Las experiencias de los musulmanes las mujeres ( árabe : مسلمات Muslimat , singular مسلمة Muslimah ) varían ampliamente entre y dentro de las diferentes sociedades. [2] Al mismo tiempo, su adhesión al Islam es un factor compartido que afecta sus vidas en diversos grados y les da una identidad común que puede servir para salvar las amplias diferencias culturales, sociales y económicas entre ellos. [2] [3]
Entre las influencias que han jugado un papel importante en la definición del estatus social, espiritual y cosmológico de la mujer en el curso de la historia islámica se encuentran el texto sagrado del Islam, el Corán ; los Ḥadīths , que son tradiciones relacionadas con los hechos y aforismos de Mahoma; [4] ijmā ', que es un consenso, expresado o tácito, sobre una cuestión de derecho; [5] qiyās, el principio por el cual las leyes del Corán y la Sunnah o la costumbre profética se aplican a situaciones no cubiertas explícitamente por estas dos fuentes de legislación; [6] y fatwas, opiniones o decisiones publicadas no vinculantes sobre doctrina religiosa o cuestiones de derecho. Las influencias adicionales incluyen tradiciones culturales preislámicas; leyes seculares, que son plenamente aceptadas en el Islam siempre que no contradigan directamente los preceptos islámicos; [7] autoridades religiosas, incluidas agencias controladas por el gobierno como el Consejo Ulema de Indonesia y Diyanet de Turquía ; [8] y maestros espirituales, que son particularmente prominentes en el misticismo islámico o sufismo . Muchos de estos últimos, incluido Ibn al-'Arabī, han producido ellos mismos textos que han dilucidado el simbolismo metafísico del principio femenino en el Islam. [9]
Existe una variación considerable en cuanto a cómo los musulmanes sunitas interpretan las fuentes anteriores . [10] En particular, los wahabíes y salafistas tienden a rechazar el misticismo y la teología de plano; esto tiene profundas implicaciones para la forma en que se percibe a las mujeres dentro de estas sectas ideológicas. [11] Por el contrario, dentro de la ortodoxia islámica, tanto las escuelas teológicas establecidas como el sufismo son al menos algo influyentes. [12]
Fuentes de influencia
Hay cuatro fuentes de influencia bajo el Islam para las mujeres musulmanas. Los dos primeros, el Corán y los hadices, se consideran fuentes primarias, mientras que los otros dos son fuentes secundarias y derivadas que difieren entre varias sectas musulmanas y escuelas de jurisprudencia islámica . Las fuentes secundarias de influencia incluyen ijma , qiyas y, en formas como fatwa , ijtihad . [13] [14] [15]
Primario
A las mujeres en el Islam se les proporciona una serie de pautas bajo el Corán y los hadices , según lo entiende el fiqh (jurisprudencia islámica), así como las interpretaciones derivadas del hadiz que fueron acordadas por la mayoría de los eruditos sunitas como auténticas sin lugar a dudas basadas en estudios de hadices . [19] [20] Estas interpretaciones y su aplicación fueron moldeadas por el contexto histórico del mundo musulmán en el momento en que fueron escritas. [19]
Durante su vida, Mahoma se casó con nueve u once mujeres dependiendo de los diferentes relatos de quiénes eran sus esposas. En la cultura árabe , el matrimonio se contraía generalmente de acuerdo con las necesidades más amplias de la tribu y se basaba en la necesidad de formar alianzas dentro de la tribu y con otras tribus. La virginidad en el momento del matrimonio se enfatizó como un honor tribal. [21] William Montgomery Watt afirma que todos los matrimonios de Muhammad tenían el aspecto político de fortalecer las relaciones amistosas y se basaban en la costumbre árabe. [22]
Al-Nisa '
Mujeres o Sūrat an-Nisāʼ [23] es el cuarto capítulo del Corán. El título de la sura deriva de las numerosas referencias a las mujeres a lo largo del capítulo, [24] incluidos los versículos 4:34 [25] : 4:34 y 4: 127 - 4: 130. [25] : 4: 127–130
Secundario
Las fuentes primarias de influencia sobre las mujeres del Islam antes mencionadas no se ocupan de todas las situaciones imaginables a lo largo del tiempo. Esto llevó al desarrollo de escuelas de jurisprudencia y religiosas con eruditos islámicos que se refirieron a recursos como la identificación de documentos auténticos, discusiones internas y el establecimiento de un consenso para encontrar el curso de acción correcto aprobado por la religión para los musulmanes. [13] [14] Estos formaron las fuentes secundarias de influencia para las mujeres. Entre ellos se encuentran ijma , qiya , ijtihad y otros que dependen de la secta y la escuela de derecho islámico. Entre las fuentes secundarias se incluyen las fatwas , que a menudo son distribuidas ampliamente, oralmente o por escrito por clérigos musulmanes, a las masas, en el idioma local y describen el comportamiento, los roles y los derechos de las mujeres que se ajustan a los requisitos religiosos. Las fatwas son teóricamente no vinculantes, pero se consideran seriamente y, a menudo, han sido practicadas por la mayoría de los creyentes musulmanes. Las fuentes secundarias generalmente se dividen en cinco tipos de influencia: el papel o comportamiento declarado de los musulmanes, tanto mujeres como hombres, se considera obligatorio, encomiable, permisible, despreciado o prohibido. Existe una controversia considerable, cambios a lo largo del tiempo y conflicto entre las fuentes secundarias. [26] [27] [28]
Roles de genero
Los roles de género en el Islam están coloreados simultáneamente por dos preceptos coránicos: (i) igualdad espiritual entre mujeres y hombres; y (ii) la idea de que las mujeres deben ejemplificar la feminidad y la masculinidad de los hombres. [32]
La igualdad espiritual entre mujeres y hombres se detalla en Sūrat al-Aḥzāb (33:35) : [33]
En verdad, los musulmanes: hombres y mujeres, los creyentes: hombres y mujeres, los Qanit: hombres y mujeres, los hombres y mujeres que son veraces, los hombres y mujeres que son pacientes, los Khashi`: hombres y mujeres, los hombres y las mujeres que dan Sadaqat, los hombres y las mujeres que ayunan, los hombres y las mujeres que guardan su castidad y los hombres y las mujeres que recuerdan mucho a Allah con sus corazones y lenguas, Allah les ha preparado el perdón y un gran recompensa. [34] : 33:35
La visión básica del Islam de mujeres y hombres postula una complementariedad de funciones: como todo lo demás en el universo, la humanidad ha sido creada en un par (Sūrat al-Dhāriyāt, 51:49) [35] - ninguno puede estar completo sin el otro. [36] En el pensamiento cosmológico islámico, el universo se percibe como un equilibrio construido sobre relaciones polares armoniosas entre los pares que componen todas las cosas. [36] Además, todos los fenómenos externos son reflejos de noúmenos internos y, en última instancia, de Dios. [36]
El énfasis que el Islam pone sobre la polaridad femenino / masculino (y por lo tanto la complementariedad) resulta en una separación de funciones sociales. [37] En general, la esfera de operación de una mujer es el hogar en el que ella es la figura dominante, y la esfera correspondiente al hombre es el mundo exterior. [38] [Se necesita una mejor fuente ] Las mujeres son muy respetadas en muchos aspectos de la vida doméstica, como ser elogiadas por sus conocimientos como especialistas en rituales, curanderos, cuidadoras y quienes organizan matrimonios en su comunidad. [39]
Sin embargo, esta separación no es, en la práctica, tan rígida como parece. [37] Hay muchos ejemplos, tanto en la historia temprana del Islam como en el mundo contemporáneo, de mujeres musulmanas que han desempeñado roles prominentes en la vida pública, incluyendo sultanas , reinas , jefes de estado electos y mujeres de negocios adineradas . Además, es importante reconocer que en el Islam, el hogar y la familia están firmemente situados en el centro de la vida en este mundo y de la sociedad: el trabajo de un hombre no puede tener prioridad sobre el ámbito privado. [38]
El Corán dedica numerosos versículos a las mujeres musulmanas, su papel, deberes y derechos, además de la Sura 4 con 176 versos llamados "An-Nisa" ("Mujeres"). [40]
Salah
Hay variaciones de ubicación para las mujeres dentro de las mezquitas y congregaciones. Dentro de algunas escuelas y ramas islámicas , existen variaciones específicas de oración para las mujeres. Las mujeres no deben orar durante su menstruación y por un período de tiempo después del parto.
