La Guerra de Irak [nb 1] fue un prolongado conflicto armado que comenzó en 2003 con la invasión de Irak por parte de la coalición liderada por Estados Unidos que derrocó al gobierno de Saddam Hussein . El conflicto continuó durante gran parte de la próxima década cuando surgió una insurgencia para oponerse a las fuerzas de ocupación y al gobierno iraquí posterior a la invasión. [55] Se estima que entre 151.000 y 1.033.000 iraquíes murieron en los primeros tres a cinco años de conflicto. Las tropas estadounidenses se retiraron oficialmente en 2011. Estados Unidos volvió a involucrarse en 2014 a la cabeza de una nueva coalición.; continúan la insurgencia y muchas dimensiones del conflicto armado. La invasión se produjo como parte de la administración de George W. Bush 's guerra contra el terrorismo tras los atentados del 11 a pesar de ninguna conexión de este último a Irak. [56]
| Guerra de irak | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Parte del conflicto iraquí y la guerra contra el terrorismo | |||||||
 En el sentido de las agujas del reloj desde arriba : tropas estadounidenses en el escondite de Uday y Qusay Hussein; insurgentes en el norte de Irak; un insurgente iraquí disparando un MANPADS ; el derrocamiento de la estatua de Saddam Hussein en la plaza Firdos | |||||||
| |||||||
| Beligerantes | |||||||
Fase de invasión (2003) Estados Unidos Reino Unido Australia Polonia Peshmerga Con el apoyo de : Italia [1] Países Bajos [2]       | Fase de invasión (2003) Irak | ||||||
| Después de la invasión  MNF – I(2003-2009)
Con el apoyo de : Irán [3] [4] Kurdistán iraquí
| Después de la invasión (2003-2011) leales al Baaz
Apoyado por : Irán
| ||||||
| Comandantes y líderes | |||||||
|
 Príncipe Robe Anders Fogh Rasmussen Aleksander Kwaśniewski Lech Kaczyński |
Insurgencia sunita Abu Musab al-Zarqawi † Abu Ayyub al-Masri † Abu Omar al-Baghdadi † Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi † Ishmael Jubouri Abu Abdullah al-Shafi'i ( POW ) Insurgencia chiita Muqtada al-Sadr Abu Deraa Qais al-Khazali Akram al-Kaabi Qasem Soleimani [14]     | ||||||
| Fuerza | |||||||
| Fuerzas de invasión (2003) 176.000 en el pico Fuerzas de los Estados Unidos - Irak (2010-11) 112.000 en la activación Contratistas de seguridad 6.000-7.000 (estimación) [16] Fuerzas de seguridad iraquíes 805.269 (militares y paramilitares: 578.269, [17] policías: 227.000) Milicias del despertar , 000103.000 (2008) [18] Kurdistán iraquí ≈400.000 (Guardia fronteriza kurda: 30.000, [19] Peshmerga 75.000) |
Insurgentes sunitas 1.000 (2008) Ejército de los Hombres de la Orden Naqshbandi 500-1.000 (2007) | ||||||
| Víctimas y pérdidas | |||||||
| Fuerzas de seguridad iraquíes (posteriores a Saddam) Total de heridos: 117.961 | Combatiente iraquí muerto (período de invasión): 5.388-10.800 [40] [41] [42] Insurgentes (después de Saddam) Muertos : 26.544 (2003-11) [43] (4000 combatientes extranjeros muertos en septiembre de 2006) [44] Detenidos : 12.000 ( detenidos por iraquíes, solo en 2010) [45] 119.752 insurgentes detenidos (2003-2007) [46] Total de muertos: 31.608–37.344 | ||||||
| Muertes estimadas : Encuesta | |||||||
| * "heridos, enfermos u otros médicos": transporte aéreo médico requerido. El número del Reino Unido incluye "evacuaciones aeromedidas". ** El exceso total de muertes incluye todas las muertes adicionales debido al aumento de la anarquía, la infraestructura degradada, la atención médica más deficiente, etc. *** Solo muertes violentas : no incluye el exceso de muertes debido al aumento de la anarquía, la atención médica más deficiente, etc. | |||||||
Comando Supremo para la Jihad y la Liberación
Ejército Islámico de Irak
Fuerzas Armadas Iraquíes : 375,000 (disueltas en 2003) Guardia Republicana Iraquí Especial : 12,000 Guardia Republicana Iraquí : 70,000–75,000 Fedayines Saddam : 30,000
En octubre de 2002, el Congreso otorgó al presidente Bush el poder de decidir si lanzaba algún ataque militar en Irak. [57] La guerra de Irak comenzó el 20 de marzo de 2003, [58] cuando Estados Unidos, junto con el Reino Unido y varios aliados de la coalición, lanzó una campaña de bombardeos de " conmoción y pavor ". Las fuerzas iraquíes se vieron rápidamente abrumadas cuando las fuerzas de la coalición arrasaron el país. La invasión condujo al colapso del gobierno baazista ; Saddam Hussein fue capturado durante la Operación Amanecer Rojo en diciembre de ese mismo año y ejecutado tres años después . El vacío de poder que siguió a la desaparición de Saddam y la mala gestión por parte de la Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición condujeron a una guerra civil generalizada entre chiítas y sunitas , así como a una prolongada insurgencia contra las fuerzas de la coalición . Muchos de los grupos insurgentes violentos fueron apoyados por Irán y al-Qaeda en Irak . Estados Unidos respondió con una concentración de 170.000 soldados en 2007 . [59] Este aumento dio un mayor control al gobierno y al ejército de Irak, y muchos lo consideraron un éxito. [60] En 2008, el presidente Bush acordó la retirada de todas las tropas de combate estadounidenses de Irak. La retirada se completó bajo la presidencia de Barack Obama en diciembre de 2011. [61] [62]
La administración Bush basó su razón de ser de la guerra de Irak en la afirmación de que Irak tenía un programa de armas de destrucción masiva (ADM), [63] y que Irak representaba una amenaza para Estados Unidos y sus aliados. [64] [65] Algunos funcionarios estadounidenses acusaron falsamente a Saddam de albergar y apoyar a al-Qaeda . [66] En 2004, la Comisión del 11-S dijo que no había evidencia de una relación operativa entre el régimen de Saddam Hussein y al-Qaeda. [67] Nunca se encontraron reservas de armas de destrucción masiva o un programa activo de armas de destrucción masiva en Irak. [68] Los funcionarios de la administración Bush hicieron numerosas afirmaciones sobre una supuesta relación entre Saddam y al-Qaeda y armas de destrucción masiva que se basaron en pruebas incompletas y que los funcionarios de inteligencia rechazaron. [68] [69] La justificación de la guerra se enfrentó a fuertes críticas tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. [70] El Informe Chilcot , una investigación británica sobre su decisión de ir a la guerra, se publicó en 2016 y concluyó que las alternativas pacíficas a la guerra no se habían agotado, que el Reino Unido y los Estados Unidos habían socavado la autoridad de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Consejo , que el proceso de identificación de la base jurídica estaba "lejos de ser satisfactorio" y que la guerra era innecesaria. [71] [72] [73] Cuando fue interrogado por el FBI , Saddam Hussein confirmó que Irak no tenía armas de destrucción masiva antes de la invasión estadounidense. [74]
A raíz de la invasión, Irak celebró elecciones multipartidistas en 2005. Nouri al-Maliki se convirtió en primer ministro en 2006 y permaneció en el cargo hasta 2014. El gobierno de al-Maliki promulgó políticas que alienaron a la minoría sunita anteriormente dominante del país y agravaron la sectaria tensiones. En el verano de 2014, ISIL lanzó una ofensiva militar en el norte de Irak y declaró un califato islámico mundial , lo que llevó a la Operación Resolución Inherente , otra respuesta militar de Estados Unidos y sus aliados.
La guerra de Irak causó al menos cien mil muertes de civiles, así como decenas de miles de muertes militares (véanse las estimaciones a continuación ). La mayoría de las muertes ocurrieron como consecuencia de la insurgencia y los conflictos civiles entre 2004 y 2007. Posteriormente, la Guerra en Irak de 2013 a 2017, que se considera un efecto dominó de la invasión, provocó al menos 155.000 muertes, además de la desplazamiento de cinco millones de personas dentro del país. [75] [76] [77]
Fondo
La fuerte oposición internacional al régimen de Saddam Hussein comenzó después de la invasión iraquí de Kuwait en 1990. La comunidad internacional condenó la invasión, [78] y en 1991 una coalición militar liderada por Estados Unidos lanzó la Guerra del Golfo para expulsar a Irak de Kuwait. Después de la Guerra del Golfo, Estados Unidos y sus aliados intentaron controlar a Saddam Hussein con una política de contención . Esta política implicó numerosas sanciones económicas por parte del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU ; la aplicación de las zonas de exclusión aérea iraquíes declaradas por Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido para proteger a los kurdos en el Kurdistán iraquí ya los chiítas en el sur de los ataques aéreos del gobierno iraquí; e inspecciones en curso para asegurar el cumplimiento por Irak de las resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas relativas a las armas de destrucción masiva iraquíes .
