups which did not agree to the centralisation and abandonment of the soviets by the Bolshevik Party led left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks. Such groups included anarchists, Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries.[244] Amidst this left-wing discontent, the most large-scale events were the workers' Kronstadt rebellion[245] and the anarchist-led Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine uprising which controlled an area known as the Free Territory.[246]
In 1922, the 4th World Congress of the Communist International took up the policy of the united front, urging communists to work with rank and file social democrats while remaining critical of their party leaders, whom they criticised for betraying the working class by supporting the war efforts of their respective capitalist classes. For their part, the social democrats pointed to the dislocation and chaos caused by revolution and later the growing authoritarianism of the communist parties after they achieved power. When the Communist Party of Great Britain applied to affiliate with the Labour Party in 1920, it was turned down. On seeing the Soviet Union's growing coercive power in 1923, a dying Lenin stated that Russia had reverted to a "bourgeois tsarist machine [...] barely varnished with socialism."[247] After Lenin's death in January 1924, the communist party, increasingly falling under the control of Joseph Stalin, rejected the theory that socialism could not be built solely in the Soviet Union in favour of the concept of socialism in one country.[248]
In other parts of Europe, many democratic socialist parties were united in the IWUSP in the early 1920s and in the London Bureau in the 1930s, along with many other socialists of different tendencies and ideologies. These socialist internationals sought to steer a centrist course between the revolutionaries and the social democrats of the Second International and the perceived anti-democratic Communist International. In contrast, the social democrats of the Second International were seen as insufficiently socialist and had been compromised by their support for World War I. The key movements within the IWUSP were the Austromarxists and the British Independent Labour Party while the main forces in the London Bureau were the Independent Labour Party and the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification.[249]
Mid-20th century
After the end of World War II, democratic socialist, pro-labour and social democratic governments introduced social reforms and wealth redistribution via welfare state social programmes and progressive taxation. Those parties dominated post-war politics in the Nordic countries and countries such as: Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Italy and the United Kingdom. At one point, France claimed to be the world's most state-controlled capitalist country, starting a period of unprecedented economic growth known as the Trente Glorieuses, part of the post-war economic boom set in motion by the Keynesian consensus. The public utilities and industries nationalised by the French Government included: Air France, the Bank of France, Charbonnages de France, Électricité de France, Gaz de France and Régie Nationale des Usines Renault.[250]
In 1945, the Labour Party in the United Kingdom led by former UK Deputy Prime Minister Clement Attlee was elected to office based on a radical, democratic socialist manifesto. The Labour Government nationalised major public utilities and industries such as: mining, gas, coal, electricity, rail, iron, steel and the Bank of England. British Petroleum was officially nationalised in 1951.[251] In 1956, Anthony Crosland stated that at least 25% of British industry was nationalised and that public employees, including those in nationalised industries, constituted a similar proportion of the country's total workforce.[252] The 1964–1970 and 1974–1979 Labour governments strengthened the policy of nationalisation.[253] These Labour governments renationalised steel (British Steel) in 1967 after the Conservatives had privatised it and nationalised car production (British Leyland) in 1976.[254] The 1945–1951 Labour government also established the National Health Service (NHS) which provided taxpayer-funded medical care to every British citizen, free at the point of use.[255] High-quality housing for the working-class was provided in council housing estates and university education became available to every citizen via a school grant system.[256] The 1945–1951 Labour government has been described as being transformative democratic socialist.[57]
During most of the post-war era, democratic socialist, pro-labour and social democratic parties dominated the political scene and laid the ground to universalistic welfare states in the Nordic countries.[257] For much of the mid- and late-twentieth century, Sweden was governed by the Swedish Social Democratic Party largely in co-operation with trade unions and industry.[258] Tage Erlander was the Leader of the Social Democratic Party and led the government from 1946-69, an uninterrupted tenure of twenty-three years, one of the longest in any democratic society. From 1945-62, the Norwegian Labour Party held an absolute majority in the parliament led by Einar Gerhardsen, who served as Prime Minister for seventeen years. The Danish Social Democrats governed Denmark for most of the twentieth century and since the 1920s and through the 1940s and the 1970s, a large majority of Prime Ministers were members of the Social Democrats; the largest and most popular political party in Denmark.[257]
This particular adaptation of the mixed economy, better known as the Nordic model, is characterised by more generous welfare states (relative to other developed countries) which are aimed specifically at enhancing individual autonomy, ensuring the universal provision of basic human rights and stabilising the economy. It is distinguished from other welfare states with similar goals by its emphasis on maximising labour force participation, promoting gender equality, egalitarian and extensive benefit levels, large magnitude of redistribution and expansionary fiscal policy.[259] In the 1950s, popular socialism emerged as a vital current of the left in Nordic countries could be characterised as a democratic socialism in the same vein as it placed itself between communism and social democracy.[260] In the 1960s, Gerhardsen established a planning agency and tried to establish a planned economy.[261] Prominent Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme identified himself as a democratic socialist.[262]
The Rehn–Meidner model was adopted by the Swedish Social Democratic Party in the late-1940s. This economic model allowed capitalists who owned very productive and efficient firms to retain excess profits at the expense of the firm's workers, exacerbating income inequality and causing workers in these firms to agitate for a better share of the profits in the 1970s. Women working in the state sector also began to assert pressure for better and equal pay.[263] In 1976, economist Rudolf Meidner established a study committee that came up with a proposal called the Meidner Plan which entailed the transfer of excess profits into investment funds controlled by the workers in said efficient firms, with the goal that firms would create further employment and pay workers higher wages in return; rather than unduly increasing the wealth of company owners and managers.[214] Capitalists immediately denounced the proposal as socialism and launched an unprecedented opposition and smear campaign against it, threatening to terminate the class compromise established in the 1938 Saltsjöbaden Agreement.[264]
The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a spontaneous nationwide revolt by democratic socialists against the Marxist–Leninist government of the People's Republic of Hungary and its dictatorial Stalinist policies of repression, lasting from 23 October until 10 November 1956.[265] Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of the excesses of Stalin's regime during the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that same year[266] as well as the revolt in Hungary produced ideological fractures and disagreements within the Communist and socialist parties of Western Europe. A split ensued within the Italian Communist Party (PCI), with most ordinary members and the PCI leadership, including Giorgio Napolitano and Palmiro Togliatti, regarding the Hungarian insurgents as counter-revolutionaries as reported in l'Unità, the official PCI newspaper.[267]
