Dalit (del sánscrito : दलित , romanizado : dalita que significa "roto / disperso", hindi : दलित , romanizado : dalit , mismo significado) es un nombre para las personas que pertenecen a la casta más baja de la India , caracterizadas como "intocables" . [1] Los dalits fueron excluidos del sistema de varna cuádruple del hinduismo y se consideró que formaban un quinto varna , también conocido con el nombre de Panchama . Los dalits ahora profesan varias creencias religiosas, incluido el hinduismo , el budismo, Sijismo , cristianismo , islam y varios otros sistemas de creencias.
Historia
El término dalit es un concepto autoaplicado para aquellos llamados "intocables" y otros que estaban fuera de la jerarquía de castas hindú tradicional. [2] [3] Ambedkar dijo que la intocabilidad entró en la sociedad india alrededor del año 400 EC, debido a la lucha por la supremacía entre el budismo y el brahmanismo (un término antiguo para el hinduismo brahmánico). [4] Algunos sacerdotes hindúes se hicieron amigos de intocables y fueron degradados a rangos de casta inferior. Eknath , otro brahmán excomulgado, luchó por los derechos de los intocables durante el período Bhakti .
A finales de la década de 1880, Mahatma Jotiba Phule utilizó la palabra marathi 'Dalit' para referirse a los marginados e intocables que estaban oprimidos y quebrantados en la sociedad hindú. [5] Dalit es una forma vernácula del sánscrito दलित ( dalita ). En sánscrito clásico, esto significa "dividido, dividido, roto, disperso". Esta palabra fue reutilizada en sánscrito del siglo XIX para significar "(una persona) que no pertenece a una de las cuatro castas brahmánicas". [6] Quizás fue utilizado por primera vez en este sentido por el reformador social con sede en Pune Jyotirao Phule , en el contexto de la opresión que enfrentaron las castas antes "intocables" de otros hindúes . [7] El término dalits se utilizaba como traducción de la clasificación del censo británico Raj de clases deprimidas antes de 1935. Fue popularizado por el economista y reformador BR Ambedkar (1891-1956), que incluía a todas las personas deprimidas independientemente de su casta. en la definición de dalits. [8] Abarcaba a las personas que estaban excluidas del sistema de varna cuádruple del hinduismo y pensaban que formaban un quinto varna, que se describían a sí mismas como Panchama . [9] Fue popularizado por el economista y reformador BR Ambedkar (1891-1956), él mismo un dalit, [10] y en la década de 1970 su uso se fortaleció cuando fue adoptado por el grupo activista Dalit Panthers. [2]
Dalit se ha convertido en una identidad política, similar a cómo la comunidad LGBTQ reclamó queer de su uso peyorativo como un autoidentificador neutral o positivo y como una identidad política. [11] El erudito socio-legal Oliver Mendelsohn y la economista política Marika Vicziany escribieron en 1998 que el término se había vuelto "intensamente político ... Si bien el uso del término podría parecer expresar una solidaridad apropiada con el rostro contemporáneo de la política intocable, quedan grandes problemas para adoptarlo como un término genérico. Aunque la palabra ahora está bastante extendida, todavía tiene profundas raíces en una tradición de radicalismo político inspirada en la figura de BR Ambedkar ". Continuaron sugiriendo que su uso corría el riesgo de etiquetar erróneamente a toda la población de intocables en la India como unida por una política radical. [7] Anand Teltumbde también detecta una tendencia hacia la negación de la identidad politizada, por ejemplo, entre las personas educadas de clase media que se han convertido al budismo y argumentan que, como budistas, no pueden ser dalits. Esto puede deberse a que sus circunstancias mejoradas dan lugar a un deseo de no estar asociados con lo que perciben como las masas dalit degradantes. [12]
Otros terminos
Término oficial
Castas catalogadas es el término oficial para los dalits en opinión de las Comisiones Nacionales de Castas Escogidas de la India (NCSC), que recibieron asesoramiento legal que indicó que la legislación moderna no se refiere a los dalit y que, por lo tanto, dice, es "inconstitucional" para los documentos oficiales. para hacerlo. En 2004, el NCSC notó que algunos gobiernos estatales usaban dalits en lugar de castas programadas en la documentación y les pidió que desistieran. [13]
Algunas fuentes dicen que Dalit abarca una gama más amplia de comunidades que la definición oficial de casta programada . Puede incluir tribus nómadas y otra clasificación oficial que también se originó con los esfuerzos de discriminación positiva del Raj británico en 1935, que son las tribus programadas . [14] También se utiliza a veces para referirse a la totalidad de los pueblos oprimidos de la India, [2] que es el contexto que se aplica a su uso en la sociedad nepalesa. [3] Un ejemplo de las limitaciones de la categoría de casta programada es que, según la ley india, esas personas solo pueden ser seguidores del budismo, el hinduismo o el sijismo, [15] sin embargo, hay comunidades que afirman ser cristianos y musulmanes dalit , [ 16] y las comunidades tribales a menudo practican religiones populares . [17]
Harijan
El término Harijan , o 'hijos de Dios', fue acuñado por Narsinh Mehta , un poeta-santo gujarati de la tradición Bhakti, para referirse a todos los devotos de Krishna independientemente de su casta, clase o sexo. [18] Mahatma Gandhi, notablemente un admirador del trabajo de Mehta, utilizó por primera vez la palabra en el contexto de la identificación de los dalits en 1933. A Ambedkar no le gustó el nombre ya que colocaba a los dalits en relación con una nación hindú más grande que en una comunidad independiente como los musulmanes . Además, muchos dalits encontraron, y todavía encuentran, el término condescendiente y despectivo, y algunos incluso afirman que el término realmente se refiere a los hijos de la devadasis . [19] [20] [ página necesaria ] Cuando la intocabilidad fue prohibida después de la independencia de la India, el uso de la palabra Harijan para describir a ex intocables se volvió más común entre otras castas que dentro de los propios dalits. [21]
Términos regionales
En el sur de la India, los dalits a veces se conocen como Adi Dravida , Adi Karnataka y Adi Andhra , que literalmente significan Primeros Dravidianos, Kannadigas y Andhras, respectivamente. Estos términos fueron utilizados por primera vez en 1917 por los líderes dalit del sur, que creían que eran los habitantes indígenas de la India. [22] Los términos se utilizan en los estados de Tamil Nadu , Karnataka y Andhra Pradesh / Telangana , respectivamente, como un término genérico para cualquier persona de una casta dalit. [ cita requerida ] [ aclaración necesaria ]