Las inspecciones fueron realizadas por la Comisión Especial de las Naciones Unidas (UNSCOM). La UNSCOM, en cooperación con la Agencia Internacional de Energía Atómica , trabajó para asegurar que Irak destruyera sus armas e instalaciones químicas, biológicas y nucleares. [79] En la década que siguió a la Guerra del Golfo, las Naciones Unidas aprobaron 16 resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad que pedían la eliminación completa de las armas de destrucción masiva iraquíes. Los Estados miembros comunicaron su frustración a lo largo de los años porque Irak estaba obstaculizando el trabajo de la comisión especial y no tomando en serio sus obligaciones de desarme. Los funcionarios iraquíes acosaron a los inspectores y obstruyeron su trabajo, [79] y en agosto de 1998 el gobierno iraquí suspendió por completo la cooperación con los inspectores, alegando que los inspectores estaban espiando para Estados Unidos. [80] Las acusaciones de espionaje se confirmaron posteriormente. [81]
En octubre de 1998, la destitución del gobierno iraquí se convirtió en la política exterior oficial de Estados Unidos con la promulgación de la Ley de Liberación de Irak . La ley proporcionó 97 millones de dólares para que las "organizaciones de oposición democrática" iraquíes "establezcan un programa para apoyar una transición a la democracia en Irak". [82] Esta legislación contrasta con los términos establecidos en la Resolución 687 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas , que se enfoca en armas y programas de armas y no menciona el cambio de régimen. [83] Un mes después de la aprobación de la Ley de Liberación de Irak, Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido lanzaron una campaña de bombardeo de Irak llamada Operación Zorro del Desierto . El fundamento expreso de la campaña era obstaculizar la capacidad del gobierno de Saddam Hussein para producir armas químicas, biológicas y nucleares, pero el personal de inteligencia de Estados Unidos también esperaba que ayudaría a debilitar el control de Saddam en el poder. [84]
Tras la elección de George W. Bush como presidente en 2000 , Estados Unidos se movió hacia una política de Irak más agresiva. La plataforma de campaña del Partido Republicano en las elecciones de 2000 pidió la "implementación total" de la Ley de Liberación de Irak como "un punto de partida" en un plan para "derrocar" a Saddam. [85] Poco movimiento formal hacia una invasión se produjo hasta los ataques del 11 de septiembre, aunque se redactaron planes y se celebraron reuniones desde los primeros días de su administración. [86] [87]
Eventos anteriores a la guerra
Después del 11 de septiembre, el equipo de seguridad nacional de la administración Bush debatió activamente una invasión de Irak. El día de los ataques, el secretario de Defensa Donald Rumsfeld pidió a sus ayudantes: "la mejor información rápidamente. Juzguen si lo suficientemente bueno golpeó a Saddam Hussein al mismo tiempo. No solo a Osama bin Laden ". [88] El presidente Bush habló con Rumsfeld el 21 de noviembre y le dio instrucciones de realizar una revisión confidencial de OPLAN 1003 , el plan de guerra para invadir Irak. [89] Rumsfeld se reunió con el general Tommy Franks , el comandante del Comando Central de Estados Unidos , el 27 de noviembre para repasar los planes. Un registro de la reunión incluye la pregunta "¿Cómo empezar?", Que enumera múltiples justificaciones posibles para una guerra entre Estados Unidos e Irak. [90] [91] La justificación para invadir Irak como respuesta al 11 de septiembre ha sido ampliamente cuestionada, ya que no hubo cooperación entre Saddam Hussein y al-Qaeda . [92]
El presidente Bush comenzó a sentar las bases públicas para una invasión de Irak en el discurso del Estado de la Unión de enero de 2002 , llamando a Irak miembro del Eje del Mal y diciendo "Los Estados Unidos de América no permitirán que los regímenes más peligrosos del mundo nos amenacen con las armas más destructivas del mundo ". [93] Bush dijo esto e hizo muchas otras acusaciones horribles sobre la amenaza de las armas iraquíes de destrucción masiva a pesar de que la administración Bush sabía que Irak no tenía armas nucleares y no tenía información sobre si Irak tenía armas biológicas. [94] En su discurso del 12 de septiembre de 2002 ante el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, comenzó a presentar formalmente su caso ante la comunidad internacional por una invasión de Irak . [95] Sin embargo, un informe del 5 de septiembre de 2002 del general de división Glen Shaffer reveló que la Dirección de Inteligencia J2 del Estado Mayor Conjunto había llegado a la conclusión de que el conocimiento de los Estados Unidos sobre los diferentes aspectos del programa iraquí de armas de destrucción masiva variaba esencialmente de cero a aproximadamente 75 %, y ese conocimiento era particularmente débil sobre aspectos de un posible programa de armas nucleares: "Nuestro conocimiento del programa de armas nucleares iraquí se basa en gran medida, tal vez el 90%, en análisis de inteligencia imprecisa", concluyeron. "Nuestras evaluaciones se basan en gran medida en supuestos analíticos y juicios en lugar de pruebas sólidas. La base de pruebas es particularmente escasa para los programas nucleares iraquíes". [96] [97] De manera similar, el gobierno británico no encontró evidencia de que Irak poseyera armas nucleares o cualquier otra arma de destrucción masiva y que Irak no representara una amenaza para Occidente, una conclusión que los diplomáticos británicos compartieron con el gobierno de Estados Unidos. [98]
Los aliados clave de Estados Unidos en la OTAN , como el Reino Unido , estuvieron de acuerdo con las acciones de Estados Unidos, mientras que Francia y Alemania criticaron los planes para invadir Irak, defendiendo en cambio la diplomacia continua y las inspecciones de armas. Después de un debate considerable, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU adoptó una resolución de compromiso, la Resolución 1441 del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU , que autorizó la reanudación de las inspecciones de armas y prometió "graves consecuencias" por el incumplimiento. Los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad, Francia y Rusia, dejaron en claro que no consideraban que estas consecuencias incluyesen el uso de la fuerza para derrocar al gobierno iraquí. [99] Los embajadores de Estados Unidos y Reino Unido ante la ONU confirmaron públicamente esta lectura de la resolución. [100]
La resolución 1441 estableció inspecciones por parte de la Comisión de Control, Verificación e Inspección de las Naciones Unidas (UNMOVIC) y la Agencia Internacional de Energía Atómica. Saddam aceptó la resolución el 13 de noviembre y los inspectores regresaron a Irak bajo la dirección del presidente de la UNMOVIC, Hans Blix, y el director general del OIEA, Mohamed ElBaradei . En febrero de 2003, el OIEA "no encontró pruebas o indicios plausibles de la reactivación de un programa de armas nucleares en Irak"; el OIEA llegó a la conclusión de que algunos artículos que podrían haberse utilizado en centrifugadoras de enriquecimiento nuclear, como los tubos de aluminio, estaban destinados de hecho a otros usos. [101] En marzo de 2003, Blix dijo que se habían realizado avances en las inspecciones y que no se había encontrado evidencia de ADM. [102]
En octubre de 2002, el Congreso de Estados Unidos aprobó la " Resolución de Irak ", que autorizaba al presidente a "utilizar cualquier medio necesario" contra Irak. Los estadounidenses encuestados en enero de 2003 favorecieron ampliamente una mayor diplomacia en lugar de una invasión. Más tarde ese año, sin embargo, los estadounidenses comenzaron a estar de acuerdo con el plan de Bush (ver la opinión popular en los Estados Unidos sobre la invasión de Irak ). El gobierno de los Estados Unidos participó en una elaborada campaña de relaciones públicas internas para promocionar la guerra entre sus ciudadanos. Los estadounidenses creían abrumadoramente que Saddam tenía armas de destrucción masiva: el 85% dijo que sí, a pesar de que los inspectores no habían descubierto esas armas. En febrero de 2003, el 64% de los estadounidenses apoyaba la adopción de medidas militares para sacar a Saddam del poder. [103]
El 5 de febrero de 2003, el secretario de Estado Colin Powell compareció ante la ONU para presentar pruebas de que Irak escondía armas no convencionales. Sin embargo, la presentación de Powell incluyó información basada en las afirmaciones de Rafid Ahmed Alwan al-Janabi, con nombre en código "Curveball" , un emigrante iraquí que vive en Alemania y que luego admitió que sus afirmaciones eran falsas. [104] Powell también presentó pruebas que alegaban que Irak tenía vínculos con al-Qaeda. Como seguimiento a la presentación de Powell, Estados Unidos, Reino Unido, Polonia, Italia, Australia, Dinamarca, Japón y España propusieron una resolución que autoriza el uso de la fuerza en Irak, pero miembros de la OTAN como Canadá, Francia y Alemania. , junto con Rusia, instó encarecidamente a continuar con la diplomacia. Enfrentando un voto perdedor, así como un probable veto de Francia y Rusia, Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido, Polonia, España, Dinamarca, Italia, Japón y Australia finalmente retiraron su resolución. [105] [106]
En marzo de 2003, Estados Unidos, Reino Unido, Polonia, Australia, España, Dinamarca e Italia comenzaron a prepararse para la invasión de Irak con una serie de relaciones públicas y movimientos militares. En un discurso a la nación el 17 de marzo de 2003, Bush exigió que Saddam y sus dos hijos, Uday y Qusay , se rindieran y abandonaran Irak, dándoles un plazo de 48 horas. [107]
La Cámara de los Comunes del Reino Unido celebró un debate sobre ir a la guerra el 18 de marzo de 2003, donde la moción del gobierno fue aprobada por 412 a 149. [108] La votación fue un momento clave en la historia de la administración de Blair , ya que el número de diputados del gobierno que se rebeló contra la votación fue la mayor desde la derogación de las leyes del maíz en 1846. Tres ministros del gobierno dimitieron en protesta por la guerra, John Denham , Lord Hunt de Kings Heath , y el entonces líder de la Cámara de los Comunes Robin Cook .