Giuseppe Di Vittorio, General Secretary of the Italian General Confederation of Labour, repudiated the leadership position as did the prominent party members Loris Fortuna, Antonio Giolitti and many other influential Communist intellectuals who later were expelled or left the party.[268] Pietro Nenni, the national secretary of the Italian Socialist Party, a close ally of the PCI, opposed the Soviet intervention as well.[269] Napolitano, elected in 2006 as President of the Italian Republic, wrote in his 2005 political autobiography that he regretted his justification of Soviet action in Hungary and that at the time he believed in party unity and the international leadership of Soviet communism.[270]
Within the Communist Party of Great Britain, dissent that began with the repudiation of Stalin by John Saville and E. P. Thompson, influential historians and members of the Communist Party Historians Group, culminated in a loss of thousands of party members as events unfolded in Hungary. Peter Fryer, correspondent for the party newspaper The Daily Worker, reported accurately on the violent suppression of the uprising, but his dispatches were heavily censored. Fryer resigned from the paper upon his return and was later expelled from the party.[271] In France, moderates such as historian Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie resigned, questioning the policy of supporting Soviet actions by the French Communist Party. The French anarchist philosopher and writer Albert Camus wrote an open letter titled The Blood of the Hungarians, criticising the West's lack of action. Jean-Paul Sartre, still a determined party member, criticised the Soviets.[272]
In the post-war years, socialism became increasingly influential throughout the so-called Third World after decolonisation. During India's freedom movement and fight for independence, many figures in the left-wing faction of the Indian National Congress organised themselves as the Congress Socialist Party. Their politics and those of the early and intermediate periods of Jayaprakash Narayan's career combined a commitment to the socialist transformation of society with a principled opposition to the one-party authoritarianism they perceived in the Stalinist model.[273] Embracing a new ideology called Third World socialism, countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America often nationalised industries held by foreign owners. In addition, the New Left, a movement composed of activists, educators, agitators and others who sought to implement a broad range of social reforms on issues such as gay rights, abortion, gender roles and liberalisation of drugs,[274] in contrast to earlier leftist or Marxist movements that had taken a more vanguardist approach to social justice and focused mostly on labour unionisation and issues related to class, became prominent in the 1960s and 1970s.[275] The New Left rejected involvement with the labour movement and Marxism's historical theory of class struggle.[276]
In the United States, the New Left was associated with the anti-war and hippie movements as well as the black liberation movements such as the Black Panther Party.[277] While initially formed in opposition to the so-called Old Left of the Democratic Party, groups composing the New Left gradually became central players in the Democratic coalition, culminating in the nomination of the outspoken anti-Vietnam War George McGovern at the Democratic Party primaries[278] for the 1972 United States presidential election.[274]
The protest wave of 1968 represented a worldwide escalation of social conflicts, predominantly characterised by popular rebellions against military dictatorships, capitalists and bureaucratic elites, who responded with an escalation of political repression and authoritarianism. These protests marked a turning point for the civil rights movement in the United States which produced revolutionary movements like the Black Panther Party. The prominent civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. organised the Poor People's Campaign to address issues of economic and social justice[279] while personally showing sympathy with democratic socialism.[280] The classic Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society combined a stringent critique of the Stalinist model with calls for a democratic socialist reconstruction of society.[281]
In reaction to the Tet Offensive, protests also sparked a broad movement in opposition to the Vietnam War all over the United States and even into London, Paris, Berlin and Rome. Mass socialist or Communist movements grew not only in the United States, but also in most European countries. The most spectacular manifestation of this was the May 1968 protests in France in which students linked up with strikes of up to ten million workers and the movement seemed capable of overthrowing the government, albeit for only a few days. In many other capitalist countries, struggles against dictatorships, state repression and colonisation were also marked by protests in 1968 such as the beginning of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City and the escalation of guerrilla warfare against the military dictatorship in Brazil.[282] Countries governed by Marxist–Leninist parties had protests against bureaucratic and military elites. In Eastern Europe, there were widespread protests that escalated particularly in the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia.[283] In response, the Soviet Union occupied Czechoslovakia, but the occupation was denounced by the Italian and French Communist parties as well as the Communist Party of Finland.[284]
Late 20th century
In Latin America, liberation theology is a socialist tendency within the Roman Catholic Church that emerged in the 1960s.[285] In Chile, Salvador Allende, a physician and candidate for the Socialist Party of Chile, became the first democratically elected Marxist President after presidential elections were held in 1970. However, his government was ousted three years later in a military coup backed by the CIA and the United States government, instituting the right-wing dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet which lasted until the late 1980s.[286] In addition, Michael Manley, a self-described democratic socialist, served as the fourth Prime Minister of Jamaica from 1972 to 1980 and from 1989 to 1992. According to opinion polls, he remains one of Jamaica's most popular Prime Ministers since independence.[287]
Eurocommunism became a trend in the 1970s and 1980s in various Western European communist parties[194] which intended to develop a modernised theory and practice of social transformation that was more relevant for a Western European country and less aligned to the influence or control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[195] Outside of Western Europe, it is sometimes referred to as neocommunism.[288] Some communist parties with strong popular support, notably the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of Spain, enthusiastically adopted Eurocommunism and the Communist Party of Finland was dominated by Eurocommunists.[289]
In the late 1970s and in the 1980s, the Socialist International had extensive contacts and held discussion with the two powers of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union, regarding the relations between the East and West, along with arms control. Since then, the Socialist International has admitted as member parties the Nicaraguan Sandinista National Liberation Front and the left-wing Puerto Rican Independence Party as well as former communist parties such as the Italian Democratic Party of the Left and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique. The Socialist International aided social democratic parties in re-establishing themselves after right-wing dictatorships were toppled in Portugal and Spain, respectively in 1974 and 1975. Until its 1976 congress in Geneva, the Socialist International had few members outside Europe and no formal involvement with Latin America.[290]
In the United States, the Social Democrats, USA, an association of reformist social democrats and democratic socialists, was founded in 1972. The Socialist Party of America had stopped running independent presidential candidates and begun reforming itself towards democratic socialism. Consequently, the party's name was changed because it had confused the public. With the name change in place, the Social Democrats, USA clarified its vision to Americans who confused democratic socialism with Marxism–Leninism, harshly opposed by the organisation.[291] In 1983, the Democratic Socialists of America was founded as a merger of the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee[292] with the New American Movement,[293] an organisation of New Left veterans.[294] Earlier in 1973, Michael Harrington and Irving Howe formed the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee which articulated a democratic socialist message[295] while a smaller faction associated with peace activist David McReynolds formed the Socialist Party USA.[296] Harrington and the socialist-feminist author Barbara Ehrenreich were elected as the first co-chairs of the organisation[297] which does not stand its own candidates in elections and instead "fights for reforms [...] that will weaken the power of corporations and increase the power of working people."[52]
