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Un susto rojo es la promoción de un temor generalizado de un posible aumento del comunismo o el anarquismo por parte de una sociedad o un estado. El término se usa con mayor frecuencia para referirse a dos períodos en la historia de los Estados Unidos a los que se hace referencia con este nombre. El Primer Susto Rojo , que ocurrió inmediatamente después de la Primera Guerra Mundial , giró en torno a una amenaza percibida del movimiento obrero estadounidense , la revolución anarquista y el radicalismo político . El Segundo Susto Rojo , que ocurrió inmediatamente después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial , estuvo preocupado por la percepción de que los comunistas nacionales o extranjeros estabaninfiltrarse o subvertir la sociedad estadounidense y el gobierno federal . El nombre se refiere a las banderas rojas que suelen utilizar los comunistas.

Primer susto rojo (1917-1920) [ editar ]

Caricatura política de 1919 que representa el impacto de la Revolución de Octubre en las conversaciones de paz de París.

El primer susto rojo comenzó después de la revolución rusa bolchevique de 1917 y la posterior ola de revoluciones comunistas en toda Europa y más allá . A nivel nacional, estos fueron los años intensamente patrióticos de la Primera Guerra Mundial, con la agitación social anarquista y de izquierda que agravaba las tensiones políticas, sociales y nacionales. El politólogo y ex miembro del Partido Comunista Murray B. Levin escribió que el Red Scare fue "una histeria antirradical a nivel nacional provocada por un miedo y una ansiedad crecientes de que una revolución bolchevique en Estados Unidos era inminente, una revolución que cambiaría la Iglesia, el hogar , el matrimonio, la civilidad y el estilo de vida estadounidense ". [1]Los periódicos exacerbaron esos temores políticos convirtiéndolos en sentimientos anti-extranjeros porque las variedades de anarquismo radical se estaban volviendo populares como posibles soluciones a la pobreza, a menudo por inmigrantes europeos recientes (cf. estadounidenses con guiones ). Los Trabajadores Industriales del Mundo (IWW), también conocidos como los Wobblies, respaldaron varias huelgas laboralesen 1916 y 1917. Estas huelgas de guerra abarcaron una amplia gama de industrias, incluidas la siderurgia, la construcción naval, la minería del carbón, la minería del cobre, así como otras industrias necesarias para satisfacer las necesidades de la guerra. Después de que terminó la Primera Guerra Mundial, el número de huelgas aumentó a niveles récord en 1919 con más de 3.600 huelgas separadas que abarcaron desde trabajadores del acero, trabajadores de talleres ferroviarios y el departamento de policía de Boston. [2] La prensa los describió como "amenazas radicales a la sociedad estadounidense" inspiradas por " agentes provocadores extranjeros de izquierda ". Quienes están del lado de IWW afirman que la prensa "tergiversó las huelgas laborales legítimas" como "crímenes contra la sociedad", "conspiraciones contra el gobierno" y "complots para establecer el comunismo".[3]Los opositores, por otro lado, vieron esto como una extensión de los fundamentos radicales y anarquistas de la IWW, que sostiene que todos los trabajadores deben estar unidos como clase social y que el capitalismo y el sistema salarial deben ser abolidos. [4]

En 1917, como respuesta a la Primera Guerra Mundial, el Congreso aprobó la ley de espionaje de 1917 para evitar que cualquier información relacionada con la defensa nacional se utilice para dañar a los Estados Unidos o ayudar a sus enemigos. La administración de Wilson usó este acto para hacer que cualquier "incitación a la traición" sea un "asunto que no se puede enviar". Debido a la ley de espionaje y al entonces director general de Correos, Albert S. Burleson, no se enviaron por correo 74 periódicos separados. [5]

Un " anarquista europeo " intenta destruir la Estatua de la Libertad en esta caricatura política de 1919.
La explosión de una bomba dañó gravemente la residencia del Fiscal General Mitchell Palmer en la primavera de 1919.