Oposición a la invasión
En octubre de 2002, el ex presidente de los Estados Unidos, Bill Clinton, advirtió sobre los posibles peligros de una acción militar preventiva contra Irak. Hablando en el Reino Unido en una conferencia del Partido Laborista , dijo: "Como una acción preventiva hoy, por muy justificada que esté, puede volver con consecuencias no deseadas en el futuro ... No me importa qué tan precisas sean sus bombas y sus armas cuando los hagas explotar, morirán personas inocentes ". [109] [110] De 209 demócratas de la Cámara de Representantes en el Congreso, 126 votaron en contra de la Resolución de Autorización para el Uso de la Fuerza Militar contra Irak de 2002 , aunque 29 de 50 demócratas en el Senado votaron a favor de ella. Solo un senador republicano, Lincoln Chafee , votó en contra. El único independiente del Senado, Jim Jeffords , votó en contra. El marine estadounidense retirado, exsecretario de la Marina y futuro senador estadounidense Jim Webb escribió poco antes de la votación: "Aquellos que están presionando por una guerra unilateral en Irak saben muy bien que no hay una estrategia de salida si invadimos". [111]
En el mismo período, el Papa Juan Pablo II condenó públicamente la intervención militar. Durante una reunión privada, también le dijo directamente a George W. Bush: "Señor presidente, usted conoce mi opinión sobre la guerra en Irak. Hablemos de otra cosa. Cada violencia, contra uno o un millón, es una blasfemia dirigida a la imagen y semejanza de Dios ". [112]
El 20 de enero de 2003, el canciller francés Dominique de Villepin declaró que "creemos que la intervención militar sería la peor solución". [114] Mientras tanto, los grupos pacifistas de todo el mundo organizaron protestas públicas. Según el académico francés Dominique Reynié , entre el 3 de enero y el 12 de abril de 2003, 36 millones de personas de todo el mundo participaron en casi 3.000 protestas contra la guerra en Irak, siendo las más numerosas las manifestaciones del 15 de febrero de 2003 . [115] Nelson Mandela expresó su oposición a finales de enero, afirmando "Todo lo que (el Sr. Bush) quiere es petróleo iraquí ", y cuestionando si Bush deliberadamente socavó a la ONU "porque el secretario general de las Naciones Unidas [era] un negro hombre". [116]
En febrero de 2003, el principal general del ejército estadounidense, Eric Shinseki , dijo al Comité de Servicios Armados del Senado que se necesitarían "varios cientos de miles de soldados" para asegurar Irak. [117] Dos días después, el secretario de Defensa de Estados Unidos, Donald Rumsfeld, dijo que el compromiso de tropas de la posguerra sería menor que el número de tropas necesarias para ganar la guerra, y que "la idea de que se necesitarían varios cientos de miles de fuerzas estadounidenses está lejos de la marca." El subsecretario de Defensa, Paul Wolfowitz, dijo que la estimación de Shinseki estaba "muy fuera de lugar", porque otros países participarían en una fuerza de ocupación. [118]
El secretario de Relaciones Exteriores de Alemania, Joschka Fischer , aunque estaba a favor de estacionar tropas alemanas en Afganistán , aconsejó al canciller federal Schröder que no se uniera a la guerra en Irak. Fischer se enfrentó al secretario de Defensa de los Estados Unidos, Donald Rumsfeld, en la 39ª Conferencia de Seguridad de Munich en 2003, sobre la supuesta evidencia del secretario de la posesión de armas de destrucción masiva por parte de Irak : "¡Disculpe, no estoy convencido!" [119]
Hubo serias cuestiones legales en torno al lanzamiento de la guerra contra Irak y la Doctrina Bush de la guerra preventiva en general. El 16 de septiembre de 2004, Kofi Annan , Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas, dijo sobre la invasión: "He indicado que no estaba en conformidad con la Carta de las Naciones Unidas . Desde nuestro punto de vista, desde el punto de vista de la Carta, era ilegal ". [120]
En noviembre de 2008, Lord Bingham , el ex Lord de la Ley británico , describió la guerra como una grave violación del derecho internacional y acusó a Gran Bretaña y Estados Unidos de actuar como un " vigilante mundial ". También criticó el historial posterior a la invasión de Gran Bretaña como "potencia ocupante en Irak". Con respecto al trato de los detenidos iraquíes en Abu Ghraib , Bingham dijo: "Particularmente preocupante para los defensores del estado de derecho es la cínica falta de preocupación por la legalidad internacional entre algunos altos funcionarios de la administración Bush ". [121] En julio de 2010, el viceprimer ministro del Reino Unido, Nick Clegg , durante la sesión del PMQ en el Parlamento, condenó la invasión de Irak como "ilegal", aunque luego aclaró que se trataba de una opinión personal, no oficial. [122]
2003: invasión
El primer equipo de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia entró en Irak el 10 de julio de 2002. [123] Este equipo estaba compuesto por miembros de la División de Actividades Especiales de la CIA y más tarde se unieron miembros del Comando Conjunto de Operaciones Especiales (JSOC) de élite del ejército estadounidense . [124] Juntos, se prepararon para una invasión de fuerzas convencionales. Estos esfuerzos consistieron en persuadir a los comandantes de varias divisiones militares iraquíes para que se rindieran en lugar de oponerse a la invasión, e identificar todos los objetivos iniciales de liderazgo durante misiones de reconocimiento de muy alto riesgo. [124]
Lo más importante es que sus esfuerzos organizaron al Peshmerga kurdo para que se convirtiera en el frente norte de la invasión. Juntos, esta fuerza derrotó a Ansar al-Islam en el Kurdistán iraquí antes de la invasión y luego derrotó al ejército iraquí en el norte. [124] [125] La batalla contra Ansar al-Islam, conocida como Operación Martillo Vikingo , provocó la muerte de un número sustancial de militantes y el descubrimiento de una instalación de armas químicas en Sargat. [123] [126]
A las 5:34 am, hora de Bagdad, del 20 de marzo de 2003 (9:34 pm, 19 de marzo EST) comenzó la sorpresiva [127] invasión militar de Irak. [128] No hubo declaración de guerra. [129] La invasión de Irak en 2003 fue dirigida por el general del ejército estadounidense Tommy Franks , bajo el nombre en clave Operation Iraqi Freedom , [130] el nombre en clave del Reino Unido Operación Telic y el nombre en clave australiano Operation Falconer . Las fuerzas de la coalición también cooperaron con las fuerzas kurdas de Peshmerga en el norte. Aproximadamente otros cuarenta gobiernos, la " Coalición de la Voluntad ", participaron proporcionando tropas, equipo, servicios, seguridad y fuerzas especiales, con 248.000 soldados de los Estados Unidos, 45.000 soldados británicos, 2.000 soldados australianos y 194 soldados polacos de las Fuerzas Especiales. unidad GROM enviada a Kuwait para la invasión. [131] La fuerza de invasión también fue apoyada por tropas de la milicia kurda iraquí , estimadas en más de 70.000. [132]
Según el general Franks, había ocho objetivos de la invasión:
"Primero, poner fin al régimen de Saddam Hussein. Segundo, identificar, aislar y eliminar las armas de destrucción masiva de Irak. Tercero, buscar, capturar y expulsar a los terroristas de ese país. Cuarto, recopilar información de inteligencia como podemos relacionarnos con redes terroristas. Quinto, recopilar información de inteligencia que podamos relacionar con la red mundial de armas ilícitas de destrucción masiva. Sexto, poner fin a las sanciones y brindar apoyo humanitario de inmediato a los desplazados y a muchos ciudadanos iraquíes necesitados. Séptimo , para asegurar los campos petroleros y los recursos de Irak , que pertenecen al pueblo iraquí. Y por último, para ayudar al pueblo iraquí a crear las condiciones para una transición hacia un autogobierno representativo ". [133]
La invasión fue una operación rápida y decisiva que encontró una gran resistencia, aunque no lo que esperaban las fuerzas estadounidenses, británicas y otras. El régimen iraquí se había preparado para luchar tanto en una guerra convencional como en una irregular y asimétrica al mismo tiempo, cediendo territorio cuando se enfrentaba a fuerzas convencionales superiores, en gran parte blindadas, pero lanzando ataques de menor escala en la retaguardia utilizando combatientes vestidos de civil y paramilitares.
Las tropas de la coalición lanzaron asaltos aéreos y anfibios en la península de al-Faw para asegurar los campos petroleros allí y los puertos importantes, apoyados por buques de guerra de la Royal Navy , la Armada polaca y la Royal Australian Navy . La Unidos Marina de los Estados ' 15ta Unidad Expedicionaria de la Marina , que se adjunta a la brigada de comando 3 y la unidad de las fuerzas especiales polacas GROM , atacó el puerto de Umm Qasr , mientras que el ejército británico ' s Brigada de Asalto Aéreo 16 aseguró los campos petroleros en el sur del país. [134] [135]
La armadura pesada de la 3.a División de Infantería de EE. UU. Se movió hacia el oeste y luego hacia el norte a través del desierto occidental hacia Bagdad, mientras que la 1.a Fuerza Expedicionaria de la Marina se movió más hacia el este a lo largo de la Carretera 1 a través del centro del país, y la 1 División Blindada (Reino Unido) se movió hacia el norte a través de las marismas del este. [136] La 1ª División de Infantería de Marina de los Estados Unidos luchó a través de Nasiriyah en una batalla para apoderarse del principal cruce de carreteras. [137] La 3.ª División de Infantería del Ejército de los Estados Unidos derrotó a las fuerzas iraquíes atrincheradas en el aeródromo de Talil y sus alrededores . [138]
Con los aeródromos Nasiriyah y Talil asegurados en su retaguardia, la 3.a División de Infantería apoyada por la 101.a División Aerotransportada continuó su ataque hacia el norte hacia Najaf y Karbala, pero una fuerte tormenta de arena frenó el avance de la coalición y hubo un alto para consolidar y asegurarse de que el las líneas de suministro estaban seguras. [139] Cuando empezaron de nuevo, aseguraron el Karbala Gap, un acceso clave a Bagdad, luego aseguraron los puentes sobre el río Éufrates , y las fuerzas estadounidenses atravesaron la brecha hacia Bagdad. En el centro de Irak, la 1.ª División de Infantería de Marina se abrió camino hacia el lado este de Bagdad y se preparó para el ataque para apoderarse de la ciudad. [140]
El 9 de abril, Bagdad cayó, poniendo fin al gobierno de 24 años de Saddam. Las fuerzas estadounidenses tomaron los ministerios del Partido Baaz abandonados y, según algunos informes posteriormente disputados por los marines en tierra, organizaron [141] el derribo de una enorme estatua de hierro de Saddam , cuyas fotos y videos se convirtieron en un símbolo de el evento, aunque posteriormente controvertido. Al parecer, aunque no se vio en las fotos ni se escuchó en los videos, filmado con una lente de zoom , fue el cántico de la multitud enardecida por Muqtada al-Sadr , el clérigo chiíta radical. [142] La abrupta caída de Bagdad estuvo acompañada de un gran derramamiento de gratitud hacia los invasores, pero también de un desorden civil masivo, incluido el saqueo de edificios públicos y gubernamentales y un aumento drástico de la delincuencia. [143] [144]
Según el Pentágono , se saquearon 250.000 toneladas cortas (230.000 t) (de un total de 650.000 toneladas cortas (590.000 t)) de artillería, lo que proporcionó una importante fuente de munición para la insurgencia iraquí . La fase de invasión concluyó cuando Tikrit , la ciudad natal de Saddam, cayó con poca resistencia a los marines estadounidenses de la Task Force Trípoli .
En la fase de invasión de la guerra (19 de marzo a 30 de abril), las fuerzas de la coalición mataron a unos 9.200 combatientes iraquíes junto con unos 3.750 no combatientes, es decir, civiles que no tomaron las armas. [145] Las fuerzas de la coalición informaron de la muerte en combate de 139 militares estadounidenses [146] y 33 militares del Reino Unido. [147]
2003-2011: fase posterior a la invasión
2003: inicios de la insurgencia
El 1 de mayo de 2003, el presidente Bush visitó el portaaviones USS Abraham Lincoln que operaba a unas pocas millas al oeste de San Diego, California. Al atardecer, pronunció su discurso televisado a nivel nacional "Misión cumplida" , pronunciado ante los marineros y aviadores en la cubierta de vuelo . Bush declaró el fin de las principales operaciones de combate en Irak, debido a la derrota de las fuerzas convencionales de Irak, mientras que mantenía que aún quedaba mucho por hacer.
Sin embargo, Saddam Hussein permaneció prófugo y quedaron importantes focos de resistencia. Después del discurso de Bush, las fuerzas de la coalición notaron que una oleada de ataques contra sus tropas comenzó a aumentar gradualmente en varias regiones, como el " Triángulo Sunita ". [148] Los insurgentes iraquíes iniciales fueron abastecidos por cientos de alijos de armas creados antes de la invasión por el ejército iraquí y la Guardia Republicana .
Inicialmente, la resistencia iraquí (descrita por la coalición como "Fuerzas Anti-Iraquíes") provino en gran parte de los fedayines y leales al Partido Saddam / Ba'ath , pero pronto los radicales religiosos y los iraquíes enojados por la ocupación contribuyeron a la insurgencia. Las tres provincias con el mayor número de ataques fueron Bagdad , Al Anbar y Saladin . Esas tres gobernaciones representan el 35% de la población, pero en diciembre de 2006 eran responsables del 73% de las muertes militares estadounidenses y de un porcentaje aún mayor de las muertes militares estadounidenses recientes (alrededor del 80%). [149]
Los insurgentes utilizaron diversas tácticas de guerrilla , incluidos morteros, misiles, ataques suicidas , francotiradores , artefactos explosivos improvisados (IED), coches bomba, fuego de armas pequeñas (generalmente con rifles de asalto ) y juegos de rol ( granadas propulsadas por cohetes ), así como sabotaje contra los Infraestructuras de petróleo, agua y electricidad.