En Maharashtra , según la historiadora y académica de estudios de la mujer Shailaja Paik, Dalit es un término utilizado principalmente por miembros de la casta Mahar , en la que nació Ambedkar. La mayoría de las otras comunidades prefieren usar su propio nombre de casta. [23]
En Nepal, además de Harijan y, más comúnmente, Dalit , se utilizan términos como Haris (entre los musulmanes), Achhoot , parias y neech jati . [10]
Nepal
Debido a muchas discriminaciones basadas en castas en Nepal , el gobierno de Nepal abolió legalmente el sistema de castas y criminalizó cualquier discriminación basada en castas, incluida la " intocabilidad " (el ostracismo de una casta específica) en 1963 EC . [24] paso de con Nepal hacia la libertad y la igualdad, Nepal, anteriormente gobernado por un hindú monarquía era un hindú nación que ahora se ha convertido en un estado secular , [25] y el 28 de mayo de 2008, fue declarada una república, [26] que termina como el reino hindú con sus discriminaciones basadas en castas y las raíces intocables . [27]
Demografía
Las comunidades de castas programadas existen en toda la India y comprenden el 16.6% de la población del país, según el[actualizar]Censo 2011 de la India. [28] Uttar Pradesh (21%), Bengala Occidental (11%), Bihar (8%) y Tamil Nadu (7%) entre ellos representaban casi la mitad de la población total de castas del país. [29] Fueron más prevalentes como proporción de la población de los estados en Punjab, alrededor del 32 por ciento, [30] mientras que Mizoram tuvo el más bajo en aproximadamente cero. [15]
Se encuentran grupos similares en el resto del subcontinente indio; menos del dos por ciento de la población de Pakistán son hindúes y el 70-75 por ciento de esos hindúes son dalits, [31] en Nepal, [3] Bangladesh tenía 5 millones de dalits en 2010, la mayoría sin tierra y en pobreza crónica, [32 ] y Sri Lanka. [33] También se encuentran como parte de la diáspora india en muchos países, incluidos los Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido, Singapur y el Caribe. [34] [35] [36] [37]
India es el hogar de más de 200 millones de dalits. [38] Según Paul Diwakar , un activista dalit de la Campaña Nacional de Derechos Humanos Dalit , "India tiene 600.000 aldeas y casi todas las aldeas, un pequeño bolsillo en las afueras, está destinado a los dalits". [39]
Estatus social
Los dalit han tenido el estatus social más bajo en la estructura social hindú tradicional, pero James Lochtefeld, profesor de religión y estudios asiáticos, dijo en 2002 que "la adopción y popularización del [término dalit ] refleja su creciente conciencia de la situación, y su mayor asertividad en la reivindicación de sus derechos legales y constitucionales ". [40]
La Comisión Nacional de Castas Registradas de la India considera que el uso oficial de dalit como etiqueta es "inconstitucional" porque la legislación moderna prefiere las castas incluidas ; sin embargo, algunas fuentes dicen que Dalit ha abarcado más comunidades que el término oficial de castas catalogadas y a veces se usa para referirse a todos los pueblos oprimidos de la India. En Nepal prevalece una situación general similar.
En 1932, el Raj británico recomendó electorados separados para seleccionar líderes para los dalits en el Premio Comunal . Esto fue favorecido por Ambedkar pero cuando Mahatma Gandhi se opuso a la propuesta resultó en el Pacto de Poona . Eso a su vez influyó en la Ley del Gobierno de la India de 1935 , que introdujo la reserva de escaños para las clases deprimidas, ahora rebautizadas como castas programadas.
Poco después de su independencia en 1947, India introdujo un sistema de reservas para mejorar la capacidad de los dalits para tener representación política y obtener empleos y educación en el gobierno. [ aclaración necesaria ] En 1997, India eligió a su primer presidente dalit, KR Narayanan . Muchas organizaciones sociales han promovido mejores condiciones para los dalits a través de la educación, la atención médica y el empleo. No obstante, aunque la discriminación basada en castas fue prohibida y la intocabilidad abolida por la Constitución de la India , tales prácticas todavía están muy extendidas. Para prevenir el acoso, la agresión, la discriminación y actos similares contra estos grupos, el Gobierno de la India promulgó la Ley de Prevención de Atrocidades , también llamada Ley SC / ST, el 31 de marzo de 1995. De conformidad con la orden del Tribunal Superior de Bombay , el El Ministerio de Información y Radiodifusión (Ministerio I&B) del Gobierno de la India emitió un aviso a todos los canales de medios en septiembre de 2018, pidiéndoles que utilizaran "Castas programadas" en lugar de la palabra "Dalit". [41]
George Kunnath afirma que "existe y ha habido una jerarquía interna entre las diversas castas dalit". Según Kunnath, los Dusadhs se consideran los más altos, mientras que los Musahars se consideran los más bajos dentro de los grupos dalit. [42] : 38
Ocupaciones
En el pasado, se creía que eran tan impuros que los hindúes de casta consideraban que su presencia era contaminante. El "estado impuro" estaba relacionado con sus ocupaciones históricas hereditarias que los hindúes de casta consideraban "contaminantes" o degradados, como trabajar con cuero , deshacerse de animales muertos, recolectar la basura manualmente o realizar trabajos de saneamiento . [43]
Obligados por la circunstancia de su nacimiento y pobreza, los dalits en India continúan trabajando como trabajadores de saneamiento: recolectores manuales, limpiadores de desagües, recolectores de basura y barredores de carreteras. [44] : 4 En 2019, se estima que entre el 40 y el 60 por ciento de los 6 millones de hogares dalit se dedican a trabajos de saneamiento. [44] : 5 La casta dalit más común que realiza trabajos de saneamiento es la casta Valmiki (también Balmiki). [44] : 3
La mayoría de las niñas dalit abandonan la escuela primaria y tienen la tasa de alfabetización más baja de la India, debido a la pobreza y / o para evitar la humillación de sus compañeros o profesores. El resultado es que muchas mujeres dalit se ven obligadas a aceptar trabajos mal remunerados, como el trabajo agrícola, la recolección de residuos, la eliminación humana de desechos y el barrido. [45] Las mujeres dalit están sujetas a violencia, encarcelamiento y violación si se niegan a trabajar por salarios bajos o siguen las órdenes de los terratenientes de castas superiores. [45]
Historia
Gopal Baba Walangkar (c. 1840-1900) generalmente se considera el pionero del movimiento dalit, que buscaba una sociedad en la que no fueran discriminados. Otro pionero fue Harichand Thakur (c. 1812–1878) con su organización Matua que involucró a la comunidad Namasudra ( Chandala ) en la Presidencia de Bengala . El propio Ambedkar creía que Walangkar era el progenitor. [49] Otro reformador social temprano que trabajó para mejorar las condiciones de los dalits fue Jyotirao Phule (1827-1890).