En abril de 1919, las autoridades descubrieron una trama para el envío de 36 bombas de miembros prominentes de la política de Estados Unidos y económico establecimiento : JP Morgan Jr. , John D. Rockefeller , Tribunal Supremo de Justicia Oliver Wendell Holmes , el fiscal general estadounidense Alexander Mitchell Palmer , y los funcionarios de inmigración . El 2 de junio de 1919, en ocho ciudades, explotaron simultáneamente ocho bombas . Uno de los objetivos fue la casa del Fiscal General de los Estados Unidos Palmer en Washington, DC , donde la explosión mató al atacante, que según las pruebas era un radical italoamericano deFiladelfia, Pensilvania . Posteriormente, Palmer ordenó al Departamento de Justicia de Estados Unidos que lanzara las redadas de Palmer (1919-1921). [6] Él deportó a 249 inmigrantes rusos en el "Arca Soviética", ayudó a crear la Oficina Federal de Investigaciones (FBI) y usó agentes federales para encarcelar a más de 5,000 ciudadanos y registrar hogares sin respetar sus derechos constitucionales. [7]

Sin embargo, en 1918, antes de los atentados, el presidente Woodrow Wilson había presionado al Congreso para que promulgara la Ley de Sedición antianarquista de 1918 para proteger la moral en tiempos de guerra mediante la deportación de personas políticas supuestamente indeseables. El profesor de derecho David D. Cole informa que el "gobierno federal del presidente Wilson se dirigió sistemáticamente a los radicales alienígenas, deportándolos ... por su discurso o asociaciones, haciendo pocos esfuerzos para distinguir a los terroristas de los disidentes ideológicos ". [6] El presidente Wilson usó la Ley de Sedición de 1918 para limitar el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión al criminalizar el lenguaje considerado desleal al gobierno de los Estados Unidos. [8]

Inicialmente, la prensa elogió las redadas; El Washington Post dijo: "No hay tiempo que perder en tartamudear por [la] violación de la libertad", y The New York Times dijo que las heridas infligidas a los detenidos eran "recuerdos de la nueva actitud de agresividad que había asumido el Agentes federales contra Rojos y presuntos Rojos ". [9] En el evento, las redadas Palmer fueron criticadas como inconstitucionales por doce abogados públicamente prominentes, incluido (futuro juez de la Corte Suprema) Felix Frankfurter , quien publicó Un Informe sobre las Prácticas Ilegales del Departamento de Justicia de los Estados Unidos , documentando violaciones sistemáticas de el cuarto , quinto ,Sexta y octava enmiendas a la Constitución de los Estados Unidos a través de "actos ilegales" y "violencia desenfrenada" autorizados por Palmer. A la defensiva, Palmer advirtió entonces que el 1 de mayo de 1920 comenzaría una revolución de izquierda que derrocara al gobierno: el Primero de Mayo , el Día Internacional de los Trabajadores. Cuando no sucedió, fue ridiculizado y perdió mucha credibilidad. Fortaleciendo la crítica legal de Palmer fue que menos de 600 deportaciones fueron sustentadas con evidencia, de los miles de extranjeros residentes arrestados y deportados. En julio de 1920, Partido Demócrata vez prometedora de Palmer oferta para la presidencia de Estados Unidos ha fallado. [10] Wall Street fue bombardeada el 2 de septiembre de 1920, cerca deFederal Hall National Memorial y el JP Morgan Bank . Aunque se sospechaba que tanto los anarquistas como los comunistas eran responsables del atentado, en última instancia no se acusó a ningún individuo del atentado en el que 38 murieron y 141 resultaron heridos. [11]

En 1919-20, varios estados promulgaron leyes de " sindicalismo criminal " que prohibían la defensa de la violencia para lograr y asegurar el cambio social . Las restricciones incluían limitaciones a la libertad de expresión . [12] La aprobación de estas leyes, a su vez, provocó una agresiva investigación policial de los acusados, su encarcelamiento y deportación por ser sospechosos de ser comunistas o de izquierda. Independientemente de la gradación ideológica, el miedo rojo no distinguió entre comunismo , anarquismo , socialismo o socialdemocracia . [13]Esta agresiva represión contra ciertas ideologías resultó en muchos casos de la Corte Suprema sobre el debate sobre la libertad de expresión. En el caso de Schenk contra Estados Unidos , utilizando la prueba de peligro claro y presente, la ley de espionaje de 1917 y la ley de sedición de 1918 se consideraron constitucionales. [8]