Estas limitaciones preocupan a algunas mujeres musulmanas. [41]
Educación femenina
La posición clásica
Tanto el Corán, el texto sagrado del Islam, como el ejemplo hablado o actuado de Muḥammad (sunnah) defienden los derechos de las mujeres y los hombres por igual para buscar el conocimiento. [43] El Corán ordena a todos los musulmanes que se esfuercen en la búsqueda del conocimiento, independientemente de su sexo biológico: constantemente anima a los musulmanes a leer, pensar, contemplar y aprender de los signos de Dios en la naturaleza. [43] Además, Mahoma alentó la educación tanto para hombres como para mujeres: declaró que buscar conocimiento era un deber religioso obligatorio para todo musulmán y musulmán. [44] Como su contraparte masculina, cada mujer tiene la obligación moral y religiosa de buscar conocimiento, desarrollar su intelecto, ampliar su perspectiva, cultivar sus talentos y luego utilizar su potencial en beneficio de su alma y su sociedad. [45] Los copistas hicieron evidente que las mujeres tenían derecho a buscar una educación tanto como cualquier hombre al afirmar en el hadiz que es deber de todos, ya seas hombre o mujer, buscar el conocimiento. [46] Junto con estos ideales vino la vacilación de algunos que creían que una mujer educada que sabía leer y escribir era descrita como venenosa. [46] Muchas mujeres en todo el mundo musulmán aprovecharon esta oportunidad para recibir tanta educación como permitía la ley. [46]
El interés de Mahoma por la educación femenina se manifestó en el hecho de que él mismo solía enseñar a las mujeres junto con los hombres. [45] [Se necesita una mejor fuente ] Las enseñanzas de Muḥammad fueron ampliamente buscadas por ambos sexos y, en consecuencia, en el momento de su muerte se informó que había muchas mujeres eruditas del Islam. [44] Además, las esposas de Muḥammad, en particular Aisha, también enseñaron tanto a mujeres como a hombres; muchos de los compañeros y seguidores de Muammad aprendieron el Corán, ḥadīth y la jurisprudencia islámica (fiqh) de Aisha. [47] En particular, no se impuso ninguna restricción al tipo de conocimiento adquirido: una mujer era libre de elegir cualquier campo de conocimiento que le interesara. [48] Debido a que el Islam reconoce que las mujeres son en principio esposas y madres, se enfatizó especialmente la adquisición de conocimientos en campos que son complementarios a estos roles sociales. [49]
Historia de la educación de la mujer
James E. Lindsay dijo que el Islam fomenta la educación religiosa de las mujeres musulmanas. [50] Según un hadiz en Saḥih Muslim atribuido de diversas formas a ''isha y Muhammad , las mujeres del ansar eran dignas de elogio porque la vergüenza no les impedía hacer preguntas detalladas sobre la ley islámica. [50] [51]
Si bien no era común que las mujeres se matricularan como estudiantes en escuelas religiosas formales, era común que las mujeres asistieran a conferencias informales y sesiones de estudio en mezquitas, madrasas y otros lugares públicos. Por ejemplo, la asistencia de mujeres a las "sesiones de sabiduría" del Califato fatimí ( majālis al-ḥikma ) fue notada por varios historiadores, entre ellos Ibn al-Tuwayr, al-Muṣabbiḥī e Imam . [52] Históricamente, algunas mujeres musulmanas desempeñaron un papel importante en la fundación de muchas instituciones educativas religiosas, como la fundación de Fatima al-Fihri de la mezquita al-Karaouine en 859 EC , a partir de la cual más tarde se desarrolló la Universidad de al-Karaouine. . [53] : 274 Muchas mujeres reales fueron fundadoras de instituciones educativas, incluidas las madrasas. [46] En Mamluk Cairo, las mujeres eran responsables de la dotación de cinco madrasas e incluso podían tener la responsabilidad de ser supervisoras de la administración de una madrasa si tuvieran vínculos familiares con un fundador. [46] Según el erudito sunita del siglo XII Ibn 'Asakir , hubo varias oportunidades para la educación femenina en lo que se conoce como la Edad de Oro islámica . Escribe que las mujeres pueden estudiar, obtener ijazah s (grados religiosos) y calificar como ulama y maestras islámicas. [53] : 196, 198 De manera similar, al-Sakhawi dedica uno de los doce volúmenes de su diccionario biográfico Daw al-Lami a mujeres eruditas religiosas entre 700 y 1800 EC , dando información sobre 1075 de ellas. [54] Las mujeres de familias urbanas prominentes fueron educadas comúnmente en entornos privados y muchas de ellas recibieron y luego emitieron ijazas en estudios de hadices, caligrafía y recitación de poesía. [55] [56] Hubo un período en el que las mujeres eruditas fueron vitales para la transmisión del hadiz. Los eruditos importantes como Shuhda, Zaynab, Aisha y Fatimah fueron entrenados a una edad muy temprana y fueron fuertemente influenciados por miembros de la familia que también eran eruditos o estaban inmersos en el conocimiento. [57] Cada uno tenía un gran número de seguidores e hizo muchas contribuciones a la enseñanza de personas de diversos orígenes. [57]
Las mujeres trabajadoras aprendieron textos religiosos y habilidades prácticas principalmente unas de otras, aunque también recibieron alguna instrucción junto con los hombres en mezquitas y hogares privados. [55]
Durante la era colonial, hasta principios del siglo XX, hubo una lucha de género entre los musulmanes en el imperio británico; La educación de las mujeres se consideraba un preludio del caos social, una amenaza para el orden moral, y el mundo del hombre se consideraba una fuente de identidad musulmana. [58] Las mujeres musulmanas en la India británica, sin embargo, presionaron por sus derechos independientes de los hombres; en la década de 1930, 2,5 millones de niñas habían ingresado a las escuelas, de las cuales 0,5 millones eran musulmanas. [58]
Situación actual
- Literatura
En una declaración de 2013, la Organización de Cooperación Islámica señaló que el acceso restringido a la educación es uno de los desafíos que enfrentan las niñas y mujeres en el mundo en desarrollo, incluidos los estados miembros de la OCI. [61] UNICEF señala que de 24 naciones con menos del 60% de tasas de matriculación primaria femenina, 17 eran naciones islámicas; más de la mitad de la población adulta es analfabeta en varios países islámicos, y la proporción alcanza el 70% entre las mujeres musulmanas. [62] La UNESCO estima que la tasa de alfabetización entre las mujeres adultas fue de aproximadamente el 50% o menos en varios países de mayoría musulmana, incluidos Marruecos, Yemen, Bangladesh, Pakistán, Níger, Malí, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau y Chad. . [63] Egipto tenía una tasa de alfabetización femenina del 64% en 2010, Irak del 71% e Indonesia del 90%. [63] La alfabetización ha mejorado en Arabia Saudita desde la década de 1970, la tasa de alfabetización femenina en 2017 para las mujeres de 15 a 24 años fue del 99,3%, equivalente a la tasa de alfabetización masculina del 99,3%. [64] Los ideales occidentales han tenido una influencia sobre la educación en los países musulmanes debido a la creciente demanda de alfabetización en hombres y mujeres. [65] Es evidente que más mujeres están haciendo un esfuerzo por recibir una educación asistiendo a la escuela primaria y secundaria en los países musulmanes. [sesenta y cinco]
- Género y participación en la educación
Algunos académicos [66] [67] sostienen que las naciones islámicas tienen la brecha de género más alta del mundo en educación. El estudio anual sobre la brecha de género del Foro Económico Mundial de 2012 concluye que 17 de las 18 naciones con peor desempeño, de un total de 135 naciones, son los siguientes miembros de la Organización de Cooperación Islámica (OCI): Argelia , Jordania , Líbano ( Nepal [68 ] ), Turquía , Omán , Egipto , Irán , Malí , Marruecos , Costa de Marfil , Arabia Saudita , Siria , Chad , Pakistán y Yemen . [69]
Por el contrario, la UNESCO señala que, con un 37%, la proporción de investigadoras en los estados árabes se compara bien con otras regiones. [71] En Turquía, la proporción de investigadoras universitarias es ligeramente superior (36%) que la media de los 27 miembros de la Unión Europea en 2012 (33%). [72] De manera comparable, con un 36,5%, la proporción global de mujeres investigadoras en universidades y centros científicos del norte de África está por encima de los promedios mundiales (22,5%), europeos (33%) y de países desarrollados (26%). [73] En Irán, las mujeres representan más del 60% de los estudiantes universitarios. [74] Del mismo modo, en Malasia, [75] Argelia, [76] y en Arabia Saudita, [77] la mayoría de los estudiantes universitarios han sido mujeres en los últimos años, mientras que en 2016 las mujeres emiratíes constituían el 76,8% de las personas matriculadas en universidades de Los Emiratos Arabes Unidos. [78] En la Universidad de Jordania, que es la universidad más grande y antigua de Jordania, el 65% de los estudiantes eran mujeres en 2013. [79]
En varios estados miembros de la OCI, la proporción de mujeres y hombres en la educación terciaria es excepcionalmente alta. Qatar lidera el mundo en este sentido, con 6,66 mujeres en la educación superior por cada hombre en 2015. [80] Otros estados de mayoría musulmana con más estudiantes universitarias mujeres que hombres incluyen Kuwait, donde el 41% de las mujeres asisten a la universidad en comparación con 18 % de hombres; [80] Bahrein, donde la proporción de mujeres y hombres en la educación terciaria es de 2,18: 1; [80] Brunei Darussalam, donde el 33% de las mujeres se matriculan en la universidad frente al 18% de los hombres; [80] Túnez, que tiene una relación entre mujeres y hombres de 1,62 en la educación superior; y Kirguistán, donde la relación equivalente es 1,61. [80] Además, en Kazajstán había 115 estudiantes mujeres por cada 100 estudiantes varones en la educación terciaria en 1999; según el Banco Mundial, esta proporción había aumentado a 144: 100 en 2008. [81]
Un desarrollo notable específico del estudio de la física es que las mujeres en los países de mayoría musulmana disfrutan de una representación significativamente mayor que sus contrapartes en los Estados Unidos: en los Estados Unidos, las mujeres representan el 21% de los estudiantes de licenciatura en física y el 20% de los estudiantes de doctorado, mientras que el las cifras equivalentes para las naciones de mayoría musulmana son 60% + y 47% respectivamente. [82] Las físicas que estudiaron en estados de mayoría musulmana y luego se mudaron a los Estados Unidos para ocupar puestos académicos señalaron que cuando estaban en sus ubicaciones anteriores, 'no sentían que tenían que suprimir su feminidad para tener su intelecto, y no su apariencia - ser el foco de la interacción '. [83]
De manera similar, las tasas muy altas (alrededor del 50%) de matriculación de mujeres ingenieras en tres estados miembros de la OCI - Túnez, Jordania y Malasia - han impulsado la incorporación de Mujeres en Ingeniería en Países Predominantemente Musulmanes ('WIEPMCS') en tres universidades estadounidenses ( Estado de Washington, Purdue y Washington occidental). El objetivo de este proyecto es 'arrojar luz de manera más general sobre cómo el contexto da forma a la participación exitosa de las mujeres en STEM de maneras que informan nuestros esfuerzos para ampliar la participación en los EE. UU.', Donde las tasas de inscripción femenina en ingeniería suelen ser del 15-20%. [84]
En los Estados Unidos, un estudio reciente realizado por el Institute for Social Policy and Understanding encontró que las mujeres musulmanas estadounidenses (73%) tienen más probabilidades que los hombres musulmanes estadounidenses (57%) de lograr una educación superior (educación postsecundaria o superior). . [85]
Empleo femenino
Algunos eruditos [86] [87] se refieren al versículo 28:23 del Corán ya Jadiya , la primera esposa de Mahoma, comerciante antes y después de convertirse al Islam, como indicaciones de que las mujeres musulmanas pueden trabajar fuera de sus hogares. [ disputado ]
Y cuando llegó al agua de Madián, encontró en ella a un grupo de hombres dando de beber, y además de ellos encontró a dos mujeres cuidando (sus rebaños). Él dijo: ¿Qué te pasa? Dijeron: No podemos regar hasta que los pastores se lleven (sus ovejas) del agua, y nuestro padre es un hombre muy anciano.
- Corán [ Corán 28:23 ]
Las interpretaciones tradicionales del Islam requieren que una mujer tenga el permiso de su esposo para salir de la casa y tomar un empleo, [88] [89] [90] aunque eruditos como el Gran Mufti Ali Gomaa [91] y el Gran Ayatolá Mohammad Ebrahim Jannaati [92] han dicho que las mujeres no necesitan el permiso del marido para salir de la casa y trabajar.