La Constitución de la India de 1950, introducida después de que el país obtuvo la independencia , incluía medidas para mejorar las condiciones socioeconómicas de los dalits. Además de prohibir la intocabilidad, estos incluían el sistema de reservas, un medio de discriminación positiva que creó las clasificaciones de castas registradas, tribus registradas para los dalits. A las comunidades que se clasificaron como uno de esos grupos se les garantizó un porcentaje de los escaños en las legislaturas nacionales y estatales, así como en los trabajos gubernamentales y los lugares de educación. El sistema tiene su origen en el Pacto de Poona de 1932 entre Ambedkar y Gandhi, cuando Ambedkar admitió su demanda de que los dalits tuvieran un electorado separado de la casta hindú a cambio de que Gandhi aceptara medidas en este sentido. [50] La noción de un electorado separado había sido propuesta en el Laudo Comunal otorgado por las autoridades británicas del Raj, [51] y el resultado del Pacto - la Ley del Gobierno de la India de 1935 - ambos introdujeron el nuevo término de Castas Programadas en reemplazo de las clases deprimidas y asientos reservados para ellos en las legislaturas. [52]
En 1995, de todos los puestos de trabajo del gobierno federal en la India: el 10,1% de la clase I, el 12,7% de la clase II, el 16,2% de la clase III y el 27,2% de los puestos de clase IV estaban ocupados por dalits. [53] De los puestos más altos en agencias gubernamentales y empresas controladas por el gobierno, solo el 1 por ciento fueron ocupados por dalits, no mucho cambio en 40 años. [ cita requerida ] En el siglo XXI, los dalits han sido elegidos para los cargos políticos y judiciales más altos de la India. [54] [55]
En 2001, la calidad de vida de la población dalit en la India era peor que la de la población india en general en métricas como el acceso a la atención médica, la esperanza de vida, la posibilidad de educación, el acceso al agua potable y la vivienda. [56] [57] [58]
Estatus economico
Según un informe de 2014 al Ministerio de Asuntos de las Minorías , más del 44,8% de las poblaciones de las tribus registradas (ST) y el 33,8% de las de las castas registradas (SC) en las zonas rurales de la India vivían por debajo del umbral de pobreza en 2011-2012. En las zonas urbanas, el 27,3% de la población ST y el 21,8% de la SC estaban por debajo del umbral de pobreza. [59] [60]
Algunos dalits se han enriquecido, aunque la mayoría sigue siendo pobre. Algunos intelectuales dalit, como Chandra Bhan Prasad , han argumentado que el nivel de vida de muchos dalit ha mejorado desde que el sistema económico se liberalizó más a partir de 1991 y han apoyado sus afirmaciones a través de grandes encuestas. [61] [62] Según el censo socioeconómico y de castas de 2011 , casi el 79% de los hogares adivasi y el 73% de los dalit eran los más desfavorecidos entre los hogares rurales de la India. Mientras que el 45 por ciento de los hogares de SC no tienen tierra y se ganan la vida con el trabajo manual ocasional, la cifra es del 30 por ciento para los adivasis. [63]
Una encuesta de 2012 de la Universidad de Mangalore en Karnataka encontró que el 93 por ciento de las familias dalit en el estado de Karnataka viven por debajo del umbral de pobreza. [64]
Discriminación
Según un informe de 2007 de Human Rights Watch (HRW), el trato a los dalits ha sido como un "apartheid oculto" y que "soportan la segregación en la vivienda, las escuelas y el acceso a los servicios públicos". HRW señaló que Manmohan Singh , entonces primer ministro de la India , vio un paralelo entre el sistema de apartheid y la intocabilidad. [65] Eleanor Zelliot también toma nota del comentario de Singh de 2006, pero dice que, a pesar de las obvias similitudes, los prejuicios raciales y la situación de los dalits "tienen una base diferente y quizás una solución diferente". [14] Aunque la Constitución de la India abolió la intocabilidad, el estado oprimido de los dalits sigue siendo una realidad. En la India rural, declaró Klaus Klostermaier en 2010, "todavía viven en barrios apartados, hacen el trabajo más sucio y no se les permite utilizar el pozo de la aldea y otras instalaciones comunes". [66] En el mismo año, Zelliot señaló que "a pesar de mucho progreso en los últimos sesenta años, los dalits todavía se encuentran en la base social y económica de la sociedad". [14]
El Informe sobre el estado de las minorías de Asia meridional 2020 ha descubierto que desde que el BJP (el partido del pueblo indio) [67] volvió al poder político en la India a partir de mayo de 2018, “los delitos de odio contra las minorías han experimentado un aumento, tomando la forma de turba linchamientos y violencia vigilante contra musulmanes, cristianos y dalits. BJP también fortaleció y amplió una serie de leyes y medidas discriminatorias dirigidas a las minorías religiosas. Estos incluyen leyes contra la conversión, a las que los grupos de derechos humanos culpan por empoderar a los grupos Hindutva para llevar a cabo campañas de acoso, exclusión social y violencia contra cristianos, musulmanes y otras minorías religiosas en todo el país '. Las leyes aparentemente destinadas a la protección de las vacas continúan brindando respaldo institucional para campañas similares contra musulmanes y dalits ". [68] [69]
Si bien la discriminación contra los dalits ha disminuido en las zonas urbanas y en la esfera pública [70] , todavía existe en las zonas rurales y en la esfera privada, en asuntos cotidianos como el acceso a lugares para comer, escuelas, templos y fuentes de agua. [71] Algunos dalits se integraron con éxito en la sociedad india urbana, donde los orígenes de las castas son menos obvios. En la India rural, sin embargo, los orígenes de las castas son más evidentes y los dalits a menudo quedan excluidos de la vida religiosa local, aunque algunas pruebas cualitativas sugieren que la exclusión está disminuyendo. [72] [73]
Según la encuesta de 2014 NCAER / Universidad de Maryland, el 27 por ciento de la población india todavía practica la intocabilidad; la cifra puede ser más alta porque muchas personas se niegan a reconocer haberlo hecho cuando se les pregunta, aunque la metodología de la encuesta también fue criticada por inflar potencialmente la cifra. [74] En toda la India, la intocabilidad se practicaba entre el 52 por ciento de los brahmanes , el 33 por ciento de otras clases atrasadas y el 24 por ciento de las castas avanzadas no brahmanes . [75] La intocabilidad también fue practicada por personas de religiones minoritarias: el 23% de los sijs, el 18% de los musulmanes y el 5% de los cristianos. [76] Según datos estatales, la intocabilidad se practica con mayor frecuencia en Madhya Pradesh (53%), seguida de Himachal Pradesh (50%), Chhattisgarh (48%), Rajasthan y Bihar (47%), Uttar Pradesh. (43 por ciento) y Uttarakhand (40 por ciento). [77]
Ejemplos de segregación han incluido la aldea de Ghatwani en Madhya Pradesh , donde la población de la tribu programada de Bhilala no permite que los aldeanos dalit utilicen un pozo público para buscar agua y, por lo tanto, se ven obligados a beber agua sucia. [78] En las áreas metropolitanas alrededor de Nueva Delhi y Bangalore , los dalits y los musulmanes se enfrentan a la discriminación de los propietarios de las castas superiores cuando buscan lugares para alquilar. [79] [80]