Segundo susto rojo (1947-1957) [ editar ]

Senador Joseph McCarthy , tocayo del macartismo

El segundo susto rojo ocurrió después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945), y fue conocido popularmente como "macartismo" en honor a su partidario más famoso, el senador Joseph McCarthy . El macartismo coincidió con un miedo creciente y popular al espionaje comunista que fue consecuencia de la creciente tensión en la Guerra Fría a través de la ocupación soviética de Europa del Este , el Bloqueo de Berlín (1948-1949), el fin de la Guerra Civil China , las confesiones de el espionaje para la Unión Soviética realizado por varios funcionarios de alto rango del gobierno de Estados Unidos, y el estallido de la Guerra de Corea .

Internal causes of the anti-communist fear[edit]

The events of the late 1940s, the early 1950s — the trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg (1953), the trial of Alger Hiss, the Iron Curtain (1945–1992) around Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union's first nuclear weapon test in 1949 (RDS-1) — surprised the American public, influencing popular opinion about U.S. National Security, which, in turn, was connected to the fear that the Soviet Union would hydrogen-bomb the United States, and fear of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA).

In Canada, the 1946 Kellock–Taschereau Commission investigated espionage after top secret documents concerning RDX, radar and other weapons were handed over to the Soviets by a domestic spy-ring.[14]

At the House Un-American Activities Committee, former CPUSA members and NKVD spies, Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers, testified that Soviet spies and communist sympathizers had penetrated the U.S. government before, during and after World War II. Other U.S. citizen spies confessed to their acts of espionage in situations where the statute of limitations on prosecuting them had run out. In 1949, anti–communist fear, and fear of American traitors, was aggravated by the Chinese Communists winning the Chinese Civil War against the Western-sponsored Kuomintang, their founding of the People's Republic of China, and later Chinese intervention in the Korean War (1950–53) against U.S. ally South Korea.

A few of the events during the Red Scare were also due to a power struggle between director of FBI J. Edgar Hoover and the Central Intelligence Agency. Hoover had instigated and aided some of the investigations of members of the CIA with "leftist" history, like Cord Meyer.[15] This conflict could also be traced back to the conflict between Hoover and William J. Donovan, going back to the first Red Scare, but especially during World War II. Donovan ran the OSS (CIA's predecessor). They had differing opinions on the nature of the alliance with the Soviet Union, conflicts over jurisdiction, conflicts of personality, the OSS hiring of communists and criminals as agents, etc.[16]

History[edit]

Early years[edit]

By the 1930s, communism had become an attractive economic ideology, particularly among labor leaders and intellectuals. By 1939, the CPUSA had about 50,000 members.[17] In 1940, soon after World War II began in Europe, the U.S. Congress legislated the Alien Registration Act (aka the Smith Act, 18 USC § 2385) making it a crime to "knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the duty, necessity, desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association"—and required Federal registration of all foreign nationals. Although principally deployed against communists, the Smith Act was also used against right-wing political threats such as the German-American Bund, and the perceived racial disloyalty of the Japanese-American population, (cf. hyphenated-Americans).

After the non-aggression pact was signed between Hitler and Stalin in 1939 the communist party in the United States took an anti-war approach and were consequently treated with more hostility than they had been previously by the public because they were seen as to be working with the Nazis, however in 1941, after Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union, the CPUSA's official position became pro-war, opposing labor strikes in the weapons industry and supporting the U.S. war effort against the Axis Powers. With the slogan "Communism is Twentieth-Century Americanism", the chairman, Earl Browder, advertised the CPUSA's integration to the political mainstream.[18] In contrast, the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party opposed U.S. participation in the war and supported labor strikes, even in the war-effort industry. For this reason, James P. Cannon and other SWP leaders were convicted per the Smith Act.