Los esfuerzos de la coalición para establecer el Irak posterior a la invasión comenzaron después de la caída del régimen de Saddam. Las naciones de la coalición, junto con las Naciones Unidas, comenzaron a trabajar para establecer un estado democrático estable y obediente capaz de defenderse de las fuerzas que no pertenecen a la coalición, así como de superar las divisiones internas. [150]
Mientras tanto, las fuerzas militares de la coalición lanzaron varias operaciones alrededor de la península del río Tigris y en el Triángulo Sunita. Una serie de operaciones similares se lanzaron durante el verano en el Triángulo Sunita. A fines de 2003, la intensidad y el ritmo de los ataques insurgentes comenzaron a aumentar. Un fuerte aumento de los ataques guerrilleros marcó el comienzo de un esfuerzo insurgente que se denominó la " ofensiva del Ramadán ", ya que coincidió con el comienzo del mes sagrado musulmán del Ramadán .
Para contrarrestar esta ofensiva, las fuerzas de la coalición comenzaron a usar el poder aéreo y la artillería nuevamente por primera vez desde el final de la invasión, al atacar sitios sospechosos de emboscada y posiciones de lanzamiento de morteros. Se intensificó la vigilancia de las rutas principales, las patrullas y las redadas contra presuntos insurgentes. Además, dos pueblos, incluido el lugar de nacimiento de Saddam, al-Auja, y el pequeño pueblo de Abu Hishma , fueron rodeados por alambre de púas y monitoreados cuidadosamente.
Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición y Grupo de Estudio de Irak
Poco después de la invasión, la coalición multinacional creó la Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición (CPA; árabe : سلطة الائتلاف الموحدة ), con sede en la Zona Verde , como gobierno de transición de Irak hasta el establecimiento de un gobierno democrático. Citando la Resolución 1483 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (22 de mayo de 2003) y las leyes de la guerra , la CPA se otorgó autoridad ejecutiva, legislativa y judicial sobre el gobierno iraquí desde el período del inicio de la CPA el 21 de abril de 2003 hasta su disolución el 28 Junio de 2004.
La CPA estaba originalmente dirigida por Jay Garner , un ex oficial militar de los Estados Unidos, pero su nombramiento duró sólo hasta el 11 de mayo de 2003, cuando el presidente Bush nombró a L. Paul Bremer . El 16 de mayo de 2003, su primer día en el trabajo, Paul Bremer emitió la Orden 1 de la Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición para excluir del nuevo gobierno y administración iraquí a los miembros del partido baazista. Esta política, conocida como Des-Baazificación , eventualmente condujo a la remoción de 85.000 a 100.000 iraquíes de su trabajo, [151] incluidos 40.000 maestros de escuela que se habían unido al Partido Baaz simplemente para mantener sus trabajos. El general del ejército estadounidense Ricardo Sánchez calificó la decisión como un "fracaso catastrófico". [152] Bremer sirvió hasta la disolución de la CPA en junio de 2004.
En mayo de 2003, el asesor estadounidense del Ministerio de Defensa de Irak dentro de la CPA, Walter B. Slocombe , abogó por cambiar la política de Bush de antes de la guerra para emplear al antiguo ejército de Irak después de que cesaron las hostilidades en el terreno. [153] En ese momento, cientos de miles de ex soldados iraquíes a los que no se les había pagado durante meses estaban esperando que la APC los contratara para volver a trabajar para ayudar a proteger y reconstruir Irak. A pesar de los consejos del Estado Mayor de los Estados Unidos que trabaja dentro de la CPA, Bremer se reunió con el presidente Bush, a través de una videoconferencia, y pidió autorización para cambiar la política estadounidense. Bush dio a Bremer y Slocombe autoridad para cambiar la política de antes de la guerra. Slocombe anunció el cambio de política en la primavera de 2003. La decisión provocó la alienación de cientos de miles de ex soldados iraquíes armados, que posteriormente se alinearon con varios movimientos de resistencia a la ocupación en todo Iraq. En la semana anterior a la orden de disolver el Ejército de Irak, ninguna fuerza de la coalición murió por acción hostil en Irak; la semana siguiente, cinco soldados estadounidenses murieron. Luego, el 18 de junio de 2003, las fuerzas de la coalición abrieron fuego contra ex soldados iraquíes que protestaban en Bagdad y que lanzaban piedras a las fuerzas de la coalición. La política de disolución del ejército iraquí fue revocada por la CPA solo unos días después de su implementación. Pero fue demasiado tarde; el antiguo Ejército de Irak cambió su alianza de una que estaba lista y dispuesta a trabajar con la CPA a una de resistencia armada contra la CPA y las fuerzas de la coalición. [154]
Otro grupo creado por la fuerza multinacional en Irak después de la invasión fue el Iraq Survey Group internacional de 1.400 miembros , que llevó a cabo una misión de investigación para encontrar programas de armas de destrucción masiva (WMD) en Irak. En 2004, el Informe Duelfer de ISG declaró que Irak no tenía un programa de armas de destrucción masiva viable. [155]
Capturando a ex líderes del gobierno
En el verano de 2003, las fuerzas multinacionales se concentraron en capturar a los líderes restantes del gobierno anterior. El 22 de julio, una redada de la 101ª División Aerotransportada de Estados Unidos y soldados de la Task Force 20 mataron a los hijos de Saddam ( Uday y Qusay ) junto con uno de sus nietos. En total, más de 300 altos líderes del gobierno anterior fueron asesinados o capturados, así como numerosos funcionarios menores y personal militar.
Lo más significativo es que el propio Saddam Hussein fue capturado el 13 de diciembre de 2003 en una granja cerca de Tikrit en la Operación Red Dawn . [156] La operación se llevó a cabo por el ejército de Estados Unidos 's cuarta división de infantería y los miembros del Grupo de Trabajo 121 . La inteligencia sobre el paradero de Saddam provino de miembros de su familia y ex guardaespaldas. [157]
Con la captura de Saddam y una caída en el número de ataques insurgentes, algunos concluyeron que las fuerzas multinacionales prevalecían en la lucha contra la insurgencia. El gobierno provisional comenzó a entrenar a las nuevas fuerzas de seguridad iraquíes destinadas a vigilar el país, y Estados Unidos prometió más de $ 20 mil millones en dinero para la reconstrucción en forma de crédito contra los futuros ingresos petroleros de Irak. Los ingresos del petróleo también se utilizaron para reconstruir escuelas y para trabajar en la infraestructura eléctrica y de refinación.
Poco después de la captura de Saddam, los elementos que quedaron fuera de la Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición comenzaron a agitar a favor de las elecciones y la formación de un gobierno interino iraquí . El más destacado entre ellos fue el clérigo chiíta Gran Ayatolá Ali al-Sistani . La Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición se opuso a permitir elecciones democráticas en este momento. [158] Los insurgentes intensificaron sus actividades. Los dos centros más turbulentos fueron el área alrededor de Faluya y las secciones chiítas pobres de las ciudades desde Bagdad ( Ciudad Sadr ) hasta Basora en el sur.
2004: la insurgencia se expande
El comienzo de 2004 estuvo marcado por una relativa pausa en la violencia. Las fuerzas insurgentes se reorganizaron durante este tiempo, estudiando las tácticas de las fuerzas multinacionales y planeando una ofensiva renovada. Sin embargo, la violencia aumentó durante los Combates de Primavera en Irak de 2004 con combatientes extranjeros de todo el Medio Oriente, así como Jama'at al-Tawhid wal-Jihad , un grupo vinculado a al-Qaeda liderado por Abu Musab al-Zarqawi , ayudando a impulsar la insurgencia. [160]
A medida que crecía la insurgencia, hubo un cambio claro en los objetivos de las fuerzas de la coalición hacia las nuevas Fuerzas de Seguridad iraquíes, ya que cientos de civiles y policías iraquíes murieron durante los meses siguientes en una serie de bombardeos masivos. Una insurgencia sunita organizada, con raíces profundas y motivaciones tanto nacionalistas como islamistas, se estaba volviendo más poderosa en todo Irak. El Ejército Shia Mahdi también comenzó a lanzar ataques contra objetivos de la coalición en un intento por tomar el control de las fuerzas de seguridad iraquíes. Las partes sur y central de Irak estaban comenzando a estallar en un combate de guerrillas urbanas cuando las fuerzas multinacionales intentaban mantener el control y se preparaban para una contraofensiva.
Los combates más graves de la guerra hasta ahora comenzaron el 31 de marzo de 2004, cuando los insurgentes iraquíes en Faluya tendieron una emboscada a un convoy de Blackwater USA dirigido por cuatro contratistas militares privados estadounidenses que proporcionaban seguridad a los servicios de apoyo de Eurest Support Services . [161] Los cuatro contratistas armados, Scott Helvenston , Jerko Zovko, Wesley Batalona y Michael Teague, murieron con granadas y fuego de armas pequeñas. Posteriormente, sus cuerpos fueron sacados de sus vehículos por la población local, golpeados, incendiados y sus cadáveres quemados colgados sobre un puente que cruza el Éufrates . [162] Las fotos del evento fueron divulgadas a agencias de noticias de todo el mundo, lo que provocó una gran indignación y un ultraje moral en los Estados Unidos y provocó una "pacificación" fallida de la ciudad: la Primera Batalla de Faluya en abril de 2004.
The offensive was resumed in November 2004 in the bloodiest battle of the war: the Second Battle of Fallujah, described by the U.S. military as "the heaviest urban combat (that they had been involved in) since the Battle of Hue City in Vietnam."[163] During the assault, U.S. forces used white phosphorus as an incendiary weapon against insurgent personnel, attracting controversy. The 46‑day battle resulted in a victory for the coalition, with 95 U.S. soldiers killed along with approximately 1,350 insurgents. Fallujah was totally devastated during the fighting, though civilian casualties were low, as they had mostly fled before the battle.[164]
Another major event of that year was the revelation of widespread prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, which received international media attention in April 2004. First reports of the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse, as well as graphic pictures showing U.S. military personnel taunting and abusing Iraqi prisoners, came to public attention from a 60 Minutes II news report (28 April) and a Seymour M. Hersh article in The New Yorker (posted online on 30 April.)[165] Military correspondent Thomas Ricks claimed that these revelations dealt a blow to the moral justifications for the occupation in the eyes of many people, especially Iraqis, and was a turning point in the war.[166]
2004 also marked the beginning of Military Transition Teams in Iraq, which were teams of U.S. military advisors assigned directly to New Iraqi Army units.
2005: Elections and transitional government
On 31 January, Iraqis elected the Iraqi Transitional Government in order to draft a permanent constitution. Although some violence and a widespread Sunni boycott marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated. On 4 February, Paul Wolfowitz announced that 15,000 U.S. troops whose tours of duty had been extended in order to provide election security would be pulled out of Iraq by the next month.[167] February to April proved to be relatively peaceful months compared to the carnage of November and January, with insurgent attacks averaging 30 a day from the prior average of 70.
The Battle of Abu Ghraib on 2 April 2005 was an attack on United States forces at Abu Ghraib prison, which consisted of heavy mortar and rocket fire, under which an estimated 80–120 armed insurgents attacked with grenades, small arms, and two vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices (VBIED). The U.S. force's munitions ran so low that orders to fix bayonets were given in preparation for hand-to-hand fighting. It was considered to be the largest coordinated assault on a U.S. base since the Vietnam War.[168]
Hopes for a quick end to the insurgency and a withdrawal of U.S. troops were dashed in May, Iraq's bloodiest month since the invasion. Suicide bombers, believed to be mainly disheartened Iraqi Sunni Arabs, Syrians and Saudis, tore through Iraq. Their targets were often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in that month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers.