Historia
Durante la época medieval, la fuerza laboral en el califato español incluía mujeres en diversas ocupaciones y actividades económicas como la agricultura, los trabajadores de la construcción, los trabajadores textiles, la gestión de niñas esclavas, la recaudación de impuestos de las prostitutas, así como presidentes de gremios , acreedores , eruditos religiosos. [93]
En el siglo XII, Ibn Rushd , afirmó que las mujeres eran iguales a los hombres en todos los aspectos y poseían la misma capacidad para brillar, citando ejemplos de mujeres guerreras entre los árabes , griegos y africanos para apoyar su caso. [94] En la historia temprana del Islam , ejemplos de mujeres musulmanas notables que lucharon durante las conquistas musulmanas y Fitna (guerras civiles) como soldados o generales incluyeron a Nusaybah bint Ka'ab [95] alias Umm Amarah, Aisha, [96] Kahula y Wafeira. [97]
Bimarestan u hospitales medievales incluían personal femenino como enfermeras. Los hospitales musulmanes también fueron los primeros en emplear a mujeres médicas, como la familia Banu Zuhr, que sirvió al gobernante califa almohade Abu Yusuf Yaqub al-Mansur en el siglo XII. [98] Esto fue necesario debido a la segregación de pacientes masculinos y femeninos en los hospitales islámicos. Más tarde, en el siglo XV, se contrató a cirujanos en la Cerrahiyyetu'l-Haniyye (Cirugía Imperial) de Şerafeddin Sabuncuoğlu . [99]
La fe del Islam establece que a los ojos de Dios, hombres y mujeres deben ser iguales y se les permite cumplir los mismos roles. Por lo tanto, también están obligados a completar todos los deberes de un adorador musulmán, incluida la finalización de las tradiciones religiosas, específicamente la peregrinación a La Meca. La cultura islámica marcó un movimiento hacia la liberación y la igualdad de la mujer, ya que las culturas árabes anteriores no permitían que las mujeres tuvieran esas libertades. Existe evidencia de que Mahoma pidió consejo a las mujeres y tomó en cuenta sus pensamientos, específicamente con respecto al Corán. A las mujeres se les permitió orar con los hombres, participar en interacciones comerciales y desempeñar un papel en la educación. Una de las esposas de Muhammad, Aisha, jugó un papel importante en la medicina, la historia y la retórica. Las mujeres, sin embargo, no tenían títulos religiosos, pero algunas tenían poder político con sus maridos o por su cuenta. El papel histórico de la mujer en el Islam está relacionado con los ideales patriarcales de la sociedad, más que con los lazos reales con el Corán. El tema de la mujer en el Islam es cada vez más frecuente en la sociedad moderna. [100]
Era moderna
Los patrones de empleo de las mujeres varían en todo el mundo musulmán: en 2005, el 16% de las mujeres paquistaníes eran "económicamente activas" (empleadas o desempleadas, pero disponibles para proporcionar mano de obra), mientras que el 52% de las mujeres indonesias lo eran. [102] Según un informe del Foro Económico Mundial de 2012 [103] y otros informes recientes, [104] las naciones islámicas en la región de Oriente Medio y África del Norte están aumentando la creación de oportunidades económicas y de empleo para las mujeres; Sin embargo, en comparación con todas las demás regiones del mundo, la región de Oriente Medio y África del Norte ocupa el lugar más bajo en cuanto a participación económica, oportunidades de empleo y empoderamiento político de las mujeres. Diez países con la participación de la fuerza laboral femenina más baja del mundo (Jordania, Omán, Marruecos, Irán, Turquía, Argelia, Yemen, Arabia Saudita, Pakistán y Siria) son países islámicos, al igual que los cuatro países que no tienen mujeres parlamentarias . [103]
Las mujeres pueden trabajar en el Islam, sujeto a ciertas condiciones. Por ejemplo, una circunstancia aceptable es si una mujer tiene necesidades económicas y su empleo no la hace descuidar su importante papel como madre y esposa. [86] [105] Se ha afirmado que es responsabilidad de la comunidad musulmana organizar el trabajo de las mujeres, de modo que pueda hacerlo en un ambiente cultural musulmán, donde se respeten sus derechos (tal como se establecen en el Corán). . [86] Sin embargo, la ley islámica permite que las mujeres trabajen en condiciones islámicas, [86] como el trabajo que no requiere que la mujer viole la ley islámica (por ejemplo, servir alcohol), y que mantenga su modestia mientras realiza cualquier trabajo fuera de ella. casa.
En algunos casos, cuando las mujeres tienen derecho a trabajar y reciben educación, las oportunidades laborales de las mujeres pueden en la práctica ser desiguales a las de los hombres. En Egipto, por ejemplo, las mujeres tienen oportunidades limitadas de trabajar en el sector privado porque todavía se espera que las mujeres den prioridad a su papel en la familia, lo que hace que los hombres sean considerados más confiables a largo plazo. [106] [ página necesaria ] En Arabia Saudita, era ilegal que las mujeres sauditas condujeran hasta junio de 2018. [107] [ página necesaria ] Cada vez es más común que las mujeres sauditas obtengan permisos de conducir de otros estados del Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo, como como los Emiratos Árabes Unidos y Bahréin. [108]
Según el Informe de Negocios Internacionales (2014) publicado por la red global de contabilidad Grant Thornton, Indonesia, que es el país musulmán más grande del mundo por población, tiene ≥40% de los puestos directivos de empresas ocupados por mujeres, una proporción mayor que Estados Unidos ( 22%) y Dinamarca (14%). [109] Entre las mujeres ejecutivas de negocios prominentes en el mundo islámico se encuentran Güler Sabancı , directora ejecutiva del conglomerado industrial y financiero Sabancı Holding ; [110] Ümit Boyner, directora no ejecutiva de Boyner Holding que fue presidenta de TÜSİAD , la Asociación Turca de Industriales y Empresarios, de 2010 a 2013; [111] Bernadette Ruth Irawati Setiady, directora ejecutiva de PT Kalbe Farma Tbk., La mayor empresa farmacéutica del bloque comercial de la ASEAN; [112] Atiek Nur Wahyuni, director de Trans TV, una importante estación de televisión abierta en Indonesia; [113] y Elissa Freiha, socia fundadora de la plataforma de inversión WOMENA, con sede en los Emiratos Árabes Unidos. [114] [115]
En los Estados Unidos, el Instituto para la Política y el Entendimiento Social descubrió que, "en lugar de esconderse, las mujeres musulmanas respondieron a una victoria de Trump con más generosidad". Casi el 30% de las mujeres musulmanas frente al 19% de los hombres musulmanes han aumentado sus donaciones a una organización asociada con su comunidad religiosa desde las elecciones presidenciales de EE. UU. De 2016, lo que demuestra un nivel de independencia e influencia financiera. [85]
Asuntos legales y financieros
De acuerdo con todas las escuelas de la ley islámica, los mandatos de la sharī'ah del Islam se aplican a todos los musulmanes, hombres y mujeres, que han alcanzado la edad de madurez, y solo a ellos. [33] Todos los musulmanes son, en principio, iguales ante la ley. [116] El Corán enfatiza especialmente que sus mandatos conciernen tanto a hombres como a mujeres en varios versículos donde ambos se tratan de manera clara y distinta, como en Sūrat al-Aḥzāb en 33:35 [117] ('En verdad, los hombres que se rinden a Dios y a las mujeres que se entregan ... ').
La mayoría de los países de mayoría musulmana, y algunos países de minoría musulmana, siguen un sistema legal mixto, con leyes positivas y tribunales estatales, así como leyes religiosas basadas en la sharia y tribunales religiosos. [118] Aquellos países que utilizan la Sharia para asuntos legales que involucran a mujeres, la adoptan principalmente para el derecho personal; sin embargo, algunos países islámicos como Arabia Saudita, Irán, Afganistán, Pakistán y Yemen también tienen leyes penales basadas en la sharia. [119]
Según Jan Michiel Otto, "[una] investigación antropológica muestra que las personas en las comunidades locales a menudo no distinguen claramente si sus normas y prácticas se basan en la tradición local, las costumbres tribales o la religión y en qué medida". [120] En algunas áreas, las prácticas tribales como vani , Ba'ad y el asesinato por "honor" siguen siendo una parte integral de los procesos legales consuetudinarios que involucran a mujeres musulmanas. [121] [122] A su vez, el artículo 340 del Código Penal de Jordania, que reduce las sentencias por matar a parientes femeninas por adulterio, y se cree comúnmente que se deriva de la ley islámica, fue de hecho tomado del derecho penal francés durante la era otomana. . [123]
Aparte de las leyes aplicables a las mujeres musulmanas, existe una variación basada en el género en el proceso de testimonio y formas aceptables de evidencia en asuntos legales. [124] [125] Algunos juristas islámicos han sostenido que ciertos tipos de testimonios de mujeres pueden no ser aceptados. En otros casos, el testimonio de dos mujeres es igual al de un hombre. [124] [125]
Agencia financiera y legal: la posición clásica
Según el versículo 4:32 del texto sagrado del Islam, tanto los hombres como las mujeres tienen una posición económica independiente: 'Para los hombres es una parte de lo que ganan y para las mujeres es una parte de lo que ganan. Pídale a Dios su gracia. Dios tiene conocimiento de todas las cosas '. [126] Por lo tanto, las mujeres tienen la libertad de comprar, vender, hipotecar, arrendar, pedir prestado o prestar y firmar contratos y documentos legales. [126] Además, las mujeres pueden donar dinero, actuar como fideicomisarios y establecer un negocio o empresa. [126] Estos derechos no pueden modificarse, independientemente del estado civil. [126] Cuando una mujer está casada, tiene legalmente el control total sobre la dote - el mahr o regalo nupcial, generalmente de naturaleza financiera, mientras que el novio paga a la novia al casarse - y retiene este control en caso de divorcio. [126] [127]
Los principios coránicos, especialmente la enseñanza del zakāh o purificación de la riqueza, alientan a las mujeres a poseer, invertir, ahorrar y distribuir sus ganancias y ahorros de acuerdo con su discreción. [126] [ página necesaria ] Estos también reconocen y hacen cumplir el derecho de las mujeres a participar en diversas actividades económicas. [126] [ página necesaria ]
A diferencia de muchas otras culturas, una mujer en el Islam siempre ha tenido derecho, según la ley de la sharī'ah, a mantener su apellido y no a llevar el apellido de su esposo. [128] Por lo tanto, una mujer musulmana siempre ha sido conocida tradicionalmente por el nombre de su familia como una indicación de su individualidad y su propia identidad legal: no existe un proceso históricamente practicado para cambiar los nombres de las mujeres, ya sean casadas, divorciadas o viudas. . [128] Con la expansión de burocracias estatales de estilo occidental en todo el mundo islámico desde el siglo XIX en adelante, esta última convención se ha visto sometida a una presión cada vez mayor, y ahora es un lugar común que las mujeres musulmanas cambien sus nombres al casarse.