In Greece, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement, better known as PASOK, was founded on 3 September 1974 by Andreas Papandreou as a democratic socialist, left-wing nationalist, Venizelist and social democratic[298] party following the collapse of the military dictatorship of 1967–1974.[299] As a result of the 1981 legislative election, PASOK became Greece's first centre-left party to win a majority in the Hellenic Parliament and the party would later pass several important economic and social reforms that would reshape Greece in the years ahead until its collapse in the 2010s.[300]
During the 1980s, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev intended to move the Soviet Union towards democratic socialism[60] in the form of Nordic-style social democracy, calling it a "socialist beacon for all mankind."[301] Prior to its dissolution in 1991, the Soviet Union had the second largest economy in the world after the United States.[302] After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the economic integration of the Soviet republics was dissolved and industrial activity suffered a substantial decline.[303] A lasting legacy of the Soviet Union remains physical infrastructure created during decades of policies geared towards the construction of heavy industry and widespread environmental destruction.[304]
The rapid transition to neoliberal capitalism and privatisation in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc was accompanied by a steep fall in standards of living as poverty, unemployment, income inequality and excess mortality rose sharply as Russia would be in recession until the depths of the 1998 Russian financial crisis. This was further accompanied by the entrenchment of a newly established business oligarchy in the former countries of the Soviet Union.[305] The average post-communist country returned to 1989 levels of per-capita GDP only by 2005.[306] In a 2001 study by economist Steven Rosefielde, he calculated that there were 3.4 million premature deaths in Russia from 1990 to 1998 which he partly blames on the "shock therapy" that came with the Washington Consensus.[307] GDP in Russia began rising rapidly around 1999 after currency devaluation, tax reforms, further deregulation of small and medium-sized businesses and increasing commodity prices. It would surpass 1989 levels only in 2007, with poverty decreasing from 30% in 2000 to 14% in 2008, after adopting a mixed economy approach. In the decades following the end of the Cold War, only five or six of the post-communist states are on a path to joining the wealthy capitalist West while most are falling behind, some to such an extent that it will take over fifty years to catch up to where they were before the end of the Soviet system.[308]
Many social-democratic parties, particularly after the Cold War, adopted neoliberal economic policies,[309] including austerity, deregulation, financialisation, free trade, privatisation and welfare reforms such as workfare, experiencing a drastic decline in the 2010s after their successes in the 1990s and 2000s[310] in a phenomenon known as Pasokification.[300] As monetarists and neoliberals attacked social welfare systems as impediments to private entrepreneurship, prominent social-democratic parties abandoned their pursuit of moderate socialism in favour of economic liberalism.[311] This resulted in the rise of more left-wing and democratic socialist parties that rejected neoliberalism and the Third Way.[312] In the United Kingdom, prominent democratic socialists within the Labour Party such as Michael Foot and Tony Benn put forward democratic socialism into an actionable manifesto during the 1970s and 1980s, but this was voted overwhelmingly against in the 1983 general election after Margaret Thatcher's victory in the Falklands War and the manifesto was referred to as "the longest suicide note in history."[313]
By the 1980s, with the rise of conservative neoliberal politicians such as Ronald Reagan in the United States, Margaret Thatcher in Britain, Brian Mulroney in Canada and Augusto Pinochet in Chile, the Western welfare state was attacked from within, but state support for the corporate sector was maintained.[314] According to Kristen Ghodsee, the triumphalist attitudes of Western powers at the end of the Cold War and the fixation with linking all leftist and socialist ideals with the excesses of Stalinism allowed neoliberalism to fill the void. This undermined democratic institutions and reforms, leaving a trail of economic misery, unemployment, hopelessness and rising economic inequality throughout the former Eastern Bloc and much of the West in the following decades. With democracy weakened and the anti-capitalist left marginalised, the anger and resentment which followed the period of neoliberalism was channelled into extremist nationalist movements in both the former and the latter.[315]
As a result of the party's shift,[316] Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock made a public attack against the entryist group Militant[317] at the 1985 Labour Party conference in Bournemouth.[318] The Labour Party ruled that Militant was ineligible for affiliation with the Labour Party and the party gradually expelled Militant supporters.[319] The Kinnock leadership had refused to support the 1984–1985 miner's strike over pit closures,[320] a decision that the party's left-wing and the National Union of Mineworkers blamed for the strike's eventual defeat.[321]
In 1989, the Socialist International adopted a new Declaration of Principles at its 18th congress in Stockholm, Sweden, stating: "Democratic socialism is an international movement for freedom, social justice, and solidarity. Its goal is to achieve a peaceful world where these basic values can be enhanced and where each individual can live a meaningful life with the full development of his or her personality and talents, and with the guarantee of human and civil rights in a democratic framework of society."[322] Within the Labour Party, the democratic socialist label was used historically by those who identified with the tradition represented by the Independent Labour Party, the soft left of non-Marxist socialists such as Michael Foot around the Tribune magazine and some of the hard left in the Campaign Group around Tony Benn.[323] The Campaign Group, along with the Socialist Society led by Raymond Williams and others, formed the Socialist Movement in 1987 which now produces the magazine Red Pepper.[324]
In the late 1990s, the Labour Party under the leadership of Tony Blair enacted policies based on the liberal market economy with the intention of delivering public services via the private finance initiative. Influential in these policies was the idea of a Third Way which called for a re-evaluation and reduction of welfare state policies.[23] In 1995, the Labour Party re-defined its position on socialism by re-wording Clause IV of their Constitution, effectively removing all references to public, direct worker or municipal ownership of the means of production and now reading: "The Labour Party is a democratic socialist party. It believes that, by the strength of our common endeavour we achieve more than we achieve alone, so as to create, for each of us, the means to realise our true potential, and, for all of us, a community in which power, wealth, and opportunity are in the hands of the many, not the few."[65] New Labour eventually won the 1997 United Kingdom general election in a landslide and Blair described New Labour as a "left of centre party, pursuing economic prosperity and social justice as partners and not as opposites."[325] It has been argued that the Labour Party under the Blair ministry effectively governed from the radical centre, something which Blair had promised to do in the 1997 general election.[326]
21st century
By the 21st century, democratic socialism became a synonym in American politics for social democracy due to social-democratic policies being adopted by progressive-liberal intellectuals and politicians, causing the New Deal coalition to be the main entity spearheading left-wing reforms of capitalism, rather than by socialists like elsewhere.[327] Democratic socialists see the welfare state "not merely to provide benefits but to build the foundation for emancipation and self-determination."[328]