Increasing tension[edit]

In March 1947, President Harry S. Truman signed Executive Order 9835, creating the "Federal Employees Loyalty Program" establishing political-loyalty review boards who determined the "Americanism" of Federal Government employees, and requiring that all federal employees to take an oath of loyalty to the United States government. It then recommended termination of those who had confessed to spying for the Soviet Union, as well as some suspected of being "Un-American". This led to more than 2,700 dismissals and 12,000 resignations from the years 1947 to 1956.[19] It also was the template for several state legislatures' loyalty acts, such as California's Levering Act. The House Committee on Un-American Activities was created during the Truman administration as a response to allegations by republicans of disloyalty in Truman's administration.[19] The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and the committees of Senator Joseph McCarthy (R., Wisc.) conducted character investigations of "American communists" (actual and alleged), and their roles in (real and imaginary) espionage, propaganda, and subversion favoring the Soviet Union—in the process revealing the extraordinary breadth of the Soviet spy network in infiltrating the federal government; the process also launched the successful political careers of Richard Nixon and Robert F. Kennedy,[20] as well as that of Joseph McCarthy. The HUAC held a large interest in investigating those in the entertainment industry in Hollywood. They interrogated actors, writers, and producers. The people who cooperated in the investigations got to continue working as they had been, but people who refused to cooperate were blacklisted.

Senator Joseph McCarthy stirred up further fear in the United States of communists infiltrating the country by saying that communist spies were omnipresent, and he was America's only salvation, using this fear to increase his own influence. In 1950 Joseph McCarthy addressed the senate, citing 81 separate cases, and made accusations against suspected communists. Although he provided little or no evidence, this prompted the Senate to call for a full investigation.[21]

Senator McCarran introduced the McCarran Internal Security Act of 1950 that was passed by the U.S. Congress and which modified a great deal of law to restrict civil liberties in the name of security. President Truman declared the act a "mockery of the Bill of Rights" and a "long step toward totalitarianism" because it represented a government restriction on the freedom of opinion. He vetoed the act but his veto was overridden by Congress.[22] Much of the bill eventually was repealed.

The formal establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 and the beginning of the Korean War in 1950 meant that Asian Americans, especially those of Chinese or Korean descent, came under increasing suspicion by both American civilians and government officials of being Communist sympathizers. Simultaneously, some American politicians saw the prospect of American-educated Chinese students bringing their knowledge back to “Red China” as an unacceptable threat to American national security, and laws such as the China Aid Act of 1950 and the Refugee Relief Act of 1953 gave significant assistance to Chinese students who wished to settle in the United States. Despite being naturalized, however, Chinese immigrants continued to face suspicion of their allegiance. The general effect, according to University of Wisconsin-Madison scholar Qing Liu, was to simultaneously demand that Chinese (and other Asian) students politically support the American government yet avoid engaging directly in politics.[23]

The Second Red Scare profoundly altered the temper of American society. Its later characterizations may be seen as contributory to works of feared communist espionage, such as the film My Son John (1952), about parent's suspicions their son is a spy. Abundant accounts in narrative forms contained themes of the infiltration, subversion, invasion, and destruction of American society by un–American thought. Even a baseball team, the Cincinnati Reds, temporarily renamed themselves the "Cincinnati Redlegs" to avoid the money-losing and career-ruining connotations inherent in being ball-playing "Reds" (communists).

In 1954 Congress passed the Communist Control Act of 1954 which prevented members of the communist party in America from holding office in labor unions and other labor organizations.

Wind down[edit]

In 1954, after accusing the army, including war heroes, Senator Joseph McCarthy lost credibility in the eyes of the American public. He was formally censured by his colleagues in Congress and the hearings led by McCarthy came to a close.[21] After the Senate formally censured McCarthy, he lost a lot of his standing and political power, and some of the tension and excitement from a possible communist takeover died down.