Derechos de propiedad
El Corán dice:
"Para los hombres es una parte de lo que dejan los padres y parientes cercanos, y para las mujeres es una parte de lo que los padres y parientes cercanos dejan de menos o más, una parte legal". (Al-Corán 4: 7)
Bernard Lewis dice que la civilización islámica clásica otorgó a las mujeres musulmanas libres relativamente más derechos de propiedad que las mujeres en Occidente, incluso cuando santificó tres desigualdades básicas entre amo y esclavo, hombre y mujer, creyente e incrédulo. [129] Incluso en los casos en que los derechos de propiedad se concedieron en Occidente, fueron muy limitados y cubrieron solo a las mujeres de clase alta. [130] Con el tiempo, mientras que los derechos de las mujeres han mejorado en otros lugares, los de muchos países dominados por musulmanes han permanecido relativamente restringidos. [131] [132]
Los derechos de propiedad de las mujeres en el Corán provienen de sus padres y parientes cercanos. Una mujer, de acuerdo con la tradición islámica, no tiene que entregar sus posesiones antes del matrimonio a su esposo y recibir una mahr (dote) que luego posee. [133] Además, cualquier ingreso que una mujer reciba a través del empleo o negocio, después del matrimonio, es suyo y no tiene por qué contribuir a los gastos familiares. Esto se debe a que, una vez que se consuma el matrimonio, a cambio de tamkin (sumisión sexual), una mujer tiene derecho a nafaqa , es decir, la responsabilidad financiera por la vivienda, la comida y otros gastos domésticos razonables para la familia, incluido el cónyuge, se reduce por completo. sobre el marido. [88] [89] En la ley islámica tradicional, una mujer tampoco es responsable del mantenimiento del hogar y puede exigir un pago por cualquier trabajo que realice en la esfera doméstica. [134] [135]
Los derechos de propiedad permitieron a algunas mujeres musulmanas poseer activos sustanciales y financiar donaciones caritativas. A mediados del siglo XVI en Estambul, el 36,8% de las donaciones caritativas (awqāf) fueron fundadas por mujeres. [136] En El Cairo del siglo XVIII, 126 de 496 fundaciones benéficas (25,4%) fueron donadas por mujeres. [137] Entre 1770 y 1840, 241 de 468 o el 51% de las donaciones caritativas en Alepo fueron fundadas por mujeres. [138]
El Corán otorga derechos de herencia a la esposa, la hija y las hermanas del difunto. [139] Sin embargo, los derechos de herencia de las mujeres a la propiedad de su padre son desiguales para sus hermanos varones y varían según el número de hermanas, hermanastras, hermanastros, si la madre sobrevive y otros reclamantes. Las reglas de la herencia se especifican en varios versículos del Corán, entre ellos la Sura "Baqarah" (capítulo 2), versículos 180 y 240; Sura "Nisa (h)" (capítulo 4) versículos 7-11, 19 y 33; y Surah "Maidah" (capítulo 5), versículos 106-108. Tres versículos de la sura "Nisah" (capítulo 4), los versículos 11, 12 y 176, describen la proporción de parientes cercanos. Las leyes de herencia religiosa para las mujeres en el Islam son diferentes de las leyes de herencia para las mujeres no musulmanas bajo las leyes comunes. [140]
Equidad económica
La enseñanza islámica de hacer todo lo posible para tratar a las mujeres de manera equitativa en las transacciones financieras se ejemplifica en una historia que presenta a Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān ibn Thābit ibn Zūṭā (700-767), el fundador de la Escuela de Derecho de Ḥanafī, quien en su anterior Life era un comerciante de textiles en una ciudad guarnición, y una mujer que iba a su tienda ofreciendo venderle a Abū Ḥanīfa una prenda de seda. El autor y banquero de inversiones Harris Irfan narra la historia de la siguiente manera:
“La señora se ofreció a venderle la prenda a Abu Hanifa por 100 dirhams pero Abu Hanifa no la compró. 'Vale más que cien', le dijo a la mujer sorprendida. '¿Cuánto?' volvió a preguntarle. Ella se ofreció a venderlo por 200 dirhams y él la rechazó. Luego pidió 300, luego 400, momento en el que la exasperada mujer lo regañó. 'Te estás burlando de mí', declaró, y se preparó para se alejó del trato para probar suerte en otro lugar. Así que llamaron a otro comerciante y él valoró solemnemente la prenda en 500 dirhams. En lugar de sacar provecho de la ignorancia de la mujer, Abu Hanifa había optado por conformarse con un comercio justo, un principio que respetaría. por toda su vida - que los codiciosos deberían ser regulados para que no se aprovechen de los vulnerables ". [141]
Delitos y pecados sexuales
Zina
La mujer fornicaria y el hombre fornicario azoten a cada uno con cien azotes. Ninguna piedad por ellos debería prevalecer sobre ti en el asunto de la religión de Alá, si realmente crees en Alá y en el Último Día; y un grupo de creyentes debe presenciar su castigo. Un hombre fornicario no se casará sino una mujer fornicaria o politeísta; y una mujer fornicaria no se casará, sino un hombre fornicario o politeísta. Y esto (es decir, casarse con tales cónyuges) ha sido prohibido para los creyentes. (Al-Corán 24: 2-3)
- Jurisprudencia tradicional
Zina es un término legal islámico que se refiere a las relaciones sexuales ilegales. [142] Según la jurisprudencia tradicional , la zina puede incluir adulterio (de personas casadas), fornicación (de personas solteras), prostitución , bestialidad y, según algunos estudiosos, violación. [142] El Corán desaprobó la promiscuidad que prevalecía en Arabia en ese momento, y varios versículos se refieren a relaciones sexuales ilegales, incluido uno que prescribe el castigo de 100 latigazos para los fornicarios. [143] Por tanto, Zina pertenece a la clase de crímenes hadd (pl. Hudud ), que tienen castigos especificados en el Corán. [143]
Aunque la lapidación por zina no se menciona en el Corán, todas las escuelas de jurisprudencia tradicional acordaron sobre la base del hadiz que debe ser castigado con lapidación si el ofensor es muhsan (adulto, libre, musulmán y haber estado casado), con algunos extendiendo este castigo a ciertos otros casos y castigo más leve prescrito en otros escenarios. [143] [142] Los infractores deben haber actuado por su propia voluntad. [143] Según la jurisprudencia tradicional, la zina debe probarse mediante el testimonio de cuatro testigos oculares adultos y piadosos del acto real de penetración, o una confesión repetida cuatro veces y no retractada posteriormente. [143] [142] Cualquier musulmán que acusa a otro musulmán de zina pero no presenta los testigos requeridos comete el crimen de acusación falsa (qadhf, القذف). [144] [145] [146] Algunos sostienen que este requisito de la sharia de cuatro testigos oculares limita gravemente la capacidad de un hombre para probar los cargos de zina contra mujeres, un crimen que a menudo se comete sin testigos presenciales. [144] [147] [148] La escuela jurídica de Maliki también permite que el embarazo de una mujer soltera se utilice como prueba, pero el castigo puede evitarse mediante una serie de "apariencias" legales ( shubuhat ), como la existencia de un matrimonio inválido. contrato. [143] Estos requisitos hicieron que la zina fuera prácticamente imposible de probar en la práctica. [142]
- Historia
Aparte de "unos pocos casos raros y aislados" de la era premoderna y varios casos recientes, no existe ningún registro histórico de que la lapidación por zina se haya llevado a cabo legalmente. [142] Zina se convirtió en un tema más urgente en los tiempos modernos, ya que los movimientos y gobiernos islamistas emplearon polémicas contra la inmoralidad pública. [142] Después de que las leyes penales basadas en la sharia fueran reemplazadas ampliamente por estatutos de inspiración europea en la era moderna, en las últimas décadas varios países aprobaron reformas legales que incorporaron elementos de las leyes hudud en sus códigos legales. [149] Irán fue testigo de varias lapidaciones de zina muy publicitadas a raíz de la revolución islámica . [142] En Nigeria, los tribunales locales han dictado varias sentencias de lapidación, todas las cuales fueron anuladas en apelación o no se cumplieron. [150] Si bien los castigos más severos de las Ordenanzas Hudood nunca se han aplicado en Pakistán, [151] en 2005 Human Rights Watch informó que más de 200.000 casos de zina contra mujeres estaban en curso en varios niveles en el sistema legal de Pakistán. [152]
Qazf y Li'an
En 'qazf', cuando alguien acusa a una mujer casta sin cuatro testigos, debe ser castigado con ochenta latigazos. Su testimonio será inadmisible para siempre a menos que se arrepienta y mejore (24: 4-5). Sin embargo, en 'lian', cuando el esposo acusa a la esposa de adulterio sin testigos, tiene que jurar cinco veces cada uno para respaldar su caso. Si él hace un juramento, ella será castigada con 100 azotes y lapidación, a menos que ella también haga un juramento similar para apoyar su caso, sus juramentos se mantendrán sobre los de él y ella no será castigada (24: 6-9). [153]
Y los que acusan a mujeres castas y nunca traen cuatro testigos, las azotan ochenta tiras y nunca admiten su testimonio para siempre; de hecho, ellos mismos son impuros. Excepto aquellos que se arrepientan después de esto y se enmenden; entonces Dios es perdonador y misericordioso. Y los que acusan a sus esposas y no tienen testigos, entonces el testimonio de cada uno de ellos son cuatro juramentos de Dios de que él es veraz. Y quinto que la maldición de Dios sea sobre él si es de mentirosos. Y puede salvarla del castigo si jura cuatro veces por Dios que él es un mentiroso. Y la quinta vez que la ira de Dios sea sobre ella si es veraz.
- [Corán], [ Corán 24: 4-9 ]
Violación
- Jurisprudencia tradicional
La violación se considera un delito sexual grave en el Islam y puede definirse en la ley islámica como: "Relaciones sexuales ilegales por la fuerza de un hombre con una mujer que no está legalmente casada con él, sin su libre albedrío y consentimiento". [154]
La ley de la Sharī'ah hace una distinción entre adulterio y violación y aplica reglas diferentes. [155] Según el profesor Oliver Leaman , el testimonio requerido de cuatro testigos varones que han visto la penetración real se aplica a las relaciones sexuales ilícitas (es decir, adulterio y fornicación), no a la violación. [156] Los requisitos para la prueba de violación son menos estrictos:
Se pueden presentar cargos de violación y probar un caso con base en el testimonio único de la víctima, siempre que la evidencia circunstancial respalde las acusaciones. Son estos estrictos criterios de prueba los que llevan a la observación frecuente de que cuando se produce una injusticia contra la mujer, no se debe a la ley islámica. Ocurre debido a una mala interpretación de las complejidades de las leyes de la Sharia que gobiernan estos asuntos, o a las tradiciones culturales; o debido a la corrupción y el desprecio flagrante de la ley, o incluso a alguna combinación de estos fenómenos. [156]
En el caso de violación, el adulto varón perpetrador (es decir, violador) de tal acto debe recibir el ḥadd zinā, pero la mujer que no consiente o consiente inválidamente (es decir, víctima de violación) debe ser considerada inocente de zinā y liberada de el ḥadd castigo. [157]
- Leyes penales modernas
Las leyes sobre violación en varios países de mayoría musulmana han sido objeto de controversia. En algunos de estos países, como Marruecos, el código penal no se basa en la ley islámica ni está significativamente influenciado por ella, [158] mientras que en otros casos, como las Ordenanzas Hudood de Pakistán , el código incorpora elementos de la ley islámica.
En Afganistán y Dubai, algunas mujeres que hicieron acusaciones de violación han sido acusadas de fornicación o adulterio. [159] [160] [161] [162] Esta ley fue modificada en el Pakistán en 2006. [163]
Testigo de mujer
En el Corán, la sura 2: 282 equipara a dos mujeres como sustitutos de un hombre, en asuntos que requieren testigos. [164]
¡Oh vosotros los que creéis! Cuando se contraigan deudas entre sí por un período de tiempo fijo, reduzcalas a la escritura. Que un escriba escriba fielmente entre las partes: que el escriba no se niegue a escribir: como Alá le ha enseñado, que escriba. Deje que el que incurre en la responsabilidad dicte, pero que tema a Su Señor Allah, y no disminuya nada de lo que debe. Si la parte responsable es mentalmente deficiente, o débil, o no puede dictar por sí mismo, deje que su tutor dicte fielmente, y obtenga dos testigos, de sus propios hombres, y si no hay dos hombres, entonces un hombre y dos mujeres, tal como tú elijas, para testigos, de modo que si uno de ellos yerra, el otro pueda recordárselo . Los testigos no deben negarse cuando se les llama (para pruebas). No desprecie no reducir a la escritura (su contrato) para un período futuro, ya sea pequeño o grande: es más justo a los ojos de Allah, Más adecuado como prueba y más conveniente para evitar dudas entre ustedes, pero si se trata de una transacción. que hacéis sobre el terreno entre vosotros, no tendréis ninguna culpa si no lo reducéis a la escritura.