Despite the long history of overlap between the two, with social democracy considered a form of democratic or parliamentary socialism and social democrats calling themselves democratic socialists,[329] this is considered a misnomer in the United States.[330] One issue is that social democracy is equated with wealthy countries in the Western world while democratic socialism is conflated either with the pink tide in Latin America[331] or with Marxist–Leninist socialism as practised in the Soviet Union and other self-declared socialist states.[108] Democratic socialism has been described as representing the left-wing[332] or socialist New Deal tradition.[333]
The Progressive Alliance is a political international organisation founded on 22 May 2013 by left-wing political parties, the majority of which are current or former members of the Socialist International. The organisation states that its aim is becoming the global network of "the progressive, democratic, social-democratic, socialist and labour movement."[334] On 30 November 2018, The Sanders Institute[335] and the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025[336] founded the Progressive International, an international political organisation which unites democratic socialists with labour unionists, progressives and social democrats.[337]
Africa
African socialism has been a major ideology around the continent and remains so in the present day.[338] Although affiliated with the Socialist International, the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa abandoned its socialist ideology after gaining power in 1994 and followed a neoliberal route.[339] From 2005 until 2007, the country was wracked by thousands of protests from poor working-class communities. One of these gave rise to a mass democratic socialist movement of shack dwellers called Abahlali baseMjondolo which continues to work for popular people's planning and against the proliferation of capitalism in land and housing,[340] despite experiencing repression at the hands of the police.[341] In 2013, the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, the country's biggest trade union, voted to withdraw support from the AFC and the South African Communist Party and to form an independent socialist party to protect the interests of the working class, resulting in the creation of the United Front.[342]
Other democratic socialist parties in Africa include the Movement of Socialist Democrats, the Congress for the Republic, the Movement of Socialist Democrats and the Democratic Patriots' Unified Party in Tunisia, the Berber Socialism and Revolution Party in Algeria, the Congress of Democrats in Namibia, the National Progressive Unionist Party, the Socialist Party of Egypt, the Workers and Peasants Party, the Workers Democratic Party, the Revolutionary Socialists and the Socialist Popular Alliance Party in Egypt and the Socialist Democratic Vanguard Party in Morocco. Democratic socialists played a major role in the Arab Spring of 2011, especially in Egypt and Tunisia.[343]
Americas
North America
In North America, Canada and the United States represent an unusual case in the Western world in that they have never been governed by a socialist party at the federal level.[344] However, the democratic socialist Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the precursor to the social-democratic New Democratic Party (NDP), had significant success in provincial Canadian politics.[345] In 1944, the Saskatchewan CCF formed the first socialist government in North America and its leader Tommy Douglas is known for having spearheaded the adoption of Canada's nationwide system of universal healthcare called Medicare.[346] At the federal level, the NDP was the Official Opposition (2011–2015).[347]
In the United States, Bernie Sanders, who was the 37th Mayor of Burlington,[348] became the first self-described democratic socialist[349] to be elected to the Senate from Vermont in 2006.[350] In 2016, Sanders made a bid for the Democratic Party presidential candidate, thereby gaining considerable popular support, particularly among the younger generation and the working class.[351] Although he ultimately lost the nomination to Hillary Clinton, a centrist candidate who was later defeated by Donald Trump,[352] Sanders ran again in the 2020 Democratic Party presidential primaries,[353] briefly becoming the front-runner in February until Super Tuesday in March and suspending his campaign in April.[354] Sanders would remain on the ballot in states that had not yet voted to further influence the Democratic Party's platform as he did in 2016.[355]
Since his praise of the Nordic model indicated focus on social democracy as opposed to views involving social ownership,[356] it has been argued that the term democratic socialism has become a misnomer for social democracy in American politics.[108] Nonetheless, Sanders has explicitly advocated for some form of public ownership[357] as well as workplace democracy,[358] an expansion of worker cooperatives[359] and the democratisation of the economy.[360] Sanders' proposed legislation include worker-owned business,[361] the Workplace Democracy Act,[362] employee ownership as alternative to corporations[363] and a package to encourage employee-owned companies.[364] Sanders associates Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society as part of the democratic socialist tradition[365] and claimed the New Deal's legacy to "take up the unfinished business of the New Deal and carry it to completion."[366]
While opponents of Sanders have used the democratic socialist label to accuse him of being too left-leaning for American politics, the theoretical and practical applications of it are based on the precept of shifting responsibility away from the national level to local decision-makers, a fundamental principle shared by the system of federalism in the United States.[367] A democratic socialist perspective on government investment in infrastructure would support more projects with smaller-sized budgets on a local level instead of a few highly expensive ones. This view aligns with the Republican Party's fundamental identity, philosophy and agenda of local people exerting control over their own affairs.[367]
In a 2018 poll conducted by Gallup, a majority of people under the age of 30 in the United States stated that they approve of socialism. 57% of Democratic-leaning voters viewed socialism positively and 47% saw capitalism positively while 71% of Republican-leaning voters who were polled saw capitalism under a positive light and 16% viewed socialism in a positive light.[368] A 2019 YouGov poll found that 7 out of 10 millennials in the United States would vote for a socialist presidential candidate and 36% had a favorable view of communism.[369] An earlier 2019 Harris Poll found that socialism is more popular with women than men, with 55% of women between the ages of 18 and 54 preferring to live in a socialist society while a majority of men surveyed in the poll chose capitalism over socialism.[370]
Although there is no agreement on the meaning of socialism in those polls,[371] there has been a steady increase of support for progressive reforms such as the United States National Health Care Act[372] to enact universal single-payer health care and the Green New Deal.[373] In November 2018, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Rashida Tlaib, who are members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), a democratic socialist organisation which advocates progressive reforms that "will weaken the power of corporations and increase the power of working people",[52] were elected to the House of Representatives while eleven DSA candidates were elected to state legislatures.[374]
Latin America
According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, "the attempt by Salvador Allende to unite Marxists and other reformers in a socialist reconstruction of Chile is most representative of the direction that Latin American socialists have taken since the late 20th century. [...] Several socialist (or socialist-leaning) leaders have followed Allende's example in winning election to office in Latin American countries."[375] Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, Bolivian President Evo Morales and Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa refer to their political programmes as socialist and Chávez adopted the term socialism of the 21st century. After winning re-election in December 2006, Chávez stated: "Now more than ever, I am obliged to move Venezuela's path towards socialism."[376]