En 1855, Mutka Salve, un estudiante de 14 años del líder dalit Savitribai Phule , escribió que durante el gobierno de Baji Rao del Imperio Maratha , las castas dalit fueron expulsadas de sus tierras para construir grandes edificios. También fueron obligados a beber aceite mezclado con plomo rojo que les provocó la muerte, y luego fueron enterrados en los cimientos de los edificios, acabando así con generaciones de dalits. Bajo la regla de Baji Rao, si un dalit cruzaba frente a un gimnasio, le cortaban la cabeza y jugaban "bate y pelota" en el suelo, con sus espadas como murciélagos y su cabeza como una pelota. Bajo estos reyes del siglo XVII, el sacrificio humano de personas intocables no era inusual. También crearon intrincadas reglas y operaciones para garantizar que permanecieran intocables. [81] También escribió que si un dalit aprendía a leer y escribir, Baji Rao diría que su educación le quita el trabajo a un brahmán y que son castigados. [82] [83]
Education
According to an analysis by The IndiaGoverns Research Institute, Dalits constituted nearly half of primary school drop-outs in Karnataka during the period 2012–14.[84][clarification needed] A sample survey in 2014, conducted by Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan and funded by ActionAid, found that among state schools in Madhya Pradesh, 88 per cent discriminated against Dalit children. In 79 per cent of the schools studied, Dalit children are forbidden from touching mid-day meals. They are required to sit separately at lunch in 35 per cent of schools, and are required to eat with specially marked plates in 28 per cent.[85]
There have been incidents and allegations of SC and ST teachers and professors being discriminated against and harassed by authorities, upper castes colleagues and upper caste students in different education institutes of India.[86][87][88][89][90][91] In some cases, such as in Gujarat, state governments have argued that, far from being discriminatory, their rejection when applying for jobs in education has been because there are no suitably qualified candidates from those classifications.[92]
Healthcare and nutrition
Discrimination can also exist in access to healthcare and nutrition. A sample survey of Dalits, conducted over several months in Madhya Pradesh and funded by ActionAid in 2014, found that health field workers did not visit 65 per cent of Dalit settlements. 47 per cent of Dalits were not allowed entry into ration shops; and 64 per cent were given less grains than non-Dalits.[85] In Haryana state, 49 per cent of Dalit children under five years were underweight and malnourished while 80 per cent of those in the 6–59 months age group were anaemic in 2015.[93]
Crime
Dalits comprise a slightly disproportionate number of India's prison inmates.[94] While Dalits (including both SCs and STs) constitute 25 per cent of the Indian population, they account for 33.2 per cent of prisoners.[95] About 24.5 per cent of death row inmates in India are from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which is proportionate to their population. The percentage is highest in Maharashtra (50 per cent), Karnataka (36.4 per cent) and Madhya Pradesh (36 per cent).[96] Dalits have been arrested on false pretexts.[97] According to Human Rights Watch, politically motivated arrests of Dalit rights activists occur and those arrested can be detained for six months without charge.[98]
Caste-related violence between Dalit and non-Dalits stems from ongoing prejudice by upper caste members.[99] The Bhagana rape case, which arose out of a dispute of allocation of land, is an example of atrocities against Dalit girls and women.[100] In August 2015, due to continued alleged discrimination from upper castes of the village, about 100 Dalit inhabitants converted to Islam in a ceremony at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi.[101] Inter-caste marriage has been proposed as a remedy,[102] but according to a 2014 survey of 42,000 households by the New Delhi-based National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) and the University of Maryland, it was estimated that only 5 per cent of Indian marriages cross caste boundaries.[103]
According to data for 2000 collected by India's National Crime Records Bureau, 25,455 crimes against Dalits were committed in the year 2000, the latest year for which the data is only available, 2 Dalits are assaulted every hour, 3 Dalit women are raped every day, 2 Dalits are murdered; and 2 Dalit homes are set on fire every day.[104] Amnesty International documented a high number of sexual assaults against Dalit women, which were often committed by landlords, upper-caste villagers, and policemen, according to a study published in 2001.[105] According to the research, only about 5% of assaults are recorded, and policemen dismiss at least 30% of rape reports as false. The study also discovered that cops often seek bribes, threaten witnesses, and conceal evidence. Victims of rape have also been killed.[104] There have been reports of Dalits being forced to eat human faeces and drink urine by upper caste members and the police.[106][107][108][109] In September 2015, a 45-year-old dalit woman was allegedly stripped naked and was forced to drink urine by perpetrators in Madhya Pradesh.[110] In some parts of India, there have been allegations that Dalit grooms riding horses for wedding ceremonies have been beaten up and ostracised by upper caste people.[111][112][113] In August 2015, upper caste people burned houses and vehicles belonging to Dalit families and slaughtered their livestock in reaction to Dalits daring to hold a temple car procession at a village in Tamil Nadu.[114][115] In August 2015, it was claimed that a Jat Khap Panchayat ordered the rape of two Dalit sisters because their brother eloped with a married Jat girl of the same village.[116][117][118] In 2003, the higher caste Muslims in Bihar opposed the burials of lower caste Muslims in the same graveyard.[119] A Dalit activist was killed in 2020 for social media posts criticising brahmins.[120] A dalit was killed in 2019 for eating in front of upper-caste men.[121]
Prevention of Atrocities Act
The Government of India has attempted on several occasions to legislate specifically to address the issue of caste-related violence that affects SCs and STs. Aside from the Constitutional abolition of untouchability, there has been the Untouchability (Offences) Act of 1955, which was amended in the same year to become the Protection of Civil Rights Act. It was determined that neither of those Acts were effective, so the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989 (POA) came into force.[122]
The POA designated specific crimes against SCs and STs as "atrocities" – a criminal act that has "the quality of being shockingly cruel and inhumane" – which should be prosecuted under its terms rather than existing criminal law.[122] It created corresponding punishments. Its purpose was to curb and punish violence against Dalits, including humiliations such as the forced consumption of noxious substances. Other atrocities included forced labour, denial of access to water and other public amenities, and sexual abuse. The Act permitted Special Courts exclusively to try POA cases. The Act called on states with high levels of caste violence (said to be "atrocity-prone") to appoint qualified officers to monitor and maintain law and order.[citation needed]
In 2015, the Parliament of India passed the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act to address issues regarding implementation of the POA, including instances where the police put procedural obstacles in the way of alleged victims or indeed outright colluded with the accused. It also extended the number of acts that were deemed to be atrocities.[122][123] One of those remedies, in an attempt to address the slow process of cases, was to make it mandatory for states to set up the exclusive Special Courts that the POA had delineated. Progress in doing so, however, was reported in April 2017 to be unimpressive. P. L. Punia, a former chairman of the NCSC, said that the number of pending cases was high because most of the extant Special Courts were in fact not exclusive but rather being used to process some non-POA cases, and because "The special prosecutors are not bothered and the cases filed under this Act are as neglected as the victims".[124] While Dalit rights organisations were cautiously optimistic that the amended Act would improve the situation, legal experts were pessimistic.[122]