- Corán , [ Corán 2: 282 ]
Narró Abu Sa'id Al-Khudri:
El profeta dijo: "¿No es el testimonio de una mujer igual a la mitad que el de un hombre?" Las mujeres dijeron: "Sí". Él dijo: "Esto es una deficiencia de su mente".
(Sahih Bukhari: Libro de los Testigos: Testigo del Capítulo de las mujeres: Hadith n. ° 2658)
Con respecto al hadiz , que se usa para probar el estado de medio testimonio, Ghamidi y los miembros de su fundación, Al-Mawrid , argumentan en contra de su confiabilidad [165] y su entendimiento común. [166] [167] (27:37) Ghamidi también sostiene que la narración no puede usarse en todos los casos generales porque está relacionada con el verso del Corán cuyo tema está relacionado solo con asuntos financieros. Otro erudito religioso paquistaní, Ishaq, sostiene que la adquisición de pruebas concluyentes es importante, independientemente de si se pueden obtener de un solo hombre o de una sola mujer. Según Ghamidi, con respecto al verso Ibn al-Qayyim e Ibn Taymiyya también tenían puntos de vista similares a los suyos. [167] (11:31)
Al-Qayyim argumentó que el versículo se relaciona con la gran responsabilidad de testificar mediante la cual un propietario de riquezas protege sus derechos, no con la decisión de un tribunal; los dos son completamente diferentes entre sí. [168] También se argumenta que este mandato muestra que el Corán no quiere crear dificultades para las mujeres. [169] Ibn Taymiyya también razonó la deficiencia de usar el Corán 2: 282 para probar la discriminación probatoria contra la mujer. Sin embargo, tanto Ibn al-Qayyim como Ibn Taymiyya sí creían en la diferencia de valor probatorio del testimonio de hombres y mujeres. Se argumenta que, aunque Ibn al-Qayyim creía que las mujeres eran más propensas a cometer errores, en lugar de concluir una discriminación general de esto, el testimonio de las mujeres debía tratarse de forma individual. Esto se debe a que Ibn al-Qayyim sostuvo que en los casos en que una mujer y un hombre comparten todas las buenas cualidades islámicas de un testigo, el testimonio de una mujer corroborado por otra mujer en realidad puede considerarse más fuerte que el testimonio no corroborado de un hombre. Además, Ibn al-Qayyim también consideró el testimonio de algunas mujeres excepcionales como las que transmitieron el Hadith como sin duda mayor que un solo hombre de menor estima. [170]
Ibn Taymiyya escribe:
"فَمَا كَانَ مِنْ الشَّهَادَاتِ لَا يُخَافُ فِيهِ الضَّلَالُ فِي الْعَادَةِ لَمْ تَكُنْ فِيهِ تَكُنْ فِيهِ عَكُنْ فِيهِ عَكُنِ فِيهِ عَلَى ن no se consideran la mitad de los testimonios de las mujeres, entonces no se considera la mitad de los testimonios de las mujeres". [171]
Ibn al-Qayyim escribe:
"والمرأة العدل كالرجل في الصدق والأمانة والديانة إلا أنها لما خيف عليها السهو والنسيان قويت بمثلها وذلك قد يجعلها أقوى من الرجل الواحد أو مثله " "La mujer es igual al hombre en la honestidad, la confianza y la piedad, de lo contrario, cada vez que se teme que olvidará o recordará mal, se fortalece con otro como ella. Eso los hace más fuertes que un hombre soltero o alguien como él ". [172]
En la ley islámica, el testimonio ( shahada ) se define como la certificación del conocimiento con respecto al derecho de una segunda parte contra una tercera. Existe junto con otras formas de prueba, como el juramento, la confesión y las pruebas circunstanciales. [173] En el derecho penal clásico de la Sharia, los hombres y las mujeres son tratados de manera diferente con respecto a las pruebas y el dinero de sangre . El testimonio de un hombre tiene el doble de fuerza que el de una mujer. Sin embargo, con respecto a los delitos hadd y las represalias, los testimonios de mujeres testigos no son admitidos en absoluto. [125] Varios países de mayoría musulmana, particularmente en el mundo árabe, actualmente tratan el testimonio de una mujer como la mitad del de un hombre en ciertos casos, principalmente en disputas familiares adjudicadas sobre la base de la ley islámica. [174]
Los comentaristas clásicos comúnmente explicaban el trato desigual del testimonio afirmando que la naturaleza de las mujeres las hacía más propensas al error que los hombres. Los modernistas musulmanes han seguido al reformador egipcio Muhammad Abduh al ver los pasajes de las escrituras relevantes como condicionados por los diferentes roles de género y experiencias de vida que prevalecían en ese momento en lugar de las capacidades mentales innatamente inferiores de las mujeres, por lo que la regla no es aplicable en general en todos los tiempos y lugares. [175]
en otra explicación, la razón detrás de esta desigualdad es que en un hogar una parte de la parte del hombre tiene que pasar al cuidado de la familia y satisfacer sus necesidades, mientras que la mujer puede actuar libremente con su parte [176].
Violencia doméstica
Los hombres son los protectores de las mujeres, porque Alá les ha dado a uno más que al otro, y porque ellos los sostienen con sus medios. Por lo tanto, las mujeres justas son devotamente obedientes y guardan en ausencia (del esposo) lo que Allah quiere que guarden. En cuanto a aquellas mujeres por cuya parte temes la deslealtad y la mala conducta, amonestalas y rehúsa compartir sus camas y golpearlas; pero si vuelven a la obediencia, no busques contra ellos Medios (de disgusto): Porque Alá es el Altísimo, grande (sobre todos vosotros). Si temes una brecha entre ellos, nombra un árbitro de su familia y un árbitro de la suya; si desean la reconciliación, Dios hará entre ellos; de hecho, Dios es omnisciente y omnisciente. (Al-Quran, An-Nisa, 34-35)
La palabra "golpear" en este verso que se entiende como "golpear" o "golpear" en inglés - w'aḍribūhunna - se deriva de la palabra raíz árabe ḍaraba, que tiene más de cincuenta derivaciones y definiciones, incluyendo "separar", para oscilar "y" tocar música ". [178] Las interpretaciones conservadoras comunes [ cita requerida ] traducen y entienden que la palabra significa golpe o golpe en este verso , y muchos hacen una nota especial de que el golpe es específicamente de baja severidad , sin embargo, existe un pensamiento islámico que también sugiere una interpretación diferente. Incluso dentro del Corán mismo, el uso más común [ ¿dónde? ] de esta palabra no es con la definición "golpear", sino como frases verbales que proporcionan un número de otros significados, incluidos, como algunos argumentan, varios que son más plausibles en el contexto de 4:34, como "dejar [a tu esposa en caso de deslealtad]" y "atraerlos amorosamente hacia ti [siguiendo temporalmente no acostarse con ellos en protesta por su comportamiento desleal]. [179]
La ley Sharī'ah aborda la violencia doméstica a través del concepto de darar o daño que abarca varios tipos de abuso contra un cónyuge, incluido el abuso físico. Las leyes relativas a darar establecen que si una mujer está siendo perjudicada en su matrimonio, puede anularlo: agredir físicamente a una esposa viola el contrato matrimonial y es motivo de divorcio inmediato. [180]
Los registros judiciales de Sharī'ah del período otomano ilustran la capacidad de las mujeres para buscar justicia cuando son sometidas a abusos físicos: como demuestra un caso notable de Alepo en 1687, los tribunales imponían penas como el castigo corporal a los maridos abusivos. [180]
Una fatwa del siglo XVI emitida por el Şeyhülislam ( Shaykh al-Islam , la máxima autoridad religiosa en la jurisdicción) del Imperio Otomano declaró que en el caso de que un juez se dé cuenta de un abuso conyugal grave, tiene la autoridad legal para evitar la el marido lastima a su esposa "por todos los medios posibles", incluso ordenando su separación (a petición de la esposa). [180]
Jonathan AC Brown da la tendencia académica más amplia cuando se trata del verso: la gran mayoría de los ulama en las escuelas de derecho sunitas heredaron el malestar de Muhammad por la violencia doméstica y pusieron más restricciones sobre el significado evidente del `` Verso de golpear a la esposa ''. Ata 'bin Abi Rabah , un destacado erudito de La Meca de la segunda generación de musulmanes, aconsejó a un esposo que no golpeara a su esposa aunque ella lo ignorara, sino que expresara su enojo de alguna otra manera. Darimi , maestra tanto de Tirmidhi como de Muslim bin Hajjaj , así como una destacada erudita en Irán, recopiló todos los hadices que muestran la desaprobación de Mahoma de las golpizas en un capítulo titulado "La prohibición de las mujeres en huelga". Un erudito de Granada del siglo XIII, Ibn Faras, señala que un campamento de ulama había adoptado una postura que prohibía golpear a una esposa por completo, declarándolo contrario al ejemplo de Mahoma y negando la autenticidad de cualquier hadiz que pareciera permitir la paliza. Incluso Ibn Hajar , el pilar de la erudición del hadiz sunita de finales de la Edad Media, concluye que, contrariamente a lo que parece ser un mandato explícito en el Corán, los hadices de Mahoma no dejan ninguna duda de que golpear a la esposa para disciplinarla en realidad cae bajo la ley de la Shariah. 'muy disgustado' o 'disgustado al borde de prohibido. [181]
En los últimos años, numerosos académicos destacados de la tradición del Islam ortodoxo han emitido fatwas (opiniones legales) contra la violencia doméstica. Estos incluyen al erudito chiíta Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah, quien promulgó una fatwa con motivo del Día Internacional para la Eliminación de la Violencia contra la Mujer en 2007, que establece que el Islam prohíbe a los hombres ejercer cualquier forma de violencia contra la mujer; [182] Shakyh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani, presidente del Consejo Supremo Islámico de América, coautor de La prohibición de la violencia doméstica en el Islam (2011) con el Dr. Homayra Ziad; [183] y Cemalnur Sargut, presidenta de la Asociación Cultural de Mujeres Turcas (TÜRKKAD), quien ha declarado que los hombres que se involucran en violencia doméstica "en cierto sentido cometen politeísmo ( shirk )": "Estas personas nunca se ponen a dieta para frenar los deseos de su ego ... [A la inversa] En su Mathnawi, Rumi dice que el amor por las mujeres se debe a ver a Alá reflejado en el espejo de su ser. Según tasawwuf , la mujer es la luz de la belleza de Alá derramada sobre esta tierra. De nuevo en [el] Mathanawi Rumi dice que un hombre sabio y de buen espíritu es comprensivo y compasivo con una mujer, y nunca quiere herirla o herirla ". [184]
Algunos eruditos [185] [186] afirman que la ley islámica, como el versículo 4:34 del Corán, permite y fomenta la violencia doméstica contra las mujeres, cuando un marido sospecha de nushuz (desobediencia, deslealtad, rebelión, mala conducta) en su esposa. [187] Otros eruditos afirman que golpear a la esposa, para nashizah , no es consistente con las perspectivas modernas del Corán. [188]
Hay varias traducciones de este versículo del original árabe, y todas varían hasta cierto punto. [189] Algunos musulmanes, como los grupos feministas islámicos , argumentan que los hombres musulmanes usan el texto como excusa para la violencia doméstica . [190]
En el sermón de despedida de Mahoma registrado en la Historia de al-Tabari, [191] y en un Sahih Hadith recopilado por Abu Dawud, [192] instruyó a los maridos a golpear a sus esposas, sin severidad (فَاضْرِبُوهُنَّ ضَرْبًا غَيْرَ مُبَبًا غَيْرَ مُبَرhحyra fadrih traducción literal; : "Golpéalos, una paliza sin severidad") Cuando Ibn Abbas le preguntó, el primo y compañero de Muhammd Ibn Abbas respondió: “Le pregunté a Ibn Abbas: '¿Qué es el golpe que es Ghayr Al-Mubarrih (Sin severidad)?' Él respondió [con] el siwak (cepillo de dientes como una ramita) y cosas por el estilo '. [193] Esto se obtiene no solo del contexto del sermón y el hadiz citado, sino también del citado Cliff Note 772 en el vol. IX de la historia de Al-Tabari. Ibn 'Abbas, un compañero de Muhammad también el tío de Muhammad, está registrado en el Tafsir de al-Tabari en el versículo 4:34 diciendo que golpear sin severidad es usar un siwak (objeto pequeño para limpiar los dientes) o algo similar. [194] Hay fuentes que dicen que el propio Mahoma nunca golpeó a una mujer y se lo prohibió. [195] En un hadiz recopilado por Abu Dawud, Mahoma les dijo a los hombres que no golpearan a sus esposas en la cara. [196]
Narrado Mu'awiyah al-Qushayri: Mu'awiyah preguntó: Mensajero de Allah, ¿cuál es el derecho de la esposa de uno de nosotros sobre él? Él respondió: Que debes darle de comer cuando comes, vestirla cuando te vistes, no golpearla en la cara, no insultarla ni separarte de ella excepto en la casa. Abu Dawud dijo: El significado de "no la insultes" es, como dices: "Que Allah te insulte". [197]
Otra narración hadiz del Sermón de Despedida aparece en Sunan Ibn Majah. La frase árabe mencionada anteriormente se traduce aquí como "golpéalos, pero sin causarles daño ni dejar huella".