Chávez was re-elected in October 2012 for his third six-year term as president, but he suddenly died in March 2013 from advanced cancer. After Chávez's death, Nicolás Maduro, the Vice President of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, assumed the powers and responsibilities of the President on 5 March 2013. A special election to elect a new president was held on 14 April 2013 which Maduro won by a tight margin as the candidate of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. He was formally inaugurated on 19 April 2013.[377] Most democratic socialist scholars and analysts have been sceptical of Latin America's examples. While citing their progressive role, they argue that the appropriate label for these governments is populism rather than socialism due to their authoritarian characteristics and occasional cults of personality.[378] On the socialist development in Venezuela, Chávez argued with the second government plan (Plan de la Patria
) that "socialism has just begun to implant its internal dynamism among us" whilst acknowledging that "the socio-economic formation that still prevails in Venezuela is capitalist and rentier."[379] This same thesis is defended by Maduro,[380] who acknowledges that he has failed in the development of the productive forces while admitting that "the old model of corrupt and inefficient state capitalism" typical of traditional Venezuelan oil rentism has contradictorily combined with a statist model that "pretends to be a socialist."[381]The pink tide is a term being used in contemporary 21st-century political analysis in the media and elsewhere to describe the perception that left-wing politics are becoming increasingly influential in Latin America.[382] The Foro de São Paulo is a conference of leftist political parties and other organisations from Latin America and the Caribbean. It was launched in 1990 by the Brazilian Workers' Party in São Paulo. The Forum of São Paulo was founded in 1990, when the Workers' Party approached other parties and social movements of Latin America and the Caribbean with the objective of debating the new international scenario after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the consequences of the implementation of what were taken as neoliberal policies adopted at the time by contemporary right-leaning governments in the region, with the stated main objective of the conference being to argue for genuine alternatives to neoliberalism.[383] Among its members, it includes democratic socialist and social democratic parties in the region such as Bolivia's Movement for Socialism, Brazil's Workers' Party, the Ecuadorian PAIS Alliance, the Venezuelan United Socialist Party of Venezuela, the Socialist Party of Chile, the Uruguayan Broad Front, the Nicaraguan Sandinista National Liberation Front and the Salvadoran Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front. Former members included the Brazilian Socialist Party and the Popular Socialist Party.[384] In Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the National Regeneration Movement was elected in a landslide victory in the 2018 Mexican general election.[385]
Asia
In Japan, the Japanese Communist Party (JPC) does not advocate for a violent revolution, instead proposing a parliamentary democratic revolution to achieve "democratic change in politics and the economy."[386] There has been a resurgent interest in the JPC among workers and the Japanese youth due to the financial crisis of 2007–2008.[387]
After the 2008 Malaysian general election, the Socialist Party of Malaysia got Michael Jeyakumar Devaraj as its first Member of Parliament.[388]
In the Philippines, the main political party campaigning for democratic socialism is the Akbayan Citizens' Action Party which was founded by Joel Rocamora in January 1998 as a democratic socialist[389] and progressive political party.[390] The Akbayan Citizens' Action Party has consistently won seats in the House of Representatives, with Etta Rosales becoming its first representative. It won its first Senate seat in 2016, when its chairwoman, senator and Nobel Peace Prize nominee Risa Hontiveros was elected.[391]
In 2010, there were 270 kibbutzim in Israel. Their factories and farms account for 9% of Israel's industrial output, worth US$8 billion and 40% of its agricultural output, worth over $1.7 billion.[392] Some kibbutzim had also developed substantial high-tech and military industries. Also in 2010, Kibbutz Sasa, containing some 200 members, generated $850 million in annual revenue from its military-plastics industry.[393]
Other democratic socialist parties in Asia include the National United Party of Afghanistan in Afghanistan, the April Fifth Action in Hong Kong, the All India Trinamool Congress, the Samajwadi Party, the Samta Party and the Sikkim Democratic Front in India, the Progressive Socialist Party in Lebanon, the Federal Socialist Forum and the Naya Shakti Party in Nepal, the Labor Party in South Korea and the Syrian Democratic People's Party and the Democratic Arab Socialist Union in Syria.[394]
Europe
The United Nations World Happiness Report shows that the happiest nations are concentrated in Northern Europe, where the Nordic model (which democratic socialists want to strengthen against austerity and neoliberalism)[395] is employed, with the list being topped by Denmark, where the Social Democrats led their first government in 1924 and governed Denmark for most of the 20th century. The Norwegian Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Party of Finland also led the majority of governments and were the most popular political parties in their respective countries during the 20th century. While not as popular like its counterparts, the Icelandic Social Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Alliance have also led several governments and have been part of numerous coalitions. This success is at times attributed to the social-democratic Nordic model in the region, where the aforementioned democratic socialist, labourist and social-democratic political parties have dominated the political scene and laid the ground to universalistic welfare states in the 20th century, fitting the social-democratc type of "high socialism" which is described as favouring "a high level of decommodification and a low degree of stratification."[257] The Nordic countries, including Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden as well as Greenland and the Faroe Islands, also ranked highest on the metrics of real GDP per capita, economic equality, healthy life expectancy, public health, having someone to count on, education, perceived freedom to make life choices, generosity and human development.[396] The Nordic countries have ranked high on indicators such as civil liberties,[397] democracy,[398] press,[399] labour and economic freedoms,[400] peace[401] and freedom from corruption.[402] Numerous studies and surveys have indicated that people tend to live happier lives in social democracies and welfare states as opposed to neoliberal and free-market economies.[403]
The objectives of the Party of European Socialists, the European Parliament's social democratic bloc, are now "to pursue international aims in respect of the principles on which the European Union is based, namely principles of freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and respect for the Rule of Law." As a result, today the rallying cry of the French Revolution—Liberté, égalité, fraternité—is promoted as essential socialist values.[404] To the left of the European Socialists at the European level is the Party of the European Left, a political party at the European level and an association of democratic socialist and communist parties in the European Union and other European countries.[117] It was formed for the purposes of running in the 2004 European Parliament election. The European Left was founded on 8–9 May 2004 in Rome.[405]