Religión
Discrimination is illegal under Indian law (Removal of Civil Disabilities Act (Act 21 of 1938) and (Temple Entry Authorization and Indemnity Act 1939 (Act XXII of 1939) plus Article 17 of the Constitution which outlawed Untouchability.[125] After India's independence in 1947, secular nationalism based on a "composite culture" made all people equal citizens, but Hindutva forces have worked to change India's secular tradition and promote Hindu nationalism.[126] In Pakistan there are tension between forces that want a modern secular state or an Islamic one.[127] The constitution of Bangladesh proclaims Islam is the state religion but upholds secularism.[128]
Hinduism
Most Dalits in India are Hindu.[129] There have been incidents which showed that Dalits were restricted from[130] entering temples by high caste Hindus,[131][132] and participation in religious processions.[133][134]
In the 19th century, the Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj and the Ramakrishna Mission actively participated in the rights of Dalits. While Dalits had places to worship, the first upper-caste temple to openly welcome Dalits was the Laxminarayan Temple in Wardha in 1928. It was followed by the Temple Entry Proclamation issued by the last King of Travancore in the Indian state of Kerala in 1936.[citation needed]
In the 1930s, Gandhi and Ambedkar disagreed regarding retention of the caste system. Whilst Ambedkar wanted to see it destroyed, Gandhi thought that it could be modified by reinterpreting Hindu texts so that the untouchables were absorbed into the Shudra varna. This was this disagreement that led to the Poona Pact.[50] Gandhi began the Harijan Yatra to help the Dalits, but ran into some opposition from Dalits that wanted a complete break from Hinduism.[135]
The declaration by princely states of Kerala between 1936 and 1947 that temples were open to all Hindus went a long way towards ending Untouchability there.[citation needed] However, educational opportunities to Dalits in Kerala remain limited.[136]
Other Hindu groups attempted to reconcile with the Dalit community. Hindu temples are increasingly receptive to Dalit priests, a function formerly reserved for Brahmins.
The fight for temple entry rights for Dalits continues to cause controversy.[137] Brahmins such as Subramania Bharati passed Brahminhood onto a Dalit[citation needed], while in Shivaji's Maratha Empire Dalit warriors (the Mahar Regiment) joined his forces.[138][139] In a 2015 incident in Meerut, when a Dalit belonging to Valmiki caste was denied entry to a Hindu temple he converted to Islam.[140] In September 2015, four Dalit women were fined by the upper-caste Hindus for entering a temple in Karnataka.[141]
There have been allegations that Dalits in Nepal are denied entry to Hindu temples.[142][143] In at least one reported case were beaten up by some upper caste people for doing so.[144]
Sikhism
Guru Nanak in Guru Granth Sahib calls for everyone to treat each other equally. Subsequent Sikh Gurus, all of whom came from the Khatri caste, also denounced the hierarchy of the caste system.[145] Despite this, social stratification exists in the Sikh community. The bulk of the Sikhs of Punjab belong to the Jat caste;[146] there are also two Dalit Sikh castes in the state, called the Mazhabis and the Ramdasias.[147]
Sunrinder S. Jodhka says that, in practice, Sikhs belonging to the landowning dominant castes have not shed all their prejudices against the dalit castes. While dalits would be allowed entry into the village gurudwaras they would not be permitted to cook or serve langar (the communal meal). Therefore, wherever they could mobilise resources, the Sikh dalits of Punjab have tried to construct their own gurudwara and other local-level institutions in order to attain a certain degree of cultural autonomy.[148] In 1953, Sikh leader, Master Tara Singh, succeeded in winning the demands from the Government to include Sikh castes of the converted untouchables in the list of scheduled castes. In the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC), 20 of the 140 seats are reserved for low-caste Sikhs.[149]
Sikh women are required to have the surname "Kaur," and men, the surname "Singh," in order to eradicate caste identities and discrimination.
The Punjabi reformist Satnami movement was founded by Dalit Guru Ghasidas. Guru Ravidas was also a Dalit. Giani Ditt Singh, a Dalit Sikh reformer, started Singh Sabha Movement to convert Dalits. Other reformers, such as Jyotirao Phule, Ayyankali of Kerala and Iyothee Thass of Tamil Nadu worked for Dalit emancipation.[citation needed]
In 2003 the Talhan village Gurudwara endured a bitter dispute between Jat Sikhs and Chamars. The Chamars came out in force and confronted the Randhawa and Bains Jat Sikh landlords, who refused to give the Chamars a share on the governing committee of a shrine dedicated to Shaheed Baba Nihal Singh. The shrine earned 3–7 crore Indian Rupees, and the Jat Sikh landlords allegedly "gobbled up a substantial portion of the offerings". Though Dalits form more than 60 per cent of Talhan's 5,000-strong population, local traditions ensured that they were denied a place on the committee. The landlords, in league with radical Sikh organisations and the SGPC, attempted to keep out the Dalits by razing the shrine overnight and constructing a gurdwara on it, but the Dalit quest for a say in the governing committee did not end.[150]
Chamars fought a four-year court battle with the landlords and their allies, including the Punjab Police. In that time Dalits conducted several boycotts against the Chamars. The Jat Sikhs and their allies cut off the power supply to their homes. In addition, various scuffles and fights set Chamar youths armed with lathis, rocks, bricks, soda bottles and anything they could find fought Jat Sikh landlords, youths and the Punjab police. Dalit youngsters painted their homes and motorcycles with the slogan, Putt Chamar De (proud sons of Chamars) in retaliation to the Jat slogan, Putt Jattan De.[150]
Jainism
Historically Jainism was practised by many communities across India.[151] They are often conservative and are generally considered upper-caste.[152]
In 1958,[153] a Sthanakvasi Jain called Muni Sameer Muni[154][155] came into contact with members of the Khatik community in the Udaipur region, who decided to adopt Jainism. Their centre, Ahimsa Nagar, located about four miles from Chittorgarh, was inaugurated by Mohanlal Sukhadia in 1966. Sameer Muni termed them Veerwaal,[156] that is, belonging to Mahavira. A 22-year-old youth, Chandaram Meghwal, was initiated as a Jain monk at Ahore town in Jalore district in 2005.[157] In 2010 a Mahar engineer called Vishal Damodar was initiated as a Jain monk by Acharya Navaratna Sagar Suriji at Samet Shikhar.[158] Acharya Nanesh, the eighth Achayra of Sadhumargi Jain Shravak Sangha had preached among the Balai community in 1963 near Ratlam.[159] His followers are called Dharmapal.[160] In 1984, some of the Bhangis of Jodhpur came under the influence of Acharya Shri Tulsi and adopted Jainism.[161][162]
Christianity
Christian Dalits are found in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal.[163]