Se narró que: Sulaiman bin Amr bin Ahwas dijo: “Mi padre me dijo que estuvo presente en la Peregrinación de Despedida con el Mensajero de Allah. Alabó y glorificó a Allah, y recordó y exhortó (al pueblo). Luego dijo: 'Recomiendo el buen trato a las mujeres, porque son prisioneras contigo y no tienes derecho a tratarlas de otra manera, a menos que cometan una indecencia manifiesta. Si lo hacen, déjelos en sus camas y golpéelos, pero sin causarles heridas ni dejar marcas. Si te obedecen, entonces no busques medios de enojo contra ellos. Tienes derechos sobre tus mujeres y tus mujeres tienen derechos sobre ti. Tus derechos sobre tus mujeres son que no permitan que nadie a quien no te guste pise tu ropa de cama (muebles), ni que nadie que no te guste entre en tus casas. Y su derecho sobre ti es que los trates con bondad con respecto a su ropa y comida. " Grado : Sahih [198]
'Aisha dijo: el Mensajero de Allah (saws) nunca golpeó a un sirviente ni a una mujer. [199]
Ha habido varias fatwas contra la violencia doméstica. [200] [201]
Algunas traducciones conservadoras sugieren que a los maridos musulmanes se les permite usar la fuerza leve sobre sus esposas, y otras afirman que está permitido golpearlas con un Miswak y castigarlas. [202] [203] Algunos eruditos islámicos cuestionan la relación entre el Islam y la violencia doméstica. [202] [204]
El educador y periodista libanés 'Abd al-Qadir al-Maghribi argumentó que perpetrar actos de violencia doméstica va en contra del propio ejemplo y orden judicial de Muḥammad. En su ensayo de 1928, Mahoma y mujer , al-Maghribi dijo: "Él [Mahoma] prohibió a un hombre golpear a su esposa y señaló que golpear no era apropiado para la relación matrimonial entre ellos". [205] Mahoma subrayó la inconsistencia moral y lógica de golpear a la esposa durante el día y luego alabarla por la noche como preludio de las relaciones conyugales. [205] El erudito austriaco y traductor del Corán Muhammad Asad (Leopold Weiss) dijo: Es evidente a partir de muchas tradiciones auténticas que el Profeta mismo detestaba intensamente la idea de golpear a la esposa ... Según otra tradición, prohibió los golpes. de cualquier mujer con las palabras: "Nunca golpees a las siervas de Dios". [206]
En la práctica, la doctrina legal de muchas naciones islámicas, en deferencia a la ley Sharia, se ha negado a incluir, considerar o procesar casos de violencia doméstica, limitando las protecciones legales disponibles para las mujeres musulmanas. [207] [208] [209] [210] En 2010, por ejemplo, el tribunal más alto de los Emiratos Árabes Unidos (Tribunal Supremo Federal) consideró el fallo de un tribunal inferior y confirmó el derecho del marido a "castigar" a su esposa e hijos con violencia física. El artículo 53 del código penal de los Emiratos Árabes Unidos reconoce el derecho al "castigo del marido a su esposa y al castigo de los hijos menores" siempre que la agresión no exceda los límites prescritos por la Sharia. [211] En el Líbano, hasta tres cuartas partes de todas las mujeres libanesas han sufrido abusos físicos a manos de sus maridos o parientes varones en algún momento de sus vidas. [212] [213] En Afganistán, más del 85% de las mujeres denuncian violencia doméstica; [214] Otras naciones con tasas muy altas de violencia doméstica y derechos legales limitados incluyen Siria, Pakistán, Egipto, Marruecos, Irán, Yemen y Arabia Saudita. [215] En algunos países islámicos como Turquía, donde se han promulgado protecciones legales contra la violencia doméstica, la violencia doméstica en serie por parte del marido y otros miembros masculinos de su familia es mayormente ignorada por los testigos y aceptada por las mujeres sin que ella obtenga ayuda legal, según un informe del Gobierno de Turquía. [216]
Turquía fue el primer país de Europa en ratificar (el 14 de marzo de 2012) el Convenio del Consejo de Europa para prevenir y combatir la violencia contra la mujer y la violencia doméstica , [217] que se conoce como el Convenio de Estambul porque se abrió por primera vez a la firma en Turquía. ciudad más grande (el 11 de mayo de 2011). [218] Otros tres países europeos con una población musulmana significativa (≥c.20%) - Albania, Bosnia y Herzegovina y Montenegro - también han ratificado la convención, mientras que Macedonia es signataria del documento. [219] El objetivo de la convención es crear una Europa libre de violencia contra las mujeres y violencia doméstica. [220] El 10 de diciembre de 2014, la estrella pop serbio-turca Emina Jahović publicó un videoclip titulado Ne plašim se ("No tengo miedo") para ayudar a crear conciencia sobre la violencia doméstica en los Balcanes. Ne plašim se destacó el vínculo entre el consumo de alcohol y el abuso doméstico. La fecha de estreno de la película fue programada para coincidir con el Día de los Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas. [221]
En los Estados Unidos, un estudio reciente de 2017 realizado por el Institute for Social Policy and Understanding encontró que, "La violencia doméstica ocurre en la comunidad musulmana con tanta frecuencia como en las comunidades cristianas y no afiliadas, pero es más probable que las víctimas musulmanas involucren líderes religiosos ". [85] Los datos del estudio demuestran que entre los musulmanes estadounidenses el 13% de los encuestados dijeron que conocían a alguien en su comunidad de fe que fue víctima de violencia doméstica, un número similar al de los católicos (15%), protestantes (17%) , de no afiliados (14%), e incluso público en general (15%). [85] Entre los musulmanes estadounidenses que supieron de un incidente de violencia doméstica en el último año, el porcentaje de ellos que dijeron que el crimen fue denunciado a la policía (50%) es comparable a otros grupos y al público en general también. Los encuestados musulmanes estadounidenses informaron que un líder religioso fue informado de la violencia doméstica aproximadamente la mitad de las veces, una tasa significativamente más alta que cualquier otro grupo religioso encuestado en la encuesta. [85]
Amor
Entre los autores musulmanes clásicos, la noción de amor se desarrolló a lo largo de tres líneas conceptuales, concebidas en un orden jerárquico ascendente: amor natural, amor intelectual y amor divino. [222]
Amor romántico
En las sociedades islámicas tradicionales, el amor entre hombres y mujeres era ampliamente celebrado, [225] y tanto la literatura popular como la clásica del mundo musulmán están repletas de obras sobre este tema. A lo largo de la historia islámica, intelectuales, teólogos y místicos han discutido ampliamente la naturaleza y las características del amor romántico (' ishq ). [222] En su interpretación intelectual más común de la Edad de Oro islámica , ishq se refiere a un deseo irresistible de obtener posesión del amado, expresando una deficiencia que el amante debe remediar para alcanzar la perfección. [222]
La historia de amor árabe de Lāyla y Majnūn fue posiblemente más conocida entre los musulmanes que la de Romeo y Julieta en el (norte) de Europa, [225] mientras que el recuento de Jāmī de la historia de Yusuf (José) y Zulaykhā , basado en la narrativa de Surat Yusuf en el Corán - es un texto fundamental en los cánones literarios persa, urdu y bengalí. El crecimiento del afecto ( mawadda ) en amor apasionado ( ishq ) recibió su análisis más profundo y realista en El anillo de la paloma del erudito andaluz Ibn Hazm . [222] El tema del amor romántico continúa desarrollándose en la ficción moderna e incluso posmoderna del mundo islámico: El libro negro (1990) del premio Nobel Orhan Pamuk es una historia de detectives nominal con extensas meditaciones sobre el misticismo y el amor obsesivo. , mientras que otro escritor turco, Elif Şafak , entrelaza el amor romántico y el sufismo en su libro de 2010 Las cuarenta reglas del amor: una novela de Rumi . [226]
En el misticismo islámico o sufismo, el amor romántico se ve como una metáfora metafísica del amor de Dios. Sin embargo, la importancia del amor se extiende más allá de lo metafórico: ibnʿArabī , quien es ampliamente reconocido como el 'más grande de los maestros espirituales [del sufismo]', postuló que para un hombre, el sexo con una mujer es la ocasión para experimentar el 'mayor egoísmo de Dios'. divulgación »(la situación es similar a la inversa): [227]
La contemplación más intensa y perfecta de Dios es a través de las mujeres, y la unión más intensa es el acto conyugal. [228]
Este énfasis en la sublimidad del acto conyugal es válido tanto para este mundo como para el próximo: es bien conocido el hecho de que el Islam considera las relaciones sexuales como uno de los placeres máximos del paraíso; además, no hay ninguna sugerencia de que esto sea por el bien de producir hijos. [229] En consecuencia, (y en común con civilizaciones como la china, india y japonesa), el mundo islámico ha generado históricamente obras significativas de literatura y técnica eróticas, y muchos siglos antes de que tal género se volviera culturalmente aceptable en Occidente: La traducción sustancialmente falsa de Richard Burton de 1886 de El jardín perfumado del deleite sensual , un manual sexual del siglo XV escrito por Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Nafzawi, fue etiquetado como `` para circulación privada únicamente '' debido a las costumbres puritanas y las correspondientes leyes de censura de la época victoriana. Inglaterra. [230]
Amor a las mujeres
Particularmente en el contexto de la religión, un dominio que a menudo se asocia con el ascetismo sexual, Mahoma se destaca por enfatizar la importancia de amar a las mujeres. Según un famoso ḥadīth, Muḥammad declaró: “Tres cosas de este mundo tuyo se hicieron amables para mí: las mujeres, el perfume, y la frialdad de mis ojos se colocó en la oración ritual”. [231] Esto es enormemente significativo porque en la fe islámica, Mahoma es por definición el ser humano más perfecto y el hombre más perfecto: su amor por las mujeres muestra que la perfección del estado humano está relacionada con el amor por otros seres humanos, no simplemente con amor a Dios. [231] Más específicamente, ilustra que la perfección masculina reside en las mujeres y, por implicación, la perfección femenina en los hombres. [231] En consecuencia, el amor que Muhammad tenía por las mujeres es obligatorio para todos los hombres, ya que él es el modelo de perfección que debe ser emulado. [232]
Hay una cita de Hadith,
"No hay nada mejor para dos que se aman que el matrimonio". [233]
Figuras prominentes del misticismo islámico han elaborado este tema. Ibn 'Arabī reflexionó sobre el ḥadīth anterior de la siguiente manera: "... él [Muḥammad] mencionó a las mujeres [como una de las tres cosas del mundo de Dios que le hicieron amables]. ¿Crees que lo que lo alejaría de su Señor se convirtió en adorable? Por supuesto que no. Aquello que lo acercaría a su Señor le fue hecho adorable.