Elected MEPs from member parties of the European Left sit in the European United Left–Nordic Green Left group in the European Parliament. The democratic socialist Left Party in Germany grew in popularity.[406][better source needed] Popular dissatisfaction with the increasingly neoliberal policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany after Gerhard Schröder's tenure as Chancellor contributed to The Left becoming the fourth biggest party in parliament in the general election on 27 September 2009.[406][better source needed]In 2008, the Progressive Party of Working People candidate Dimitris Christofias won a crucial presidential runoff in Cyprus, defeating his conservative rival with a majority of 53%.[407] In 2007, the Danish Socialist People's Party more than doubled its parliamentary representation to 23 seats from 11, making it the fourth-largest party.[408] In 2011, the Social Democrats, the Socialist People's Party and the Danish Social Liberal Party formed a government after a slight victory over the main rival political coalition. They were led by Helle Thorning-Schmidt and had the Red–Green Alliance as a supporting party. In Norway, the red–green alliance consists of the Labour Party, the Socialist Left Party and the Centre Party and governed the country as a majority government from 2005 to 2013. In the January 2015 legislative election, the Coalition of the Radical Left led by Alexis Tsipras and better known as Syriza won a legislative election for the first time. Syriza has been characterised as an anti-establishment party,[409] whose success sent "shock-waves across the EU."[410]
In the United Kingdom, the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers (RMT) put forward a slate of candidates in the 2009 European Parliament election under the banner of No to EU – Yes to Democracy, a broad left-wing Eurosceptic, alter-globalisation coalition involving socialist groups such as the Socialist Party, aiming to offer a leftist alternative among Eurosceptics to the anti-immigration and pro-business policies of the UK Independence Party.[411] In the subsequent 2010 general election, the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition, launched in January 2010[412] and backed by Bob Crow, the leader of the RMT, along with other union leaders and the Socialist Party among other socialist groups, stood against the Labour Party in forty constituencies.[413] The Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition contested the 2011 local elections, having gained the endorsement of the RMT June 2010 conference, but it won no seats.[414]
Left Unity was also founded in 2013 after the film director Ken Loach appealed for a new party of the left to replace the Labour Party which he claimed had failed to oppose austerity and had shifted towards neoliberalism.[415] Following a second consecutive defeat in the 2015 general election, self-described democratic socialist Jeremy Corbyn succeeded Ed Miliband as the Leader of the Labour Party,[416] leading some to comment that New Labour is "dead and buried."[417] In the 2017 general election, Corbyn's Labour increased its share of the vote to 40%, with Labour's 9.6% vote swing being its largest since the 1945 general election but remained in Opposition.[418][419] In the 2019 general election, Labour's vote share fell,[420] leaving it with lowest number of MPS since 1935.[421]
In France, Olivier Besancenot, the Revolutionary Communist League candidate in the 2007 presidential election, received 1,498,581 votes (4.08%), double that of the candidate from the French Communist Party candidate.[422] The party abolished itself in 2009 to initiate a broad anti-capitalist movement within a new party called the New Anticapitalist Party, whose stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century."[423]
In Germany, The Left was founded in 2007 out of a merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and the Labour and Social Justice – The Electoral Alternative (WASG), a breakaway faction from the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) which rejected then-SPD leader and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder for his Third Way policies.[424] These parties adopted policies to appeal to democratic socialists, greens, feminists and pacifists.[425] Former SPD chairman Oskar Lafontaine has noted that the founding of The Left in Germany has resulted in emulation in other countries, with several Left parties being founded in Greece, Portugal, Netherlands and Syria. Lafontaine claims that a de facto British Left movement exists, identifying the Green Party of England and Wales as holding similar values.[426] Nonetheless, a democratic socialist faction remains within the SPD.[427] The SPD's latest Hamburg Programme (2007) describes democratic socialism as "an order of economy, state and society in which the civil, political, social and economic fundamental rights are guaranteed for all people, all people live a life without exploitation, oppression and violence, that is in social and human security" and as a "vision of a free, just and solidary society", the realisation of which is emphasised as a "permanent task." Social democracy serves as the "principle of action."[428]
On 25 May 2014, the Spanish left-wing party Podemos entered candidates for the 2014 European parliamentary election, some of which were unemployed. In a surprise result, it won 7.98% of the vote and was awarded five seats out of 54[429] while the older United Left was the third largest overall force, obtaining 10.03% and five seats, four more than the previous elections.[430] Although losing seats in both the April 2019 and November 2019 general elections, the result of the latter being a failure of negotiations with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), Podemos reached an agreement with the PSOE for a full four-year coalition government, the first such government since the country's transition to democracy in 1976.[431] The PSOE–Unidas Podemos coalition government was able to get a simple majority [432] and the new cabinet was sworn into office.[433]
The government of Portugal established on 26 November 2015 was a left-wing minority government led by Prime Minister António Costa Socialist Party, who succeeded in securing support for the government by the Left Bloc, the Portuguese Communist Party and the Ecologist Party "The Greens".[434] This was largely confirmed in the 2019 legislative election, where the Socialist Party returned to first place, forming another left-wing minority government, this time led only by the Socialist Party. Nonetheless, Costa said he would look to continue the confidence-and-supply agreement with the Left Bloc and the Unitary Democratic Coalition.[435]
Oceania
In Australia, the labourist and socialist movements were gaining traction and the Australian Labor Party (ALP) was formed in Barcaldine, Queensland in 1891 by striking pastoral workers. In 1889, a minority government led by the party was formed in Queensland, with Anderson Dawson as the Premier of Queensland, where it was founded and was in power for one week, becoming the world's first government led by democratic socialists. The ALP has been the main driving force for workers' rights and the welfare state in Australia, backed by Australian trade unions, in particular the Australian Workers' Union. Since the end of the Whitlam government, the ALP has moved towards centrist policies and Third Way ideals which are supported by the ALP's Right Faction members while the supporters of democratic socialism and social democracy lie within the ALP's Left Faction. There has been an increase in interest for socialism in recent years, especially among young adults.[436] Interest is strongest in Victoria, where the Victorian Socialists party was founded.[437]
Current Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern of the democratic socialist[438] New Zealand Labour Party, who has called capitalism a "blatant failure" due to the extent of homelessness in New Zealand,[439] has been described and identified herself as democratic socialist,[440] although others have disputed this.[441]
In Melanesia, Melanesian socialism was inspired by African socialism and developed in the 1980s. It aims to achieve full independence from Britain and France in Melanesian territories and creation of a Melanesian federal union. It is very popular with the New Caledonia independence movement.[442]
Puntos de vista sobre la compatibilidad de la democracia y el socialismo
Support
One of the major scholars who have argued that socialism and democracy are compatible is the Austrian-born American economist Joseph Schumpeter, who was hostile to socialism.[443] In his book Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942), Schumpeter emphasised that "political democracy was thoroughly compatible with socialism in its fullest sense",[444] although it has been noted that he did not believe that democracy was a good political system and advocated republican values.[32]
In a 1963 address to the All India Congress Committee, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru stated: "Political democracy has no meaning if it does not embrace economic democracy. And economic democracy is nothing but socialism."[445]
Political historian Theodore Draper wrote: "I know of no political group which has resisted totalitarianism in all its guises more steadfastly than democratic socialists."[32]