Mass conversions of lower caste Hindus to Christianity and Islam took place in order to escape the discrimination. The main Dalit groups that participated in these conversions were the Chuhras of Punjab, Chamars of North India (Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh), Vankars of Gujarat, and Pulayas of Kerala.[164] The first people converted to Christianity by Jesuits of the Madura Mission were members of Nadars, Maravars, and Pallar.[165] They believed that "Christianity is a true religion; a desire for protection from oppressors and, if possible, material aid; the desire for education for their children; and the knowledge that those who have become Christians had improved".[166]
Christianity was thought to be egalitarian and could provide mobility away from the caste. Sometimes the only change seen was their personal religious identity. Even after conversion, in some cases Dalits were discriminated against due to the "residual leftover" practice of caste discrimination from their previous traditions. This is attributed to the predominantly Hindu society they lived in.[167] Discrimination against Dalit Christians also remained in interactions and mannerisms between castes; for example, during the earlier days, the 'lower caste Christians' had to [cover] their mouths when talking to a Syrian Christian.[164] In many cases they were still referred to by their Hindu caste names: For example Pulayans in Kerala, Pariah in Tamil Nadu, and Madigas in Andra Pradesh, by members of all religious backgrounds.[168]
Even after conversion, to some extent segregation, restriction, hierarchy, and graded ritual purity remained. Data shows that there is more discrimination and less class mobility among the people living in the rural areas, where incidents of caste discrimination is higher among people from all religious backgrounds.[164] In many cases, the churches referred to the Dalits as 'New Christians'. It is alleged to be a derogatory term which classifies the Dalit Christians to be looked down upon by other Christians. During the earlier days of Christianity, in some churches in south India the Dalits had either separate seating, or had to attend the mass outside.[168] Dalit Christians are also said to be grossly underrepresented amongst the clergy in some places.[169]
Inter-caste marriage among Christians is also not commonly practised. For example, Syrian Christians in Kerala marry Dalit Christians[clarification needed] Even intermarriage between Bamons and Sudras in Goa is quite uncommon. Sometimes marriage to a higher class Hindu is preferred to marriage to a Dalit Christian.
Caste-based occupations held by Dalits also show a clear segregation which perpetuated even after becoming Christian. Occupational patterns (including manual scavenging) are prevalent among Dalit Christians in north-west India are said to be quite similar to that of Dalit Hindus.[170] Occupational discrimination for Dalit Christians goes so far as to restrict not only employment but in some cases for clean sanitation and water.[171]
Islam
Dalit Muslim refers to Hindu Untouchables, also called Dalits, who have converted to Islam.[172][173][174]
Participación política
Dalit political parties include:
- Bahujan Samaj Party
- Azad Samaj Party
- Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi, led by Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar, Ambedkar's grandson
- Republican Party of India factions,[175] active in Maharashtra
- Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi and Puthiya Tamilagam are the two major dalit parties in Tamil Nadu
- Lok Janshakti Party, Bihar
- Bahujan Shakti Party, Nepal[176]
- Dalit Janajati Party, Nepal[177]
Anti-Dalit prejudices exist in groups such as the extremist militia Ranvir Sena, largely run by upper-caste landlords in Bihar. They oppose equal treatment of Dalits and have resorted to violence. The Ranvir Sena is considered a terrorist organisation by the government of India.[178] In 2015, Cobrapost exposed many leaders especially like C. P. Thakur alongside former PM Chandra Shekhar associated with Ranvir Sena in Bihar Dalit massacres[179] while governments of Nitish Kumar (under pressure from BJP), Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi did nothing to get justice for Dalits.[180]
The rise of Hindutva's (Hindu nationalism) role in Indian politics has accompanied allegations that religious conversions of Dalits are due to allurements like education and jobs rather than faith. Critics[who?] argue that laws banning conversion and limiting social relief for converts mean that conversion impedes economic success. However, Bangaru Laxman, a Dalit politician, was a prominent member of the Hindutva movement.[citation needed]
Another political issue is Dalit affirmative-action quotas in government jobs and university admissions. About 8 per cent of the seats in the National and State Parliaments are reserved for Scheduled Caste and Tribe candidates.[citation needed]
Jagjivan Ram(1908–1986) was the first scheduled caste leader to emerge at the national level from Bihar.[181] He was member of the Constituent assembly that drafted India's constitution.[182] Ram also served in the interim national government of 1946[183] He served in the cabinets of Congress party Prime ministers Jawaharlal Nehru,[184] Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi.[185] His last position in government was as Deputy Prime Minister of India in the Janata Party government of 1977–1979,[186][187][188]
In modern times several Bharatiya Janata Party leaders were Dalits, including Dinanath Bhaskar, Ramchandra Veerappa and Dr. Suraj Bhan.[citation needed]
In India's most populous state, Uttar Pradesh, Dalits have had a major political impact.[189] The Dalit-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had previously run the government and that party's leader, Mayawati, served several times as chief minister.[190] Regarding her election in 2007, some reports claimed her victory was due to her ability to win support from both 17 per cent of Muslims and nearly 17 per cent Brahmins[191] alongside 80 per cent of Dalits.[192] However, surveys of voters on the eve of elections, indicated that caste loyalties were not the voters' principal concern. Instead, inflation and other issues of social and economic development dictated the outcome.[193][194][195][196] Mayawati's success in reaching across castes has led to speculation about her as a potential future Prime Minister of India.[197]
Aside from Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh, Damodaram Sanjivayya was chief minister of Andhra Pradesh (from 11 January 1960 – 12 March 1962) and Jitan Ram Manjhi was chief minister of Bihar for just less than a year.[citation needed] In 1997, K. R. Narayanan, who was a Dalit, was elected as President of India.[53]
Vote bank
Votebank politics are common in India, usually based on religion or caste. Indeed, the term itself was coined by the Indian sociologist, M. N. Srinivas.[198] Dalits are often used as a votebank.[199][200][201] There have been instances where it has been alleged that an election-winning party reneged on promises made to the Dalits made during the election campaign[202] or have excluded them from party affairs.[203]
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Sub-Plan
The SC, ST Sub-Plan, or Indiramma Kalalu, is a budget allocation by the Government of Andhra Pradesh for the welfare of Dalits. The law was enacted in May 2013. SCs and STs have separate panels for spending. The plan was meant to prevent the government from diverting funds meant for SCs and STs to other programs, which was historically the case. As of 2013[update], no equivalent national plan existed.[204] Scheduled Castes Sub Plan and Tribal Sub-Plan funds are often diverted by state governments to other purposes.[205]
While the Indian Constitution has provisions for the social and economic uplift of Dalits to support their upward social mobility, these concessions are limited to Hindus. Dalits who have converted to other religions have asked that benefits be extended to them.[206]