"El que conoce la medida de las mujeres y su misterio no renunciará al amor por ellas. Al contrario, una de las perfecciones de los gnósticos es el amor por ellas, porque esta es una herencia profética y un amor divino. Porque el Profeta dijo: "[las mujeres] se hicieron amables para mí". Por lo tanto, atribuyó su amor por ellos sólo a Dios. Reflexiona en este capítulo: ¡verás maravillas! " [232]
Ibn 'Arabī sostuvo que presenciar a Dios en la forma humana femenina es el modo más perfecto de testificar: si a Mahoma se le hizo amar a las mujeres, es porque las mujeres reflejan a Dios. [234] Rūmī llegó a una conclusión similar: "Ella [la mujer] es el resplandor de Dios, no es tu amada. Ella es el Creador; se podría decir que no fue creada". [234] [235]
Según Gai Eaton , hay varios otros īadīths sobre el mismo tema que subrayan la enseñanza de Muḥammad sobre la importancia de amar a las mujeres:
- "Debes apreciar a tu mujer desde el perfume de su cabello hasta la punta de los dedos de los pies". [236]
- "El mejor de ustedes es el que es mejor con su esposa". [237]
- "El mundo entero es para disfrutarlo, pero lo mejor del mundo es una buena mujer". [238]
Otro ḥadīth bien conocido declara explícitamente que la conducta amorosa hacia la propia esposa es sinónimo de comprensión religiosa avanzada:
- "El más perfecto en la fe entre los creyentes es el mejor en modales y el más bondadoso con su esposa". [239]
Belleza
Tanto el concepto como la realidad de la belleza tienen una importancia excepcional en la religión islámica: la belleza (iḥsān, también traducida como "virtud", "excelencia" y "hacer hermoso") es el tercer elemento de la definición canónica del Islam después de la creencia. (īmān) y práctica (islām). [5] En 53:31, [240] [241] el Corán enfatiza la importancia de evitar acciones desagradables, mientras que en 10:26 [242] dice: "Aquellos que hacen lo bello recibirán lo más bello y aumentarán [ o más que esto] ". [241]
Belleza femenina
La belleza femenina es un tema central en el Islam, que la considera como "la manifestación visible más directa de la belleza, la dulzura, la misericordia y el perdón de Dios". [243] Este tema se desarrolla sobre todo en el misticismo islámico o sufismo. En su obra The Mystical Dimensions of Islam , Annemarie Schimmel registra la posición de Ibn ʿArabī - quien generalmente es considerado como el mayor sufí - sobre "percibir lo divino a través de la belleza femenina y ver a la mujer como la verdadera revelación de la misericordia de Dios y creatividad " [244] de la siguiente manera:
"El capítulo final del Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, que trata sobre el Profeta Muhammad, se centra en la famosa tradición según la cual al Profeta se le dio amor por los perfumes y las mujeres y gozo en la oración. Por lo tanto, Ibn 'Arabī pudo defender la idea de que "El amor a la mujer pertenece a la perfección de los gnósticos, porque es heredado del Profeta y es un amor divino" (R 480). La mujer revela, para Ibn Arabī, el secreto del Dios compasivo. El hecho gramatical de que la palabra dhāt, 'esencia', es femenino ofrece a Ibn Arabī diferentes métodos para descubrir este elemento femenino en Dios ". [244]
Matrimonio
Significado metafísico y cosmológico del matrimonio
El significado metafísico y cosmológico del matrimonio dentro del Islam, particularmente dentro del sufismo o el misticismo islámico, es difícil de exagerar. La relación y la interacción entre hombre y mujer se considera nada menos que entre el cielo (representado por el esposo) y la tierra (simbolizada por la esposa). [246] [Se necesitan citas adicionales ] Debido a su belleza y virtud, la tierra es eminentemente adorable: el cielo se casa con ella no simplemente por deber, sino por placer y alegría. [246] El matrimonio y las relaciones sexuales no son meramente fenómenos humanos, sino el poder universal de la productividad que se encuentra en todos los niveles de la existencia: el sexo dentro del matrimonio es la instancia suprema de presenciar a Dios en el esplendor pleno de Su autorrevelación. [247] [ cita (s) adicional (es) necesarias ]
Marco legal
El matrimonio es la institución central de la vida familiar y la sociedad y, por lo tanto, la institución central del Islam. [248] A nivel técnico, se logra a través de un contrato que es confirmado por la recepción de una dote o mahr por parte de la novia, y por el testimonio del consentimiento de la novia al matrimonio. [249] (El silencio de la mujer cuando se le presenta a su marido se considera consentimiento.) [250] [251] La mujer tiene la libertad de proponerle matrimonio a un hombre de su agrado, ya sea oralmente o por escrito. [252] El propio Mahoma fue objeto de una propuesta de matrimonio hablada de una dama musulmana que decía "Me presento ante ti", aunque finalmente Mahoma solemnizó su matrimonio con otro hombre. [253]
Dentro del propio contrato matrimonial, la novia tiene derecho a estipular sus propias condiciones. [254] Estas condiciones generalmente se refieren a cuestiones como las condiciones del matrimonio (por ejemplo, que su marido no puede tomar otra esposa) y las condiciones del divorcio (por ejemplo, que puede disolver la unión por iniciativa propia si lo considera necesario). [254] Además, las dotes, una sobre el matrimonio y otra diferida en caso de divorcio, deben especificarse y anotarse; también deben ser sustanciales. [254] La dote es propiedad exclusiva de la esposa y no debe regalarse ni a su familia ni a sus parientes. [254] Según el Corán (en 4: 2), [16] la esposa puede elegir libremente dar parte de su dote al marido. [254] La doctrina Fiqh dice que la propiedad de una mujer, mantenida exclusivamente a su nombre, no puede ser apropiada por su esposo, hermano o padre. [255] Durante muchos siglos, esto estuvo en marcado contraste con los derechos de propiedad más limitados de las mujeres en la Europa (cristiana). [255] En consecuencia, las mujeres musulmanas en la América contemporánea a veces se sorprenden al descubrir que, a pesar de que tuvieron cuidado de enumerar sus activos por separado, estos pueden considerarse activos conjuntos después del matrimonio. [255]
Ceremonia de matrimonio y celebraciones
Cuando se ha expresado y atestiguado el acuerdo con el matrimonio, los presentes recitan la oración de Al-Fatiha (el capítulo inicial del Corán). [249] Normalmente, los matrimonios no se contraen en mezquitas sino en casas particulares o en las oficinas de un juez ( qāḍi ). [249] El formato y el contenido de la ceremonia (si existe) a menudo se definen por las costumbres nacionales o tribales, al igual que las celebraciones ( 'urs ) que la acompañan. [249] En algunas partes del mundo islámico, estos pueden incluir procesiones en las que se exhibe el regalo de la novia; recepciones donde se ve a la novia adornada con elaborados trajes y joyas; e instalación ceremonial de la novia en la nueva casa a la que puede ser llevada en una litera (un tipo de carruaje). [249] El mozo de cuadra puede pasear por las calles a caballo, seguido por sus amigos y simpatizantes, y siempre hay una fiesta llamada walīmah . [249]
Concordancia histórica del divorcio
En contraste con el mundo occidental y oriental, donde el divorcio era relativamente poco común hasta los tiempos modernos, el divorcio era una ocurrencia más común en ciertas partes del mundo musulmán medieval tardío . En el sultanato mameluco y el imperio otomano , la tasa de divorcios era alta. [256] [257] El trabajo del erudito e historiador Al-Sakhawi (1428-1497) sobre la vida de las mujeres muestra que el patrón de matrimonio de la sociedad urbana egipcia y siria en el siglo XV estuvo muy influenciado por el divorcio fácil y prácticamente al margen de la poligamia. [258] [259] Los documentos egipcios anteriores de los siglos XI al XIII también mostraron un patrón similar pero más extremo: en una muestra de 273 mujeres, 118 (45%) se casaron por segunda o tercera vez. [259] La cuidadosa observación de Edward Lane del Egipto urbano a principios del siglo XIX sugiere que el mismo régimen de divorcios frecuentes y poligamia poco común todavía era aplicable en estos últimos días de la sociedad tradicional. [259] A principios del siglo XX, algunas aldeas del oeste de Java y la península malaya tenían tasas de divorcio de hasta el 70%. [256]
Poliginia
Las costumbres matrimoniales varían en los países dominados por musulmanes. La ley islámica permite la poligamia cuando un musulmán puede casarse con cuatro esposas al mismo tiempo, en condiciones restringidas, [260] pero no está muy extendida. [261] Como la Sharia exige que los hombres polígamos traten a todas las esposas por igual, los eruditos islámicos clásicos opinaron que es preferible evitar la poligamia por completo, por lo que uno ni siquiera se acerca a la posibilidad de cometer el acto prohibido de tratar injustamente entre las esposas. [262] Se permite la práctica de la poligamia, pero no se recomienda. [263] En algunos países, la poligamia está restringida por nuevos códigos familiares, por ejemplo, el Moudawwana en Marruecos. [264] Algunos países permiten que los hombres musulmanes contraigan matrimonios temporales adicionales, más allá de los cuatro matrimonios permitidos, como la práctica de los matrimonios sigheh en Irán, [265] y Nikah Mut'ah en otros lugares de algunos países de Oriente Medio. [266] [267]
Un matrimonio de placer, en el que un hombre paga una suma de dinero a una mujer o su familia a cambio de una relación conyugal temporal, se encuentra y se considera legal entre la secta chiíta del Islam, por ejemplo en Irán después de 1979. Los matrimonios temporales están prohibidos entre Secta sunita del Islam. [268] Entre los chiítas, el número de matrimonios temporales puede ser ilimitado, reconocido con un certificado oficial de matrimonio temporal, y el divorcio es innecesario porque el matrimonio temporal expira automáticamente en la fecha y hora especificadas en el certificado. [269] El pago a la mujer por parte del hombre es obligatorio, en todo matrimonio temporal y se considera mahr . [270] [271] La duración mínima de un matrimonio temporal se debate entre académicos, algunos dicen que la duración mínima es tan baja como 3 días y otros dicen que es tan alta como 1 año. [272] Sus practicantes citan la ley de la sharia que permite la práctica. Los grupos de derechos de las mujeres la han condenado como una forma de prostitución legalizada. [273] [274]
Poliandria
La poliandria, la práctica de que una mujer tenga más de un marido (incluso temporalmente, después del pago de una suma de dinero al hombre oa la familia del hombre), por el contrario, no está permitida. [275] [276]
Endogamia
Muhammad deliberadamente no recomendó el matrimonio de primos como su sunnah o camino a seguir; de sus trece esposas, sólo una, la séptima, Zaynab bint Jahsh, una divorciada que, según los historiadores, era muy hermosa, era su prima. [281] El resto de sus esposas procedían de diversos orígenes sociales e incluso religiosos, siendo Safiyya bint Huyayy y Rayhana bint Zayd de origen judío. [282]