The summer of 2005 saw fighting around Baghdad and at Tall Afar in northwestern Iraq as U.S. forces tried to seal off the Syrian border. This led to fighting in the autumn in the small towns of the Euphrates valley between the capital and that border.[169]
A referendum was held on 15 October in which the new Iraqi constitution was ratified. An Iraqi National Assembly was elected in December, with participation from the Sunnis as well as the Kurds and Shia.[169]
Insurgent attacks increased in 2005 with 34,131 recorded incidents, compared to a total 26,496 for the previous year.[170]
2006: Civil war and permanent Iraqi government
The beginning of 2006 was marked by government creation talks, growing sectarian violence, and continuous anti-coalition attacks. Sectarian violence expanded to a new level of intensity following the al-Askari Mosque bombing in the Iraqi city of Samarra, on 22 February 2006. The explosion at the mosque, one of the holiest sites in Shi'a Islam, is believed to have been caused by a bomb planted by al-Qaeda.
Although no injuries occurred in the blast, the mosque was severely damaged and the bombing resulted in violence over the following days. Over 100 dead bodies with bullet holes were found on 23 February, and at least 165 people are thought to have been killed. In the aftermath of this attack the U.S. military calculated that the average homicide rate in Baghdad tripled from 11 to 33 deaths per day. In 2006 the UN described the environment in Iraq as a "civil war-like situation".[171]
On 12 March, five United States Army soldiers of the 502nd Infantry Regiment raped the 14-year-old Iraqi girl Abeer Qassim Hamza al-Janabi, and then murdered her, her father, her mother Fakhriya Taha Muhasen and her six-year-old sister Hadeel Qassim Hamza al-Janabi. The soldiers then set fire to the girl's body to conceal evidence of the crime.[172] Four of the soldiers were convicted of rape and murder and the fifth was convicted of lesser crimes for their involvement in the events, which became known as the Mahmudiyah rape and killings.[173][174]
On 6 June 2006, the United States was successful in tracking Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq who was killed in a targeted killing, while attending a meeting in an isolated safehouse approximately 8 km (5.0 mi) north of Baqubah. Having been tracked by a British UAV, radio contact was made between the controller and two United States Air Force F-16C jets, which identified the house and at 14:15 GMT, the lead jet dropped two 500‑pound (230 kg) guided bombs, a laser-guided GBU‑12 and GPS-guided GBU‑38 on the building where he was located. Six others—three male and three female individuals—were also reported killed. Among those killed were one of his wives and their child.
The government of Iraq took office on 20 May 2006, following approval by the members of the Iraqi National Assembly. This followed the general election in December 2005. The government succeeded the Iraqi Transitional Government, which had continued in office in a caretaker capacity until the formation of the permanent government.
Iraq Study Group report and Saddam's execution
The Iraq Study Group Report was released on 6 December 2006. The Iraq Study Group made up of people from both of the major U.S. parties, was led by co-chairs James Baker, a former Secretary of State (Republican), and Lee H. Hamilton, a former U.S. Representative (Democrat). It concluded that "the situation in Iraq is grave and deteriorating" and "U.S. forces seem to be caught in a mission that has no foreseeable end." The report's 79 recommendations include increasing diplomatic measures with Iran and Syria and intensifying efforts to train Iraqi troops. On 18 December, a Pentagon report found that insurgent attacks were averaging about 960 attacks per week, the highest since the reports had begun in 2005.[175]
Coalition forces formally transferred control of a governorate to the Iraqi government, the first since the war. Military prosecutors charged eight U.S. Marines with the murders of 24 Iraqi civilians in Haditha in November 2005, 10 of them women and children. Four officers were also charged with dereliction of duty in relation to the event.[176]
Saddam Hussein was hanged on 30 December 2006, after being found guilty of crimes against humanity by an Iraqi court after a year-long trial.[177]
2007: U.S. troops surge
In a 10 January 2007, televised address to the U.S. public, Bush proposed 21,500 more troops for Iraq, a job program for Iraqis, more reconstruction proposals, and $1.2 billion for these programs.[178] On 23 January 2007, in the 2007 State of the Union Address, Bush announced "deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional soldiers and Marines to Iraq".
On 10 February 2007, David Petraeus was made commander of Multi-National Force – Iraq (MNF-I), the four-star post that oversees all coalition forces in country, replacing General George Casey. In his new position, Petraeus oversaw all coalition forces in Iraq and employed them in the new "Surge" strategy outlined by the Bush administration.[179][180]
On 10 May 2007, 144 Iraqi Parliamentary lawmakers signed onto a legislative petition calling on the United States to set a timetable for withdrawal.[181] On 3 June 2007, the Iraqi Parliament voted 85 to 59 to require the Iraqi government to consult with Parliament before requesting additional extensions of the UN Security Council Mandate for Coalition operations in Iraq.[182]
Pressures on U.S. troops were compounded by the continuing withdrawal of coalition forces.[citation needed] In early 2007, British Prime Minister Blair announced that following Operation Sinbad, British troops would begin to withdraw from Basra Governorate, handing security over to the Iraqis.[183] In July Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen also announced the withdrawal of 441 Danish troops from Iraq, leaving only a unit of nine soldiers manning four observational helicopters.[184] In October 2019, the new Danish government said it will not re-open an official probe into the country's participation in the US-led military coalition in 2003 Iraqi war.[185]
Planned troop reduction
In a speech made to Congress on 10 September 2007, Petraeus "envisioned the withdrawal of roughly 30,000 U.S. troops by next summer, beginning with a Marine contingent [in September]."[186] On 13 September, Bush backed a limited withdrawal of troops from Iraq.[187] Bush said 5,700 personnel would be home by Christmas 2007, and expected thousands more to return by July 2008. The plan would take troop numbers back to their level before the surge at the beginning of 2007.
Effects of the surge on security
By March 2008, violence in Iraq was reported curtailed by 40–80%, according to a Pentagon report.[188] Independent reports[189][190] raised questions about those assessments. An Iraqi military spokesman claimed that civilian deaths since the start of the troop surge plan were 265 in Baghdad, down from 1,440 in the four previous weeks. The New York Times counted more than 450 Iraqi civilians killed during the same 28‑day period, based on initial daily reports from Iraqi Interior Ministry and hospital officials.
Historically, the daily counts tallied by The New York Times have underestimated the total death toll by 50% or more when compared to studies by the United Nations, which rely upon figures from the Iraqi Health Ministry and morgue figures.[191]
The rate of U.S. combat deaths in Baghdad nearly doubled to 3.14 per day in the first seven weeks of the "surge" in security activity, compared to previous period. Across the rest of Iraq it decreased slightly.[192][193]
On 14 August 2007, the deadliest single attack of the whole war occurred. Nearly 800 civilians were killed by a series of coordinated suicide bomb attacks on the northern Iraqi settlement of Kahtaniya. More than 100 homes and shops were destroyed in the blasts. U.S. officials blamed al‑Qaeda. The targeted villagers belonged to the non-Muslim Yazidi ethnic minority. The attack may have represented the latest in a feud that erupted earlier that year when members of the Yazidi community stoned to death a teenage girl called Du'a Khalil Aswad accused of dating a Sunni Arab man and converting to Islam. The killing of the girl was recorded on camera-mobiles and the video was uploaded onto the internet.[194][195][196][197]
On 13 September 2007, Abdul Sattar Abu Risha was killed in a bomb attack in the city of Ramadi.[198] He was an important U.S. ally because he led the "Anbar Awakening", an alliance of Sunni Arab tribes that opposed al-Qaeda. The latter organisation claimed responsibility for the attack.[199] A statement posted on the Internet by the shadowy Islamic State of Iraq called Abu Risha "one of the dogs of Bush" and described Thursday's killing as a "heroic operation that took over a month to prepare".[200]
There was a reported trend of decreasing U.S. troop deaths after May 2007,[201] and violence against coalition troops had fallen to the "lowest levels since the first year of the American invasion".[202] These, and several other positive developments, were attributed to the surge by many analysts.[203]
Data from the Pentagon and other U.S. agencies such as the Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that daily attacks against civilians in Iraq remained "about the same" since February. The GAO also stated that there was no discernible trend in sectarian violence.[204] However, this report ran counter to reports to Congress, which showed a general downward trend in civilian deaths and ethno-sectarian violence since December 2006.[205] By late 2007, as the U.S. troop surge began to wind down, violence in Iraq had begun to decrease from its 2006 highs.[206]
Entire neighborhoods in Baghdad were ethnically cleansed by Shia and Sunni militias and sectarian violence has broken out in every Iraqi city where there is a mixed population.[207][208][209] Investigative reporter Bob Woodward cites U.S. government sources according to which the U.S. "surge" was not the primary reason for the drop in violence in 2007–08. Instead, according to that view, the reduction of violence was due to newer covert techniques by U.S. military and intelligence officials to find, target and kill insurgents, including working closely with former insurgents.[210]
In the Shia region near Basra, British forces turned over security for the region to Iraqi Security Forces. Basra is the ninth governorate of Iraq's 18 governorates to be returned to local security forces' control since the beginning of the occupation.[211]
Political developments
More than half of the members of Iraq's parliament rejected the continuing occupation of their country for the first time. 144 of the 275 lawmakers signed onto a legislative petition that would require the Iraqi government to seek approval from Parliament before it requests an extension of the UN mandate for foreign forces to be in Iraq, which expires at the end of 2008. It also calls for a timetable for troop withdrawal and a freeze on the size of foreign forces. The UN Security Council mandate for U.S.‑led forces in Iraq will terminate "if requested by the government of Iraq."[212] 59% of those polled in the U.S. support a timetable for withdrawal.[213]
In mid-2007, the Coalition began a controversial program to recruit Iraqi Sunnis (often former insurgents) for the formation of "Guardian" militias. These Guardian militias are intended to support and secure various Sunni neighborhoods against the Islamists.[214]
Tensions with Iran
In 2007, tensions increased greatly between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan due to the latter's giving sanctuary to the militant Kurdish secessionist group Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan (PEJAK.) According to reports, Iran had been shelling PEJAK positions in Iraqi Kurdistan since 16 August. These tensions further increased with an alleged border incursion on 23 August by Iranian troops who attacked several Kurdish villages killing an unknown number of civilians and militants.[215]
Coalition forces also began to target alleged Iranian Quds force operatives in Iraq, either arresting or killing suspected members. The Bush administration and coalition leaders began to publicly state that Iran was supplying weapons, particularly EFP devices, to Iraqi insurgents and militias although to date have failed to provide any proof for these allegations. Further sanctions on Iranian organizations were also announced by the Bush administration in the autumn of 2007. On 21 November 2007, Lieutenant General James Dubik, who is in charge of training Iraqi security forces, praised Iran for its "contribution to the reduction of violence" in Iraq by upholding its pledge to stop the flow of weapons, explosives and training of extremists in Iraq.[216]
Tensions with Turkey
Border incursions by PKK militants based in Northern Iraq have continued to harass Turkish forces, with casualties on both sides. In the fall of 2007, the Turkish military stated their right to cross the Iraqi Kurdistan border in "hot pursuit" of PKK militants and began shelling Kurdish areas in Iraq and attacking PKK bases in the Mount Cudi region with aircraft.[217][218] The Turkish parliament approved a resolution permitting the military to pursue the PKK in Iraqi Kurdistan.[219] In November, Turkish gunships attacked parts of northern Iraq in the first such attack by Turkish aircraft since the border tensions escalated.[220] Another series of attacks in mid-December hit PKK targets in the Qandil, Zap, Avashin and Hakurk regions. The latest series of attacks involved at least 50 aircraft and artillery and Kurdish officials reported one civilian killed and two wounded.[221]
Additionally, weapons that were given to Iraqi security forces by the U.S. military were being recovered by authorities in Turkey after being used by PKK in that state.[222]
Blackwater private security controversy
On 17 September 2007, the Iraqi government announced that it was revoking the license of the U.S. security firm Blackwater USA over the firm's involvement in the killing of eight civilians, including a woman and an infant,[223] in a firefight that followed a car bomb explosion near a State Department motorcade.