Más allá del subcontinente indio
United Kingdom
After World War II, immigration from the former British Empire was largely driven by labour shortages.[207] Like the rest of the Indian subcontinent diaspora, Dalits immigrated and established their own communities.[citation needed]
A 2009 report alleged that caste discrimination is "rife" in the United Kingdom.[208] The report alleged that casteism persists in the workplace and within the National Health Service[209] and at doctor's offices.[208][210]
Some claim that caste discrimination is non-existent.[211] Some have rejected the government's right to interfere in the community. The Hindu Forum of Britain conducted their own research, concluding that caste discrimination was "not endemic in British society", that reports to the contrary aimed to increase discrimination by legislating expression and behaviour and that barriers should instead be removed through education.[212]
A 2010 study found that caste discrimination occurs in Britain at work and in service provision. While not ruling out the possibility of discrimination in education, no such incidents were uncovered. The report found favourable results from educational activities. However, non-legislative approaches were claimed to be less effective in the workplace and would not help when the authorities were discriminating. One criticism of discrimination law was the difficulty in obtaining proof of violations. Perceived benefits of legislation were that it provides redress, leads to greater understanding and reduces the social acceptance of such discrimination.[213]
More recent studies in Britain were inconclusive and found that discrimination was "not religion specific and is subscribed to by members of any or no religion".[214] Equalities Minister Helen Grant found insufficient evidence to justify specific legislation, while Shadow Equalities minister Kate Green said that the impact is on a relatively small number of people.[214] Religious studies professor Gavin Flood of the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies concluded that the Hindu community in Britain is particularly well integrated, loosening caste ties.[215] Casteist beliefs were prevalent mainly among first generation immigrants, with such prejudices declining with each successive generation due to greater assimilation.[214]
From September 2013 to February 2014, Indian philosopher Meena Dhanda led a project on 'Caste in Britain' for the UK Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), which focused on the proposed inclusion of a provision in the Equality Act 2010 to protect British citizens against caste discrimination.[216]
Supporters of anti-caste legislation include Lord Avebury and Lady Thornton.[217]
Sikh diaspora in Britain
Sikhs in the United Kingdom are affected by caste. Gurdwaras such as those of the Ramgarhia Sikhs are organised along caste lines and most are controlled by a single caste.[218] In most British towns and cities with a significant Sikh population, rival gurdwaras can be found with caste-specific management committees.[219] The caste system and caste identity is entrenched and reinforced.[218][220]
Caste-based discrimination has occurred amongst Sikhs in the UK. At a sports competition in Birmingham in 1999, Jat Sikhs refused to eat food that had been cooked and prepared by the Chamar community.[222]
Many Sikhs do not wish to give Chamars equal status in their gurdwaras and communities.[223] Sikh Chamars (Ramdassi Sikhs) united with fellow Chamars across religious boundaries to form Ravidassi temples.[citation needed]
Mazhabi Sikhs were subjected to the same forms of inequality and discrimination in gurdwaras from Upper caste Sikhs and unified with Hindu Churas to form Valmiki temples.[citation needed]
Sikh gurdwaras, which often are controlled by the older first generation immigrants, in Britain generally frown upon inter-caste marriages even though they are on the rise. More and more families are affected by inter-caste marriages.
The few gurdwaras that accept inter-caste marriages do so reluctantly. Gurdwaras may insist on the presence of Singh and Kaur in the names of the bridegroom and bride, or deny them access to gurdwara-based religious services and community centres.[224]
In the Caribbean
It is estimated that in 1883, about one-third of the immigrants who arrived in the Caribbean were Dalits. The shared experience of being exploited in a foreign land gradually broke down caste barriers in the Caribbean Hindu communities.[37]
In Continental Europe
The Romani people, originating in northern India, are said to be of Dalit ancestry.[225][226] Between 1001 to 1026, the Romani fought under their Hindu rulers to fight the Ghaznavids.[225]
In the United States
Many Dalits first came to the United States to flee caste-based oppression in South Asia. After the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the demand for labourers brought in many caste-diverse South Asian immigrants, many of whom were Dalit. After the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act, immigrants from India were primarily professionals and students, largely from upper caste or dominant caste families. However, from the 1990s onwards, many more of the skilled labourers arriving from India have been Dalit, due to multiple generations of affirmative action policies in India, as well as ongoing efforts of organised resistance against caste discrimination.[227][228]
Dalits have faced discrimination and mistreatment throughout their existence in the United States. In the landmark Supreme Court Case United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, Thind unsuccessfully argued for his right to citizenship by claiming that his lighter complexion and upper-caste background implied that he was in fact Caucasian. Thind's lawyers described his supposed superiority to lower-caste Indians, stating "The high-caste Hindu regards the aboriginal Indian Mongoloid in the same manner as the American regards the Negro, speaking from a matrimonial standpoint." This attitude describes the disapproval of low-caste Indians such as Dalits held by upper caste Indian Americans at the time.[229]
Some people, like S.P. Kothari, argue that there is no caste division within Hindus in the United States today.[230] However, reports and stories have shown Dalit Americans continue to face significant discrimination in the United States. In 2018, Equality Labs released a report on "Caste in the United States". This report found that one in two Dalit Americans live in fear of their caste being "outed". In addition, 60% have experienced caste-based discriminatory jokes, and 25% have suffered verbal or physical assault because of their caste.[231]
The Equality Labs report also found that two-thirds of Dalit Americans experienced unfair treatment at their workplace. In late June 2020, California's Department of Fair Employment and Housing filed a lawsuit against Cisco Systems, alleging that a Dalit engineer at the company faced discrimination from two of his upper-caste supervisors for his Dalit background.[232] The lawsuit claims that "higher caste supervisors and co-workers imported the discriminatory system's practices into their team and Cisco's workplace".[233]
Literatura
Dalit literature forms a distinct part of Indian literature.[234] One of the first Dalit writers was Madara Chennaiah, an 11th-century cobbler-saint who lived in the reign of Western Chalukyas and who is regarded by some scholars as the "father of Vachana poetry". Another early Dalit poet is Dohara Kakkaiah, a Dalit by birth, six of whose confessional poems survive. The Bharatiya Dalit Sahitya Akademi[235] (Indian Dalit Literature Academy)[236] was founded in 1984 by Babu Jagjivan Ram.