From 1955 through 1959, the Supreme Court made several decisions which restricted the ways in which the government could enforce its anti-communist policies, some of which included limiting the federal loyalty program to only those who had access to sensitive information, allowing defendants to face their accusers, reducing the strength of congressional investigation committees, and weakening the Smith Act.[19]

In the 1957 case Yates v. United States and the 1961 case Scales v. United States, the Supreme Court limited Congress's ability to circumvent the First Amendment, and in 1967 during the Supreme Court case United States v. Robel, the Supreme Court ruled that a ban on communists in the defense industry was unconstitutional.[24]

In 1995, the American government revealed details of the Venona Project, which when combined with the opening of the USSR ComIntern archives, provided substantial validation of intelligence gathering, outright spying, and policy influencing, by Americans on behalf of the Soviet Union, from 1940 through 1980.[25][26] Over 300 American communists, whether they knew it or not, including government officials and technicians that helped in developing the atom bomb, were found to have engaged in espionage.[19]

See also[edit]

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  • American social policy during the Second Red Scare
  • Church Committee
  • Cold War
  • Espionage Act of 1917
  • Eugene Debs and Debs v. United States
  • Fear mongering
  • Foley Square trial
  • History of Soviet espionage in the United States
  • Hollywood blacklist
  • Jencks Act
  • Jencks v. United States
  • Kellock–Taschereau Commission
  • Lavender scare
  • Moral panic
  • Pentagon military analyst program
  • Propaganda in the United States
  • Psychological operations (United States)
  • The Reagan Doctrine
  • Red-tagging in the Philippines
  • Rooi gevaar ("red danger" in Afrikaans)
  • Subversive Activities Control Board
  • The Crucible
  • The Red Decade
  • US intervention in Latin America
  • Yellow Peril
  • Witch-hunt

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^ Levin, Murray B. (1971). Political Hysteria in America: The Democratic Capacity for Repression. Basic Books. p. 29. ISBN 0-465-05898-1. OCLC 257349.
  2. ^ "Labour Movements, Trade Unions and Strikes (USA) | International Encyclopedia of the First World War (WW1)". encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net. Retrieved 2019-11-01.
  3. ^ Political Hysteria in America: The Democratic Capacity for Repression (1971), p. 31
  4. ^ "Preamble to the IWW Constitution". Industrial Workers of the World. Retrieved 2009-08-20.
  5. ^ May 2019), Deborah Fisher in. "Espionage Act of 1917". www.mtsu.edu. Retrieved 2019-10-31.
  6. ^ a b Cole, David D. (2003). "Enemy Aliens" (PDF). Stanford Law Review. Stanford Law Review, Vol. 54, No. 5. 54 (5): 953–1004. doi:10.2307/1229690. ISSN 0038-9765. JSTOR 1229690. OCLC 95029839. Archived from the original (PDF) on August 15, 2011.
  7. ^ "The Red Scare [ushistory.org]". www.ushistory.org. Retrieved 2019-10-31.
  8. ^ a b Cowley, Marcie K. "Red Scare". www.mtsu.edu. Retrieved 2019-10-31.
  9. ^ Farquhar, Michael (2003). A Treasury of Great American Scandals. Penguin Books. p. 199. ISBN 0-14-200192-9. OCLC 51810711. A Treasury of Great American Scandals.
  10. ^ Hakim, Joy (1995). War, Peace, and All That Jazz. New York, New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 34–36. ISBN 0-19-509514-6.
  11. ^ Gage, Beverly (2009). The Day Wall Street Exploded: A Story of America in its First Age of Terror. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 160–161. ISBN 978-0-19-514824-4. OCLC 149137353. The Day Wall Street Exploded.
  12. ^ Kennedy, David M.; Lizabeth Cohen; Thomas A. Bailey (2001). The American Pageant. Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 978-0-669-39728-4. OCLC 48675667. The American Pageant.
  13. ^ O. Dickerson, Mark (2006). An Introduction to Government and Politics, Seventh Edition. Toronto: Nelson. ISBN 0-17-641676-5.
  14. ^ Canada. The report of the Royal Commission appointed under Order in Council P. C. 411 of February 5, 1946 to investigate the facts relating to and the circumstances surrounding the communication, by public officials and other persons in positions of trust, of secret and confidential information to agents of a foreign power, June 27, 1946. Ottawa: E. Cloutier, Printer to the King, 1946.[verification needed]
  15. ^ Mocking Bird Archived 2006-06-19 at the Wayback Machine, John Simkin, Spartacus Schoolnet
  16. ^ See for example Wedge: The Secret War between the FBI and CIA, by Mark Riebling
  17. ^ Johnpoll, Bernard K. (1994). A Documentary History of the Communist Party of the United States: Volume III Unite and Fight, 1934–1935. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. xv. ISBN 978-0-313-28506-6. OCLC 27976811.
  18. ^ Countryman, Edward (2010). "Communism". In Kazin, Michael; Edwards, Rebecca; Rothman, Adam (eds.). The Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. p. 175. ISBN 978-0-691-12971-6. OCLC 320801248. Retrieved May 3, 2011.
  19. ^ a b c d Storrs, Landon R. Y. (2015-07-02). "McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.6. ISBN 9780199329175.
  20. ^ "The Hiss Case in History". The Hiss Case in Story. Harvard, NYU. 2009. Archived from the original on May 14, 2011. Retrieved 2010-07-28.
  21. ^ a b "McCarthyism [ushistory.org]". www.ushistory.org. Retrieved 2019-10-31.
  22. ^ Lane, Frederick S. (2009). American Privacy: The 400-year History of Our Most Contested Right. Boston: Beacon Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-8070-4441-4. Retrieved May 3, 2011. long step toward totalitarianism.
  23. ^ Liu, Qing (May 2020). "To Be an Apolitical Political Scientist: A Chinese Immigrant Scholar and (Geo)politicized American Higher Education". History of Education Quarterly. 60 (2): 138–141, 144. doi:10.1017/heq.2020.10.
  24. ^ Cowley, Marcie K. "Red Scare". www.mtsu.edu. Retrieved 2019-11-01.
  25. ^ "Venona and the Russian Files". The Hiss Case in Story. Harvard, NYU. 2010. Archived from the original on May 14, 2011. Retrieved 2010-07-28.
  26. ^ Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy. "A Brief Account of the American Experience" (PDF). Report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy. VI; Appendix A. U.S. Government Printing Office. pp. A–7. Archived from the original (PDF) on May 14, 2011. Retrieved 2006-06-26.