2008: Civil war continues
Throughout 2008, U.S. officials and independent think tanks began to point to improvements in the security situation, as measured by key statistics. According to the U.S. Defense Department, in December 2008 the "overall level of violence" in the country had dropped 80% since before the surge began in January 2007, and the country's murder rate had dropped to prewar levels. They also pointed out that the casualty figure for U.S. forces in 2008 was 314 against a figure of 904 in 2007.[224]
According to the Brookings Institution, Iraqi civilian fatalities numbered 490 in November 2008 as against 3,500 in January 2007, whereas attacks against the coalition numbered somewhere between 200 and 300 per week in the latter half of 2008, as opposed to a peak of nearly 1,600 in summer 2007. The number of Iraqi security forces killed was under 100 per month in the second half of 2008, from a high of 200 to 300 in summer 2007.[225]
Meanwhile, the proficiency of the Iraqi military increased as it launched a spring offensive against Shia militias, which Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had previously been criticized for allowing to operate. This began with a March operation against the Mehdi Army in Basra, which led to fighting in Shia areas up and down the country, especially in the Sadr City district of Baghdad. By October, the British officer in charge of Basra said that since the operation, the town had become "secure" and had a murder rate comparable to Manchester in England.[226] The U.S. military also said there had been a decrease of about a quarter in the quantity of Iranian-made explosives found in Iraq in 2008, possibly indicating a change in Iranian policy.[227]
Progress in Sunni areas continued after members of the Awakening movement were transferred from U.S. military to Iraqi control.[228] In May, the Iraqi army – backed by coalition support – launched an offensive in Mosul, the last major Iraqi stronghold of al-Qaeda. Despite detaining thousands of individuals, the offensive failed to lead to major long-term security improvements in Mosul. At the end of the year, the city remained a major flashpoint.[229][230]
In the regional dimension, the ongoing conflict between Turkey and PKK[231][232][233] intensified on 21 February, when Turkey launched a ground attack into the Quandeel Mountains of Northern Iraq. In the nine-day-long operation, around 10,000 Turkish troops advanced up to 25 km into Northern Iraq. This was the first substantial ground incursion by Turkish forces since 1995.[234][235]
Shortly after the incursion began, both the Iraqi cabinet and the Kurdistan regional government condemned Turkey's actions and called for the immediate withdrawal of Turkish troops from the region.[236] Turkish troops withdrew on 29 February.[237] The fate of the Kurds and the future of the ethnically diverse city of Kirkuk remained a contentious issue in Iraqi politics.
U.S. military officials met these trends with cautious optimism as they approached what they described as the "transition" embodied in the U.S.–Iraq Status of Forces Agreement, which was negotiated throughout 2008.[224] The commander of the coalition, U.S. General Raymond T. Odierno, noted that "in military terms, transitions are the most dangerous time" in December 2008.[224]
Spring offensives on Shiite militias
At the end of March, the Iraqi Army, with Coalition air support, launched an offensive, dubbed "Charge of the Knights", in Basra to secure the area from militias. This was the first major operation where the Iraqi Army did not have direct combat support from conventional coalition ground troops. The offensive was opposed by the Mahdi Army, one of the militias, which controlled much of the region.[238][239] Fighting quickly spread to other parts of Iraq: including Sadr City, Al Kut, Al Hillah and others. During the fighting Iraqi forces met stiff resistance from militiamen in Basra to the point that the Iraqi military offensive slowed to a crawl, with the high attrition rates finally forcing the Sadrists to the negotiating table.
Following intercession by the Iranian government, al‑Sadr ordered a ceasefire on 30 March 2008.[240] The militiamen kept their weapons.
By 12 May 2008, Basra "residents overwhelmingly reported a substantial improvement in their everyday lives" according to The New York Times. "Government forces have now taken over Islamic militants' headquarters and halted the death squads and 'vice enforcers' who attacked women, Christians, musicians, alcohol sellers and anyone suspected of collaborating with Westerners", according to the report; however, when asked how long it would take for lawlessness to resume if the Iraqi army left, one resident replied, "one day".[239]
In late April roadside bombings continued to rise from a low in January—from 114 bombings to more than 250, surpassing the May 2007 high.
Congressional testimony
Speaking before the Congress on 8 April 2008, General David Petraeus urged delaying troop withdrawals, saying, "I've repeatedly noted that we haven't turned any corners, we haven't seen any lights at the end of the tunnel," referencing the comments of then President Bush and former Vietnam-era General William Westmoreland.[241] When asked by the Senate if reasonable people could disagree on the way forward, Petraeus said, "We fight for the right of people to have other opinions."[242]
Upon questioning by then Senate committee chair Joe Biden, Ambassador Crocker admitted that Al‑Qaeda in Iraq was less important than the Al Qaeda organization led by Osama bin Laden along the Afghan-Pakistani border.[243] Lawmakers from both parties complained that U.S. taxpayers are carrying Iraq's burden as it earns billions of dollars in oil revenues.
Iraqi security forces rearm
Iraq became one of the top purchasers of U.S. military equipment with their army trading its AK‑47 assault rifles for the U.S. M‑16 and M‑4 rifles, among other equipment.[244] In 2008 alone, Iraq accounted for more than $12.5 billion of the $34 billion U.S. weapon sales to foreign countries (not including the potential F-16 fighter planes.).[245]
Iraq sought 36 F‑16s, the most sophisticated weapons system Iraq has attempted to purchase. The Pentagon notified Congress that it had approved the sale of 24 American attack helicopters to Iraq, valued at as much as $2.4 billion. Including the helicopters, Iraq announced plans to purchase at least $10 billion in U.S. tanks and armored vehicles, transport planes and other battlefield equipment and services. Over the summer, the Defense Department announced that the Iraqi government wanted to order more than 400 armored vehicles and other equipment worth up to $3 billion, and six C-130J transport planes, worth up to $1.5 billion.[246][247] From 2005 to 2008, the United States had completed approximately $20 billion in arms sales agreements with Iraq.[248]
Status of forces agreement
The U.S.–Iraq Status of Forces Agreement was approved by the Iraqi government on 4 December 2008.[249] It established that U.S. combat forces would withdraw from Iraqi cities by 30 June 2009, and that all U.S. forces would be completely out of Iraq by 31 December 2011. The pact was subject to possible negotiations which could have delayed withdrawal and a referendum scheduled for mid-2009 in Iraq, which might have required all U.S. forces to completely leave by the middle of 2010.[250][251] The pact required criminal charges for holding prisoners over 24 hours, and required a warrant for searches of homes and buildings that are not related to combat.[252]
U.S. contractors working for U.S. forces were to be subject to Iraqi criminal law, while contractors working for the State Department and other U.S. agencies may retain their immunity. If U.S. forces commit still undecided "major premeditated felonies" while off-duty and off-base, they will be subject to the still undecided procedures laid out by a joint U.S.‑Iraq committee if the United States certifies the forces were off-duty.[253][254][255][256]
Some Americans have discussed "loopholes"[257] and some Iraqis have said they believe parts of the pact remain a "mystery".[258] U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates predicted that after 2011 he expected to see "perhaps several tens of thousands of American troops" as part of a residual force in Iraq.[259]
Several groups of Iraqis protested the passing of the SOFA accord[260][261][262] as prolonging and legitimizing the occupation. Tens of thousands of Iraqis burned an effigy of George W. Bush in a central Baghdad square where U.S. troops five years previously organized a tearing down of a statue of Saddam Hussein.[141][258][263] Some Iraqis expressed skeptical optimism that the U.S. would completely end its presence by 2011.[264] On 4 December 2008, Iraq's presidential council approved the security pact.[249]
A representative of Grand Ayatollah Ali Husseini al‑Sistani expressed concern with the ratified version of the pact and noted that the government of Iraq has no authority to control the transfer of occupier forces into and out of Iraq, no control of shipments and that the pact grants the occupiers immunity from prosecution in Iraqi courts. He said that Iraqi rule in the country is not complete while the occupiers are present, but that ultimately the Iraqi people would judge the pact in a referendum.[263] Thousands of Iraqis have gathered weekly after Friday prayers and shouted anti‑U.S. and anti-Israeli slogans protesting the security pact between Baghdad and Washington. A protester said that despite the approval of the Interim Security pact, the Iraqi people would break it in a referendum next year.[265]
2009: Coalition redeployment
Transfer of the Green Zone
On 1 January 2009, the United States handed control of the Green Zone and Saddam Hussein's presidential palace to the Iraqi government in a ceremonial move described by the country's prime minister as a restoration of Iraq's sovereignty. Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki said he would propose 1 January be declared national "Sovereignty Day". "This palace is the symbol of Iraqi sovereignty and by restoring it, a real message is directed to all Iraqi people that Iraqi sovereignty has returned to its natural status", al‑Maliki said.