Notable modern authors include Mahatma Phule and Ambedkar in Maharashtra, who focused on the issues of Dalits through their works and writings. This started a new trend in Dalit writing and inspired many Dalits to offer work in Marathi, Hindi, Tamil and Punjabi.[237] There are novels, poems and even drama on Dalit issues. The Indian author Rajesh Talwar has written a play titled 'Gandhi, Ambedkar, and the Four Legged Scorpion' in which the personal experiences of Dr Ambedkar and the sufferings of the community have been highlighted.[238]
Baburao Bagul, Bandhu Madhav[239] and Shankar Rao Kharat, worked in the 1960s. Later the Little magazine movement became popular.[240] In Sri Lanka, writers such as K.Daniel[241] and Dominic Jeeva gained mainstream popularity.
En la industria del cine
Until the 1980s, Dalits had little involvement in Bollywood or other film industries of India[242] and the community were rarely depicted at the heart of storylines.[243] Chirag Paswan (son of Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan) launched his career in Bollywood with his debut film Miley Naa Miley Hum in 2011. Despite political connections and the financial ability to struggle against ingrained prejudices, Chirag was not able to "bag" any other movie project in the following years. Chirag, in his early days, described Bollywood as his "childhood dream", but eventually entered politics instead. When the media tried to talk to him about "Caste in Bollywood", he refused to talk about the matter, and his silence speaks for itself.[244] A recent Hindi film to portray a Dalit character in the leading role, although it was not acted by a Dalit, was Eklavya: The Royal Guard (2007).[245] The continued use of caste based references to Dalit sub-castes in South Indian films (typecast and pigeonholed in their main socio-economic sub-group) angers many Dalit fans.[246]
A Brazilian soap opera Caminho das Índias was broadcast in 2009 where the main female character Maya who is of upper class, falls in love with a Dalit person.[247][248]
Conflictos internos
Several Dalit groups are rivals and sometimes communal tensions are evident. A study found more than 900 Dalit sub-castes throughout India, with internal divisions.[249] Emphasising any one caste threatens what is claimed to be an emerging Dalit identity and fostering rivalry among SCs.[250]
A DLM (Dalit Liberation Movement) party leader said in the early 2000s that it is easier to organise Dalits on a caste basis than to fight caste prejudice itself.[250]
Balmikis and Pasis in the 1990s refused to support the BSP, claiming it was a Jatav party[251] but over 80 per cent of dalits from all united Dalit castes voted BSP to power in 2007.[192]
Many converted Dalit Sikhs claim a superior status over the Hindu Raigars, Joatia Chamars and Ravidasis and sometimes refuse to intermarry with them.[252] They are divided into gotras that regulate their marriage alliances. In Andhra Pradesh, Mala and Madiga were constantly in conflict with each other[253] but as of 2015 Mala and Madiga students work for common dalit cause at University level.[254]
Although the Khateek (butchers) are generally viewed as a higher caste than Bhangis, the latter refuse to offer cleaning services to Khateeks, believing that their profession renders them unclean. They also consider the Balai, Dholi and Mogya as unclean and do not associate with them.[255]
Gente notable
Ver también
- 2006 Dalit protests in Maharashtra
- Ambedkar Makkal Iyakkam
- Ayyathan Gopalan
- Bhopal Conference
- Chaitya Bhoomi
- Dalit Buddhism
- Dalit businesses
- Dalit Christianity
- Dalit feminism
- Dalit Freedom Network
- Dalit History Month
- Dalit music
- Dalit nationalism
- Deekshabhoomi
- Health care access among Dalits in India
- Lord Buddha TV
- Mahadalit
- Manual scavenging – a caste-based activity in India, officially abolished but still ongoing
- Marichjhapi massacre
- Namantar Andolan
- Sikh Light Infantry
- Statue of Equality
Notas
Referencias
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Fuentes
- Ballard, Roger (1994). Desh Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain. Hurst. p. 110. ISBN 978-1-85065-091-1.
- Gorringe, Hugo (24 January 2005). Untouchable Citizens: Dalit Movements and Democratization in Tamil Nadu. SAGE Publications. ISBN 978-0-7619-3323-6.
- Jain, L. C. (2005). Decentralisation and Local Governance: Essays for George Mathew. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 978-81-250-2707-2.
- Takhar, Opinderjit Kaur (2005). Sikh Identity: An Exploration of Groups Among Sikhs. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-5202-1.
- Sangave, Vilas Adinath (1980). Jaina Community: A Social Survey. Popular Prakashan. ISBN 978-0-317-12346-3.
Otras lecturas
- Paik, Shailaja. "The rise of new Dalit women in Indian historiography." History Compass 16.10 (2018) I: e12491. online
- Rajshekhar, V. T. (2003). Dalit – The Black Untouchables of India (2nd ed.). Clarity Press. ISBN 0-932863-05-1.
- Joshi, Barbara R. (1986). Untouchable!: Voices of the Dalit Liberation Movement. Zed Books. ISBN 978-0-86232-460-5.
- Omvedt, Gail (1994). Dalits and the Democratic Revolution – Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India. Sage Publications. ISBN 81-7036-368-3.
- Samaddara, Ranabira; Shah, Ghanshyam (2001). Dalit Identity and Politics. Sage Publications. ISBN 978-0-7619-9508-1.
- Franco, Fernando; Macwan, Jyotsna; Ramanathan, Suguna (2004). Journeys to Freedom: Dalit Narratives. Popular Prakashan. ISBN 978-81-85604-65-7.
- Limbale, Sharankumar (2004). Towards an Aesthetic of Dalit Literature. Orient Longman. ISBN 81-250-2656-8.
- Zelliot, Eleanor (2005). From Untouchable to Dalit – Essays on the Ambedkar Movement. Manohar. ISBN 81-7304-143-1.
- Sharma, Pradeep K. (2006). Dalit Politics and Literature. Shipra Publications. ISBN 978-81-7541-271-2.
- Omvedt, Gail (2006). Dalit Visions: The Anti-caste Movement and the Construction of an Indian Identity. Orient Longman. ISBN 978-81-250-2895-6.
- Michael, S. M. (2007). Dalits in Modern India – Vision and Values. Sage Publications. ISBN 978-0-7619-3571-1.
- Prasad, Amar Nath; Gaijan, M. B. (2007). Dalit Literature: A Critical Exploration. ISBN 978-81-7625-817-3.
- Mani, Braj Ranjan (2005). Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society. Manohar Publishers and Distributors. ISBN 81-7304-640-9.
- Ghosh, Partha S. (July 1997). "Positive Discrimination in India: A Political Analysis" (PDF). Ethnic Studies Report. XV (2). Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 March 2004.
- Rege, Sharmila (2006). Writing Caste Writing Gender:Narrating Dalit Women's Testimonios. Zubaan. ISBN 9788189013011.
enlaces externos
- International Dalit Solidarity Network
- Is there ‘Dalit’ literature in Bangla?