Historian and economist Robert Heilbroner argued that "[t]here is, of course, no conflict between such a socialism and freedom as we have described it; indeed, this conception of socialism is the very epitome of these freedoms", referring to open association of individuals in political and social life; the democratization and humanization of work; and the cultivation of personal talents and creativity.[32]
Bayard Rustin, long-time member of the Socialist Party of America and National Chairman of the Social Democrats, USA, wrote: "For me, socialism has meaning only if it is democratic. Of the many claimants to socialism only one has a valid title—that socialism which views democracy as valuable per se, which stands for democracy unequivocally, and which continually modifies socialist ideas and programs in the light of democratic experience. This is the socialism of the labor, social-democratic, and socialist parties of Western Europe."[32]
Economist and political theorist Kenneth Arrow argued: "We cannot be sure that the principles of democracy and socialism are compatible until we can observe a viable society following both principles. But there is no convincing evidence or reasoning which would argue that a democratic-socialist movement is inherently self-contradictory. Nor need we fear that gradual moves in the direction of increasing government intervention will lead to an irreversible move to 'serfdom.'"[32]
Journalist William Pfaff wrote: "It might be argued that socialism ineluctably breeds state bureaucracy, which then imposes its own kinds of restrictions upon individual liberties. This is what the Scandinavians complain about. But Italy's champion bureaucracy owes nothing to socialism. American bureaucracy grows as luxuriantly and behaves as officiously as any other."[32]
Oppose
Some politicians, economists and theorists have argued that socialism and democracy are incompatible. According to them, history is full of instances of self-declared socialist states that at one point were committed to the values of personal liberty, freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of association, but then found themselves clamping down on such freedoms as they end up being viewed as inconvenient or contrary towards their political or economic goals.[32] Chicago School economist Milton Friedman argued that a "society which is socialist cannot also be democratic" in the sense of "guaranteeing individual freedom."[32] Sociologist Robert Nisbet, a philosophical conservative who began his career as a leftist, argued in 1978 that there is "not a single free socialism to be found anywhere in the world."[32]
Neoconservative Irving Kristol argued: "Democratic socialism turns out to be an inherently unstable compound, a contradiction in terms. Every social-democratic party, once in power, soon finds itself choosing, at one point after another, between the socialist society it aspires to and the liberal society that lathered it." Kristol added that "socialist movements end up [in] a society where liberty is the property of the state, and is (or is not) doled out to its citizens along with other contingent 'benefits'."[32]
Similarly, anti-communist academic Richard Pipes argued: "The merger of political and economic power implicit in socialism greatly strengthens the ability of the state and its bureaucracy to control the population. Theoretically, this capacity need not be exercised and need not lead to growing domination of the population by the state. In practice, such a tendency is virtually inevitable. For one thing, the socialization of the economy must lead to a numerical growth of the bureaucracy required to administer it, and this process cannot fail to augment the power of the state. For another, socialism leads to a tug of war between the state, bent on enforcing its economic monopoly, and the ordinary citizen, equally determined to evade it; the result is repression and the creation of specialized repressive organs."[32]
Italian Left communist and Marxist Amadeo Bordiga proudly defined himself as anti-democratic, believing himself to be following the tradition of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Bordiga's hostility toward democracy was unrelated to the Stalinist narrative of the single-party state. Indeed, he saw fascism and Stalinism as the culmination of bourgeois democracy. To Bordiga, democracy meant above all the manipulation of society as a formless mass. To this, he counterposed the dictatorship of the proletariat, to be implemented by the communist party based on the principles and program enunciated in The Communist Manifesto (1848). He often referred to the spirit of Engels' remark that "on the eve of the revolution all the forces of reaction will be against us under the banner of 'pure democracy'". Bordiga opposed the idea of revolutionary theory being the product of a democratic process of pluralist views, believing that the Marxist perspective has the merit of underscoring the fact that like all social formations, communism is above all about the expression of programmatic content. This enforces the fact that, for Marxists, communism is not an ideal to be achieved, but a real movement born from the old society with a set of programmatic tasks.[446] He also criticized socialists that emphasized workplace democracy, believing that "the hell of capitalism is the firm, not the fact that the firm has a boss".
Ver también
- Democratic capitalism
- Democratic liberalism
- Democratic Socialist Party (disambiguation)
- International Group of Democratic Socialists
- List of anti-capitalist and communist parties with national parliamentary representation
- List of democratic socialist parties that have governed
- List of democratic socialist parties and organizations
- List of democratic socialists
- List of Labour parties
- List of left-wing political parties
- List of social democratic parties
- List of social democrats
- Republican democracy
- Social Democratic Party
- Socialist Party
- Soviet democracy
- Workers' council
Referencias
Citations
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- ^ Busky 2000, p. 10 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help).
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- ^ Williams 1985, p. 289; Foley 1994, p. 23; Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 80; Busky 2000, pp. 7–8 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help).
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- ^ Bernstein 1907; Cole 1961; Steger 1997.
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- ^ Hamilton 1989; Pierson 2005; Page 2007.
- ^ Busky 2000, pp. 7–8 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Prychitko 2002, p. 72.
- ^ a b Draper 1966, pp. 57–84 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFDraper1966 (help); Hain 1995; Hain 2000, p. 118.
- ^ Hain 1995; Anderson & Herr 2007, p. 448.
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- ^ Busky 2000, p. 93. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help)
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- ^ Clarke 1981; Bardhan & Roemer 1992, pp. 101–116; Weisskopf 1994, pp. 297–318.
- ^ Ticktin 1998, pp. 55–80; Hinnfors 2006; Schweickart 2007, p. 447.
- ^ Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 80; Anderson & Herr 2007, p. 447; Schweickart 2007, p. 448; Alt et al. 2010, p. 401.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Barrett 1978.
- ^ Barrett 1978; Heilbroner 1991; Kendall 2011, pp. 125–127; Li 2015, pp. 60–69.
- ^ Sinclair 1918; Busky 2000, p. 7 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Anderson & Herr 2007, pp. 445–448; Abjorensen 2019, p. 115.
- ^ a b c d Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 80; Busky 2000, pp. 7–8 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Prychitko 2002, p. 72; Alt et al. 2010, p. 401.
- ^ a b Draper 1966, pp. 57–84. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFDraper1966 (help)
- ^ Hain 2000.
- ^ Hain 1995.
- ^ Wilhelm 1985, pp. 118–130; Ellman 2007, p. 22.
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- ^ Poulantzas 1978.
- ^ Draper 1966, "The "Revisionist" Facade". sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFDraper1966 (help)
- ^ Draper 1966, "The 100% American Scene". sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFDraper1966 (help)
- ^ Megill 1970, p. 45; Draper 1974, pp. 101–124; Jossa 2010, pp. 335–354; Sarkar 2019.
- ^ Barker 2019, "Chapter V. The Aims and Policy of the Socialists".
- ^ Socialist Party of Great Britain (Our Object and Declaration of Principles); Socialist Party of Great Britain (FAQ); Socialist Party of Great Britain (What is Socialism?).
- ^ Marx 1875, "Part I".
- ^ Steele 1992, pp. 44–45; Hudis et al. 2008.