References and further reading[edit]

  • K. A. Cuordileone, "The Torment of Secrecy: Reckoning with Communism and Anti-Communism After Venona", Diplomatic History, vol. 35, no. 4 (Sept. 2011), pp. 615–642.
  • Albert Fried, McCarthyism, the Great American Red Scare: A Documentary History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997
  • Joy Hakim, War, Peace, and All That Jazz. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.
  • John Earl Haynes, Red Scare or Red Menace?: American Communism and Anti Communism in the Cold War Era. Ivan R. Dee, 2000.
  • John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Cambridge, MA: Yale University Press, 2000.
  • Murray B. Levin, Political Hysteria in America: The Democratic Capacity for Repression. New York: Basic Books, 1972.
  • Rodger McDaniel, Dying for Joe McCarthy's Sins. Cody, Wyo.: WordsWorth, 2013. ISBN 978-0983027591
  • Ted Morgan, Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. New York: Random House, 2004.
  • Robert K. Murray (1955). Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria, 1919–1920. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 9780816658336. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
  • Richard Gid Powers, Not Without Honor: A History of American Anti-Communism. New York: Free Press, 1997.
  • Regin Schmidt (2000). Red Scare: FBI and the Origins of Anticommunism in the United States, 1919–1943. Museum Tusculanum Press. ISBN 978-8772895819. OCLC 963460662.
  • Ellen Schrecker, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown, 1998.
  • Landon R. Y. Storrs, The Second Red Scare and the Unmaking of the New Deal Left. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012.
  • William M. Wiecek, "The Legal Foundations of Domestic Anticommunism: The Background of Dennis v. United States", Supreme Court Review, vol. 2001 (2001), pp. 375–434. JSTOR 3109693.

External links[edit]

  • "Political Tests for Professors: Academic Freedom during the McCarthy Years" by Ellen Schrecker, The University Loyalty Oath, October 7, 1999.