The U.S. military attributed a decline in reported civilian deaths to several factors including the U.S.‑led "troop surge", the growth of U.S.-funded Awakening Councils, and Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's call for his militia to abide by a cease fire.[266]
Provincial elections
On 31 January, Iraq held provincial elections.[267] Provincial candidates and those close to them faced some political assassinations and attempted assassinations, and there was also some other violence related to the election.[268][269][270][271]
Iraqi voter turnout failed to meet the original expectations which were set and was the lowest on record in Iraq,[272] but U.S. Ambassador Ryan Crocker characterized the turnout as "large".[273] Of those who turned out to vote, some groups complained of disenfranchisement and fraud.[272][274][275] After the post-election curfew was lifted, some groups made threats about what would happen if they were unhappy with the results.[276]
Exit strategy announcement
On 27 February, United States President Barack Obama gave a speech at Marine Corps Base Camp Lejeune in the U.S. state of North Carolina announcing that the U.S. combat mission in Iraq would end by 31 August 2010. A "transitional force" of up to 50,000 troops tasked with training the Iraqi Security Forces, conducting counterterrorism operations, and providing general support may remain until the end of 2011, the president added. However, the insurgency in 2011 and the rise of ISIL in 2014 caused the war to continue.[277]
The day before Obama's speech, Prime Minister of Iraq Nouri al‑Maliki said at a press conference that the government of Iraq had "no worries" over the impending departure of U.S. forces and expressed confidence in the ability of the Iraqi Security Forces and police to maintain order without U.S. military support.[278]
Sixth anniversary protests
On 9 April, the 6th anniversary of Baghdad's fall to coalition forces, tens of thousands of Iraqis thronged Baghdad to mark the anniversary and demand the immediate departure of coalition forces. The crowds of Iraqis stretched from the Sadr City slum in northeast Baghdad to the square around 5 km (3.1 mi) away, where protesters burned an effigy featuring the face of U.S. President George W. Bush.[279] There were also Sunni Muslims in the crowd. Police said many Sunnis, including prominent leaders such as a founding sheikh from the Sons of Iraq, took part.[280]
Coalition forces withdraw
On 30 April, the United Kingdom formally ended combat operations. Prime Minister Gordon Brown characterized the operation in Iraq as a "success story" because of UK troops' efforts. Britain handed control of Basra to the United States Armed Forces.[281]
On 28 July, Australia withdrew its combat forces as the Australian military presence in Iraq ended, per an agreement with the Iraqi government.
The withdrawal of U.S. forces began at the end of June, with 38 bases to be handed over to Iraqi forces. On 29 June 2009, U.S. forces withdrew from Baghdad. On 30 November 2009, Iraqi Interior Ministry officials reported that the civilian death toll in Iraq fell to its lowest level in November since the 2003 invasion.[282]
Iraq awards oil contracts
On 30 June and 11 December 2009, the Iraqi ministry of oil awarded contracts to international oil companies for some of Iraq's many oil fields. The winning oil companies entered joint ventures with the Iraqi ministry of oil, and the terms of the awarded contracts included extraction of oil for a fixed fee of approximately $1.40 per barrel.[283][284][285] The fees will only be paid once a production threshold set by the Iraqi ministry of oil is reached.
2010: U.S. drawdown and Operation New Dawn
On 17 February 2010, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that as of 1 September, the name "Operation Iraqi Freedom" would be replaced by "Operation New Dawn".[286]
On 18 April, U.S. and Iraqi forces killed Abu Ayyub al-Masri the leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq in a joint American and Iraqi operation near Tikrit, Iraq.[287] The coalition forces believed al-Masri to be wearing a suicide vest and proceeded cautiously. After the lengthy exchange of fire and bombing of the house, the Iraqi troops stormed inside and found two women still alive, one of whom was al-Masri's wife, and four dead men, identified as al-Masri, Abu Abdullah al-Rashid al-Baghdadi, an assistant to al-Masri, and al-Baghdadi's son. A suicide vest was indeed found on al-Masri's corpse, as the Iraqi Army subsequently stated.[288] Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki announced the killings of Abu Omar al-Baghdadi and Abu Ayyub al-Masri at a news conference in Baghdad and showed reporters photographs of their bloody corpses. "The attack was carried out by ground forces which surrounded the house, and also through the use of missiles," Mr Maliki said. "During the operation computers were seized with e-mails and messages to the two biggest terrorists, Osama bin Laden and [his deputy] Ayman al-Zawahiri", Maliki added. U.S. forces commander Gen. Raymond Odierno praised the operation. "The death of these terrorists is potentially the most significant blow to al‑Qaeda in Iraq since the beginning of the insurgency", he said. "There is still work to do but this is a significant step forward in ridding Iraq of terrorists."
U.S. Vice President Joe Biden stated that the deaths of the top two al‑Qaeda figures in Iraq are "potentially devastating" blows to the terror network there and proof that Iraqi security forces are gaining ground.[289]
On 20 June, Iraq's Central Bank was bombed in an attack that left 15 people dead and brought much of downtown Baghdad to a standstill. The attack was claimed to have been carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq. This attack was followed by another attack on Iraq's Bank of Trade building that killed 26 and wounded 52 people.[290]
In late August 2010, insurgents conducted a major attack with at least 12 car bombs simultaneously detonating from Mosul to Basra and killing at least 51. These attacks coincided with the U.S. plans for a withdrawal of combat troops.[291]
From the end of August 2010, the United States attempted to dramatically cut its combat role in Iraq, with the withdrawal of all U.S. ground forces designated for active combat operations. The last U.S. combat brigades departed Iraq in the early morning of 19 August. Convoys of U.S. troops had been moving out of Iraq to Kuwait for several days, and NBC News broadcast live from Iraq as the last convoy crossed the border. While all combat brigades left the country, an additional 50,000 personnel (including Advise and Assist Brigades) remained in the country to provide support for the Iraqi military.[292][293] These troops are required to leave Iraq by 31 December 2011 under an agreement between the U.S. and Iraqi governments.[294]
The desire to step back from an active counter-insurgency role did not however mean that the Advise and Assist Brigades and other remaining U.S. forces would not be caught up in combat. A standards memo from the Associated Press reiterated "combat in Iraq is not over, and we should not uncritically repeat suggestions that it is, even if they come from senior officials".[295]
State Department spokesman P. J. Crowley stated "... we are not ending our work in Iraq, We have a long-term commitment to Iraq."[296] On 31 August, from the Oval Office, Barack Obama announced his intent to end the combat mission in Iraq. In his address, he covered the role of the United States' soft power, the effect the war had on the United States economy, and the legacy of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars.[297]
On the same day in Iraq, at a ceremony at one of Saddam Hussein's former residences at Al Faw Palace in Baghdad, a number of U.S. dignitaries spoke in a ceremony for television cameras, avoiding overtones of the triumphalism present in U.S. announcements made earlier in the war. Vice President Joe Biden expressed concerns regarding the ongoing lack of progress in forming a new Iraqi government, saying of the Iraqi people that "they expect a government that reflects the results of the votes they cast". Gen. Ray Odierno stated that the new era "in no way signals the end of our commitment to the people of Iraq". Speaking in Ramadi earlier in the day, Gates said that U.S. forces "have accomplished something really quite extraordinary here, [but] how it all weighs in the balance over time I think remains to be seen". When asked by reporters if the seven-year war was worth doing, Gates commented that "It really requires a historian's perspective in terms of what happens here in the long run". He noted the Iraq War "will always be clouded by how it began" regarding Saddam Hussein's supposed weapons of mass destruction, which were never confirmed to have existed. Gates continued, "This is one of the reasons that this war remains so controversial at home".[298] On the same day Gen. Ray Odierno was replaced by Lloyd Austin as Commander of U.S. forces in Iraq.
On 7 September, two U.S. troops were killed and nine wounded in an incident at an Iraqi military base. The incident is under investigation by Iraqi and U.S. forces, but it is believed that an Iraqi soldier opened fire on U.S. forces.[299]
On 8 September, the U.S. Army announced the arrival in Iraq of the first specifically-designated Advise and Assist Brigade, the 3d Armored Cavalry Regiment. It was announced that the unit would assume responsibilities in five southern governorates.[300] From 10 to 13 September, Second Advise and Assist Brigade, 25th Infantry Division fought Iraqi insurgents near Diyala.
According to reports from Iraq, hundreds of members of the Sunni Awakening Councils may have switched allegiance back to the Iraqi insurgency or al-Qaeda.[301]
In October, WikiLeaks disclosed 391,832 classified U.S. military documents on the Iraq War.[302][303][304] Approximately, 58 people were killed with another 40 wounded in an attack on the Sayidat al‑Nejat church, a Chaldean Catholic church in Baghdad. Responsibility for the attack was claimed by the Islamic State in Iraq organization.[305]
Coordinated attacks in primarily Shia areas struck throughout Baghdad on 2 November, killing approximately 113 and wounding 250 with around 17 bombs.[306]
Iraqi arms purchases
As U.S. forces departed the country, the Iraq Defense Ministry solidified plans to purchase advanced military equipment from the United States. Plans in 2010 called for $13 billion of purchases, to include 140 M1 Abrams main battle tanks.[307] In addition to the $13 billion purchase, the Iraqis also requested 18 F-16 Fighting Falcons as part of a $4.2 billion program that also included aircraft training and maintenance, AIM‑9 Sidewinder air-to-air missiles, laser-guided bombs and reconnaissance equipment.[308] All Abrams tanks were delivered by the end of 2011,[309] but the first F-16s did not arrive in Iraq until 2015, due to concerns that the Islamic State might overrun Balad Air Base.[310]
The Iraqi navy also purchased 12 U.S.‑built Swift-class patrol boats, at a cost of $20 million each. Delivery was completed in 2013.[311] The vessels are used to protect the oil terminals at Basra and Khor al-Amiya.[308] Two U.S.‑built offshore support vessels, each costing $70 million, were delivered in 2011.[312]
The UN lifts restrictions on Iraq
In a move to legitimize the existing Iraqi government, the United Nations lifted the Saddam Hussein-era UN restrictions on Iraq. These included allowing Iraq to have a civilian nuclear program, permitting the participation of Iraq in international nuclear and chemical weapons treaties, as well as returning control of Iraq's oil and gas revenue to the government and ending the Oil-for-Food Programme.[313]
2011: U.S. withdrawal
Muqtada al-Sadr returned to Iraq in the holy city of Najaf to lead the Sadrist movement after being in exile since 2007.[314]
On 15 January 2011, three U.S. troops were killed in Iraq. One of the troops was killed on a military operation in central Iraq, while the other two troops were deliberately shot by one or two Iraqi soldiers during a training exercise.[315]
On 6 June, five U.S. troops were killed in an apparent rocket attack on JSS Loyalty.[316] A sixth soldier, who was wounded in the attack, died 10 days later of his wounds.[317]
On 13 June 2011, two U.S. troops were killed in an IED attack located in Wasit Governorate.[318]
On 26 June 2011, a U.S. soldier was killed.[319] Sergeant Brent McBride was sentenced to four years, two months for his involvement in the death.[320]
On 29 June, three U.S. troops were killed in a rocket attack on a U.S. base located near the border with Iran. It was speculated that the militant group responsible for the attack was the same one which attacked JSS Loyalty just over three weeks before.[321] With the three deaths, June 2011, became the bloodiest month in Iraq for the U.S. military since June 2009, with 15 U.S. soldiers killed, only one of them outside combat.[322]
On 7 July, two U.S. troops were killed and one seriously injured in an IED attack at Victory Base Complex outside Baghdad. They were members of the 145th Brigade Support Battalion, 116th Cavalry Heavy Brigade Combat Team, an Idaho Army National Guard unit base in Post Falls, Idaho. Spc. Nathan R. Beyers, 24, and Spc. Nicholas W. Newby, 20, were killed in the attack, Staff Sgt. Jazon Rzepa, 30, was seriously injured.[323]
In September, Iraq signed a contract to buy 18 Lockheed Martin F-16 warplanes, becoming the 26th nation to operate the F-16. Because of windfall profits from oil, the Iraqi government is planning to double this originally planned 18, to 36 F-16s. Iraq is relying on the U.S. military for air support as it rebuilds its forces and battles a stubborn Islamist insurgency.[324]
With the collapse of the discussions about extending the stay of any U.S. troops beyond 2011, where they would not be granted any immunity from the Iraqi government, on 21 October 2011, President Obama announced at a White House press conference that all remaining U.S. troops and trainers would leave Iraq by the end of the year as previously scheduled, bringing the U.S. mission in Iraq to an end.[325] The last American soldier to die in Iraq before the withdrawal, SPC. David Hickman, was killed by a roadside bomb in Baghdad on 14 November.[326]
In November 2011, the U.S. Senate voted down a resolution to formally end the war by bringing its authorization by Congress to an end.[327]
On 15 December, an American military ceremony was held in Baghdad putting a formal end to the U.S. mission in Iraq.[328]
The last U.S. troops withdrew from Iraq on 18 December 2011, although the U.S. embassy and consulates continue to maintain a staff of more than 20,000 including U.S. Marine Embassy Guards and between 4,000 and 5,000 private military contractors.[329][330] The next day, Iraqi officials issued an arrest warrant for the Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashimi. He has been accused of involvement in assassinations and fled to the Kurdish part of Iraq.[331]
Consecuencias: después de la retirada de EE. UU.