- ^ a b Sargent 2008, p. 117.
- ^ Democratic Socialists of America (FAQ), "Doesn't socialism mean that the government will own and run everything?".
- ^ Democratic Socialists of America (FAQ), "Hasn't socialism been discredited by the collapse of Communism in the USSR and Eastern Europe?".
- ^ a b c Democratic Socialists of America (About).
- ^ Hain 1995; Hain 2000.
- ^ Hain 2015, pp. 133–148. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHain2015 (help)
- ^ Hall 2011, p. 45; White 2014.
- ^ Benn & Mullin 1979.
- ^ a b Page 2007.
- ^ a b Busky 2000, p. 8. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help)
- ^ Edelstein 1993; Alt et al. 2010, p. 401; Abjorensen 2019, p. 115.
- ^ a b Christensen 1990, pp. 123–146.
- ^ Sargent 2008, p. 118; Lamb 2015, p. 415.
- ^ Borragan & Cini 2013, p. 387; Nordsieck 2017.
- ^ Tangian 2013, p. 321.
- ^ Lowe 2004; Romano 2007, p. 3; Ludlam & Smith 2017, p. 3.
- ^ a b c Adams 1998, pp. 144–145.
- ^ Busky 2000, p. 10 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Heywood 2012, p. 97.
- ^ Hamilton 1989; Pierson 2005, pp. 145–163.
- ^ Thomas 1953. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFThomas1953 (help)
- ^ Hattersley 1987.
- ^ Hamilton 1989.
- ^ Tomlinson 1997. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFTomlinson1997 (help)
- ^ Busky 2000. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help)
- ^ Schumpeter 1942.
- ^ Medearis 1997.
- ^ Denitch 1981; Picard 1985; Foley 1994, p. 23; Busky 2000, p. 8 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Heywood 2012, p. 97; Sunkara 2020.
- ^ Edelstein 1993; Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 80; Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 100; Busky 2000, p. 8 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Anderson & Herr 2007; Alt et al. 2010; Sunkara 2020.
- ^ a b Bevan 1952, p. 106.
- ^ Sargent 2008, p. 117; Heywood 2012, p. 97; Hain 2015, p. 3 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHain2015 (help).
- ^ Abjorensen 2019.
- ^ Berman 1998, p. 57; Bailey 2009, p. 77.
- ^ Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 80; Anderson & Herr 2007, p. 447; Alt et al. 2010, p. 401.
- ^ Gamble & Wright 1999, p. 6; Fitzpatrick 2003; Bailey 2009, pp. 14–17; Meyer & Rutherford 2011, "The Third Way and Its Vision of Social Democracy"; Taylor 2013, p. 133.
- ^ Walters 2001, p. 66; Katseli, Milios & Pelagidis 2018.
- ^ Lowe 1993 ; Romano 2006, p. 3; Ludlam & Smith 2017, p. 3.
- ^ Döring 2007, p. 3.
- ^ Lafontaine 2009.
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- ^ Palley 2004; Harvey 2005; Palley 2005; Johnston & Saad-Filho 2005; Cahill et al. 2018; Ratner 2019.
- ^ Heilbroner 1991, pp. 96–110; Kumar 1992, pp. 309–356; Pierson 1995, pp. 64–78; Tismaneanu 2009, pp. 309–356.
- ^ Humphrys 2018.
- ^ Guinan 2013; Barbieri 2017; Karnitschnig 2018; Buck 2018; Lawson 2018.
- ^ Magstadt 2016, p. 36; March 2016; Calossi 2016; Fuchs 2017, p. 109; Cole 2017.
- ^ Gilk 2008.
- ^ Allen 2009; Benedetto, Hix & Mastrorocco 2019; Blombäck et al. 2019; Berman & Snegovaya 2019; Agustín 2020, pp. 13–32.
- ^ Griffiths & Millei 2012, p. viii; Kwok & Rieger 2013, p. 40; Berberoglu 2018, p. 341.
- ^ Dionne & Galtson 2019; Cassidy 2019; Kvitrud 2019; Sears 2019, p. 243.
- ^ Bresser-Pereira 2010; Howard 2012; Welch 2012; De Vogli & Owusu 2015; Sitaraman 2019.
- ^ Palley 2013; Amadeo 2019.
- ^ Tarnoff 2017.
- ^ Huges 2016.
- ^ Ely 1883, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Duignan, Kalsang Bhutia & Mahajan 2009; Abjorensen 2019, p. 115.
- ^ Hinchman & Meyer 2007, p. 91.
- ^ a b O'Reilly 2007, p. 91; Raza 2012, p. 86; Gage 2018.
- ^ Brandal, Bratberg & Thorsen 2013, p. 7.
- ^ Steger 1997; Safra 1998, p. 920; Stevens 2000, p. 1504; Duignan, Kalsang Bhutia & Mahajan 2014.
- ^ Busky 2000, p. 8 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Sargent 2008, p. 118; Heywood 2012, p. 97; Hain 2015, p. 3 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHain2015 (help).
- ^ a b c Qiu 2015; Barro 2015; Tupy 2016; Cooper 2018; Rodriguez 2018; Levitz, April 2019.
- ^ a b Eatwell & Wright 1999, "Social Democracy and Democratic Socialism".
- ^ Ely 1883, pp. 204–205; Eatwell & Wright 1999, "Democratic Socialism and Social Democracy"; Ludlam & Smith 2017, p. 5.
- ^ Ludlam & Smith 2017, pp. 1–15.
- ^ Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 80; Ludlam & Smith 2017, p. 5.
- ^ Busky 2000, pp. 8–10 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBusky2000 (help); Sargent 2008, p. 117; Alt et al. 2010, p. 401; Abjorensen 2019, p. 115.
- ^ Considère-Charondu 2010, p. 157; Staab 2011, p. 67.
- ^ a b Ludlam 2000, pp. 264–276.
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Notes
- ^ "Democratic Marxism is authentic Marxism — the Marxism which emphasizes the necessity for revolutionary action. Loyalty to the movement, not loyalty to any particular doctrine, is characteristic of the orthodox democratic Marxist."[168] "There is considerable controversy among scholars regarding Marx's own attitude toward democracy, but two lines of thought developed from Marx: one emphasizing democracy and one, the dominant line, rejecting it."[8]
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Bibliografía
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Otras lecturas
- Day, Meagan (1 August 2018). "Democratic socialism, explained by a democratic socialist". Vox. Retrieved 28 March 2020.
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- Schwartz, Joseph; Schulman, Jason (21 December 2012). "Towards Freedom: The Theory and Practice of Democratic Socialism". Democratic Socialists of America. Retrieved 28 March 2020.