The invasion and occupation led to sectarian violence, which caused widespread displacement among Iraqi civilians. The Iraqi Red Crescent organization estimated the total internal displacement was around 2.3 million in 2008, with as many as 2 million Iraqis having left the country. Poverty led many Iraqi women to turn to prostitution to support themselves and their families, attracting sex tourists from regional lands. The invasion led to a constitution, which supported democracy as long as laws did not violate traditional Islamic principles, and a parliamentary election was held in 2005. In addition, the invasion preserved the autonomy of the Kurdish region, and stability brought new economic prosperity. Because the Kurdish region is historically the most democratic area of Iraq, many Iraqi refugees from other territories fled into the Kurdish land.[332]
Sectarian violence continued in the first half of 2013. At least 56 people died in April when a Sunni protest in Hawija was interrupted by a government-supported helicopter raid and a series of violent incidents occurred in May. On 20 May 2013, at least 95 people died in a wave of car bomb attacks that was preceded by a car bombing on 15 May that led to 33 deaths; also, on 18 May 76 people were killed in the Sunni areas of Baghdad. Some experts have stated that Iraq could return to the brutal sectarian conflict of 2006.[333][334]
On 22 July 2013, at least five hundred convicts, most of whom were senior members of al-Qaida who had received death sentences, broke out of Iraq's Abu Ghraib jail when comrades launched a military-style assault to free them. The attack began when a suicide bomber drove a car packed with explosives into prison gates.[335] James F. Jeffrey, the United States ambassador in Baghdad when the last American troops exited, said the assault and resulting escape "will provide seasoned leadership and a morale boost to Al Qaeda and its allies in both Iraq and Syria ... it is likely to have an electrifying impact on the Sunni population in Iraq, which has been sitting on the fence."[336]
By mid-2014 the country was in chaos with a new government yet to be formed following national elections, and the insurgency reaching new heights. In early June 2014 the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) took over the cities of Mosul and Tikrit and said it was ready to march on Baghdad, while Iraqi Kurdish forces took control of key military installations in the major oil city of Kirkuk. The al-Qaida breakaway group formally declared the creation of an Islamic state on 29 June 2014, in the territory under its control.[337]
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki asked his parliament to declare a state of emergency that would give him increased powers, but the lawmakers refused.[338] On 14 August 2014, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki succumbed to pressure at home and abroad to step down. This paved the way for Haidar al-Abadi to take over on 19 August 2014.
In September 2014, President Obama acknowledged that the U.S. underestimated the rise of the Islamic State and overestimated the ability of the Iraqi military to fend off ISIL.[339] As a result, he announced the return of U.S. forces to Iraq, but only in the form of aerial support, in an effort to halt the advance of ISIL forces, render humanitarian aid to stranded refugees and stabilize the political situation.[340] A civil war between ISIL and the central government continued for the next three years, until the government declared victory in December 2017.[341]
Following the election of Donald Trump, the United States intensified its campaign against the Islamic State by January 2017.[342] Defense Secretary Jim Mattis said a tactical shift to surrounding Islamic State strongholds in Mosul, Iraq, and Raqqa, Syria, was devised not only to "annihilate" ISIL fighters hunkered down there, but also to prevent them from returning to their home nations in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. In 2017, U.S.-backed Kurdish forces captured Raqqa, which had served as the ISIL capital.[343] By 2018, violence in Iraq was at its lowest level in ten years. This was greatly a result of the defeat of ISIL forces and the subsequent calming-down of the insurgency.[344]
In January 2020, the Iraqi parliament voted for all foreign troops to leave the country. This would end its standing agreement with the United States to station 5,200 soldiers in Iraq. President Trump objected to withdrawing troops and threatened Iraq with sanctions over this decision.[345]
Estimaciones de víctimas
For coalition death totals see the infobox at the top right. See also Casualties of the Iraq War, which has casualty numbers for coalition nations, contractors, non-Iraqi civilians, journalists, media helpers, aid workers, and the wounded. Casualty figures, especially Iraqi ones, are highly disputed.
There have been several attempts by the media, coalition governments and others to estimate the Iraqi casualties. The table below summarizes some of these estimates and methods.
| Source | Iraqi casualties | March 2003 to ... |
|---|---|---|
| Iraq Family Health Survey | 151,000 violent deaths | June 2006 |
| Lancet survey | 601,027 violent deaths out of 654,965 excess deaths | June 2006 |
| PLOS Medicine Study | 460,000 excess deaths including 132,000 violent deaths from the conflict[51] | June 2011 |
| Opinion Research Business survey | 1,033,000 violent deaths from the conflict | August 2007 |
| Iraqi Health Ministry | 87,215 violent deaths per death certificates issued Deaths prior to January 2005 unrecorded Ministry estimates up to 20% more deaths are undocumented. | January 2005 to February 2009 |
| Associated Press | 110,600 violent deaths Health Ministry death certificates plus AP estimate of casualties for 2003–04 | April 2009 |
| Iraq Body Count | 105,052–114,731 violent civilian deaths compiled from commercial news media, NGO and official reports Over 162,000 civilian and combatant deaths | January 2012 |
| WikiLeaks. Classified Iraq War Logs | 109,032 violent deaths including 66,081 civilian deaths | January 2004 to December 2009 |
Crítica y costo
The Bush Administration's rationale for the Iraq War has faced heavy criticism from an array of popular and official sources both inside and outside the United States, with many U.S. citizens finding many parallels with the Vietnam War.[347] For example, a former CIA officer described the Office of Special Plans as a group of ideologues who were dangerous to U.S. national security and a threat to world peace, and stated that the group lied and manipulated intelligence to further its agenda of removing Saddam.[348] The Center for Public Integrity alleges that the Bush administration made a total of 935 false statements between 2001 and 2003 about Iraq's alleged threat to the United States.[349]
Both proponents and opponents of the invasion have also criticized the prosecution of the war effort along with a number of other lines. Most significantly, critics have assailed the United States and its allies for not devoting enough troops to the mission, not adequately planning for post-invasion Iraq, and for permitting and perpetrating human rights abuses. As the war has progressed, critics have also railed against the high human and financial costs. In 2016, the United Kingdom published the Iraq Inquiry, a public inquiry which was broadly critical of the actions of the British government and military in making the case for the war, in tactics and in planning for the aftermath of the war.[350][351][352]
Criticisms include:
- Legality of the invasion[353][354]
- Human casualties
- Human rights violations such as the Iraq prison abuse scandals
- Insufficient post-invasion plans, in particular inadequate troop levels (A RAND Corporation study stated that 500,000 troops would be required for success.)[355]
- Financial costs with approximately $612 billion spent as of 4/09 the CBO has estimated the total cost of the war in Iraq to the United States will be around $1.9 trillion.[356]
- Adverse effect on U.S.-led global "war on terror"[357][358]
- Damage to U.S.' traditional alliances and influence in the region.[359][360]
- Endangerment and ethnic cleansing of religious and ethnic minorities by insurgents[208][361][362][363][364]
- Disruption of Iraqi oil production and related energy security concerns (The price of oil has quadrupled since 2002.)[365][366]
Financial cost
In March 2013, the total cost of the Iraq War to date was estimated at $1.7 trillion by the Watson Institute of International Studies at Brown University.[367] Some argue that the total cost of the war to the U.S. economy will range from $3 trillion[368] to $6 trillion,[369] including interest rates, by 2053, as described in the Watson Institute's report. The upper ranges of these estimates include long-term veterans costs and economic impacts. For example, Harvard's public finance expert Linda J. Bilmes has estimated that the long-term cost of providing disability compensation and medical care to U.S. troops injured in the Iraq conflict will reach nearly $1 trillion over the next 40 years,[370] and that the war in Iraq diverted resources from the war in Afghanistan, led to rising oil prices, increased the federal debt, and contributed to a global financial crisis.[371]
A CNN report noted that the United States-led interim government, the Coalition Provisional Authority lasting until 2004 in Iraq had lost $8.8 billion in the Development Fund for Iraq. In June 2011, it was reported by CBS News that $6 billion in neatly packaged blocks of $100 bills was air-lifted into Iraq by the George W. Bush administration, which flew it into Baghdad aboard C‑130 military cargo planes. In total, the Times says $12 billion in cash was flown into Iraq in 21 separate flights by May 2004, all of which has disappeared. An inspector general's report mentioned that "'Severe inefficiencies and poor management' by the Coalition Provisional Authority would leave no guarantee that the money was properly used", said Stuart W. Bowen, Jr., director of the Office of the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction. "The CPA did not establish or implement sufficient managerial, financial, and contractual controls to ensure that funds were used in a transparent manner."[372] Bowen told the Times the missing money may represent "the largest theft of funds in national history."[373]
Crisis humanitaria
The child malnutrition rate rose to 28% in 2007.[374] In 2007, Nasser Muhssin, a researcher on family and children's affairs affiliated to the University of Baghdad claimed that 60–70% of Iraqi children suffered from psychological problems.[375] Most Iraqis had no access to safe drinking water. A cholera outbreak in northern Iraq was thought to be the result of poor water quality.[376] As many as half of Iraqi doctors left the country between 2003 and 2006.[377] Articles in The Lancet and Al Jazeera have suggested that the number of cases of cancer, birth defects, miscarriages, illnesses and premature births may have increased dramatically after the first and second Iraq wars, due to the presences of depleted uranium and chemicals introduced during American attacks.[378][379]
By the end of 2015, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 4.4 million Iraqis had been internally displaced.[380] The population of Iraqi Christians dropped dramatically during the war, from 1.5 million in 2003 to 500,000 in 2015,[381] and perhaps only 275,000 in 2016.
The Foreign Policy Association reported that "Perhaps the most perplexing component of the Iraq refugee crisis ... has been the inability for the United States to absorb more Iraqis following the 2003 invasion of the country. To date, the United States has granted around 84,000 Iraqis refugee status, of the more than two million global Iraqi refugees. By contrast, the United States granted asylum to more than 100,000 South Vietnamese refugees during the Vietnam War."[382][383][384]