A pesar de esto, la endogamia es común en algunos países de mayoría musulmana. La endogamia observada son principalmente matrimonios consanguíneos , donde la novia y el novio comparten un abuelo biológico u otro antepasado cercano. [283] [284] Los matrimonios observados con más frecuencia son los matrimonios de primos hermanos, seguidos de los matrimonios de primos segundos. Los matrimonios endogámicos consanguíneos son más comunes para las mujeres en las comunidades musulmanas en el Medio Oriente, África del Norte y Asia Central Islámica. [285] [286] Aproximadamente 1 de cada 3 de todos los matrimonios en Arabia Saudita, Irán y Pakistán son matrimonios de primos hermanos; mientras que los matrimonios endogámicos consanguíneos en general exceden del 65 al 80% en varias poblaciones islámicas del Medio Oriente, África del Norte y Asia Central Islámica. [284] [287]
Matrimonios prohibidos
En aras de la transparencia, los matrimonios clandestinos no están permitidos por la ley islámica; las bodas deben ser públicas, un compromiso asumido ante la sociedad. [288] El Consejo Europeo de Fatwa e Investigación ha dictaminado que un registro estatal de un matrimonio entre musulmanes, si es asistido por dos testigos, cumple con los requisitos mínimos para un matrimonio religioso bajo la sharī'ah porque demuestra (a) consentimiento mutuo; y (b) una declaración pública de compromiso. [288]
Algunos matrimonios están prohibidos entre mujeres musulmanas y hombres musulmanes, según la sharia. [289] En el Corán, Surah An-Nisa da una lista de matrimonios prohibidos. [ Corán 4:22 ] Los ejemplos para las mujeres incluyen casarse con el hijastro, el hijo biológico, el padre biológico, el hermano biológico, el hijo del hermano biológico, el tío biológico, el hijo o el hermano de leche que ha amamantado, el esposo de su hija biológica, un padrastro que ha tenido relaciones sexuales con su madre biológica y su suegro. [290] [291] Hay disputas entre Hanafis escuelas, Malikis, Shafi'is y Hanabalis de jurisprudencia islámica sunita en si y qué tipo de matrimonios son irregulares, pero no nula si ya en su lugar ( FASID ), y que son nulas ( batil ) matrimonios. [292]
Age of marriage
Child marriage, which was once a globally accepted phenomenon, has come to be discouraged in most countries, but it persists to some extent in some select parts of the Muslim world.[293]
The age of marriage in Islam for women varies with country. Traditionally, Islam has permitted marriage of girls below the age often, because Sharia considers the practices of Muhammad a basis for Islamic law. According to Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim the two most authentic Sunni hadiths books, Muhammed married Aisha, his third wife when she was six, and consummated the marriage when she reached the age of nine or ten. This version of events is rejected by Shia Muslims[294][295] and disputed by some Sunni scholars.[296]
Some Islamic scholars suggest that it is not the calendar age that matters, rather it is the biological age of the girl that determines when she can be married under Islamic law. According to these Islamic scholars, marriageable age in Islam is when a girl has reached sexual maturity, as determined by her nearest male guardian; this age can be, claim these Islamic scholars, less than 10 years, or 12, or another age depending on each girl.[293][297][298][299] Some clerics and conservative elements of Muslim communities in Yemen,[300][301] Saudi Arabia,[302] India,[303][304] Bangladesh, Pakistan,[305] Indonesia,[306] Egypt,[307] Nigeria[308] and elsewhere have insisted that it is their Islamic right to marry girls below age 15.[309] In December 2019, Saudi Arabia changed the law and raised the age of marriage to 18.[310]
Interfaith marriages and women
According to sharī'ah law, it is legal for a Muslim man to marry a Christian or Jewish woman, or a woman of any of the divinely-revealed religions.[249] A female does not have to convert from Christianity or Judaism to Islam in order to marry a Muslim male.[311] While sharī'ah law does not allow a Muslim woman to marry outside her religion,[249] a significant number of non-Muslim men have entered into the Islamic faith in order to satisfy this aspect of the religious law where it is in force.[249] With deepening globalisation, it has become more common for Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men who remain outside Islam.[249][312] These marriages meet with varying degrees of social approval, depending on the milieu.[249] However, conversions of non-Muslim men to Islam for the purpose of marriage are still numerous, in part because the procedure for converting to Islam is relatively expeditious.[313]
Additionally, according to Islamic law, if a Muslim man wishes to get married to a Christian or Jewish woman, he must get to know her parents and ask for permission to marry their daughter.[288]
The majority of Muslim scholars have historically read Surah 60, verse 10, which forbids female converts from returning to their non-Muslim husbands, as an injunction against any Muslim women marrying non-Muslim men.[314]
Kecia Ali argues that such interpretations unfairly presume that women are inherently subordinate to their husbands, which, if true, could result in children being brought up as non-Muslims if their father is non-Muslim. Additionally, the Quranic verse in question mentions unbelievers, but not people of the Jewish or Christian faiths, whom the Quran does identify as suitable partners for Muslim men. The Quran thus does not give any general guidance on whether Muslim women may marry "non-Muslim" men, but rather "discusses specific categories of potential spouses."[315]
Behavior and rights within marriage
Islamic law and practice recognize gender disparity, in part, by assigning separate rights and obligations to a woman in married life. A woman's space is in the private sphere of the home, and a man's is in the public sphere.[316][317] Women must primarily fulfill marital and maternal responsibilities,[318] whereas men are financial and administrative stewards of their families.[316][319] According to Sayyid Qutb, the Quran "gives the man the right of guardianship or superiority over the family structure in order to prevent dissension and friction between the spouses. The equity of this system lies in the fact that God both favoured the man with the necessary qualities and skills for the 'guardianship' and also charged him with the duty to provide for the structure's upkeep."[320]
The Quran considers the love between men and women to be a Sign of God.[Quran 30:21] This said, the Quran also permits men to first admonish, then lightly tap or push and even beat her, if he suspects nushuz (disobedience, disloyalty, rebellion, ill conduct) in his wife.[187][Quran 4:34][321]
In Islam, there is no coverture, an idea central in European, American as well as in non-Islamic Asian common law, and the legal basis for the principle of marital property. An Islamic marriage is a contract between a man and a woman. A Muslim man and woman do not merge their legal identity upon marriage, and do not have rights over any shared marital property. The assets of the man before the marriage, and earned by him after the marriage, remain his during marriage and in case of a divorce.[322] A divorce under Islamic law does not require redistribution of property. Rather, each spouse walks away from the marriage with his or her individual property. Divorcing Muslim women who did not work outside their home after marriage do not have a claim on the collective wealth of the couple under Islamic law, except for deferred mahr – an amount of money or property the man agrees to pay her before the woman signs the marriage contract.[105][323]
Quran states
And for you is half of what your wives leave if they have no child. But if they have a child, for you is one fourth of what they leave, after any bequest they [may have] made or debt. And for the wives is one fourth if you leave no child. But if you leave a child, then for them is an eighth of what you leave, after any bequest you [may have] made or debt. And if a man or woman leaves neither ascendants nor descendants but has a brother or a sister, then for each one of them is a sixth. But if they are more than two, they share a third, after any bequest which was made or debt, as long as there is no detriment [caused]. [This is] an ordinance from Allah, and Allah is Knowing and Forbearing. (Al-Quran 4:12)
In case of husband's death, a portion of his property is inherited by his wives according to a combination of sharia laws. If the man did not leave any children, his wives receive a quarter of the property and the remaining three quarters is shared by the blood relatives of the husband (for example, parents, siblings).[324] If he had children from any of his wives, his wives receive an eighth of the property and the rest is for his surviving children and parents.[324] The wives share as inheritance a part of movable property of her late husband, but they do not share anything from immovable property[citation needed] such as land, real estate, farm or such value. A woman's deferred mahr and the dead husband's outstanding debts are paid before any inheritance is applied.[325] Sharia mandates that inheritance include male relatives of the dead person, that a daughter receive half the inheritance as a son, and a widow receives less than her daughters.[325][326][better source needed]
Sexuality
General parameters
In contrast to Christianity – where sex is sanctified through marriage – in the Islamic conception, sexuality in and of itself is sacred and a blessing;[327] as per Ibn 'Arabī's formulation, sex is a sublime act which can draw its practitioners closer to God.[328] Marriage in Islam is a contract drawn up according to the Sharī'ah to legitimise sexual relations and protect the rights of both partners.[327] However, in common with Christianity and Judaism, sexual activity outside of marriage is perceived as a serious sin in the eyes of God.[327][329]
Sexual satisfaction and frequency of intercourse
Female sexual satisfaction is given significant prominence in the Islamic faith and its classical literature. As recorded by the British Muslim writer Ruqayyah Waris Maqsood in her book The Muslim Marriage Guide: "the early Muslims regarded sexual prowess and the ability to satisfy a woman as being an essential part of manhood. The niece of 'Ā'ishah bint Abī Bakr, a scholarly and beautiful woman named A'isha bint Talha, married the pious Umar ibn Ubaydilah. On their wedding night he made love to her no fewer than seven times, so that when morning came, she told him: 'You are a perfect Muslim in every way, even in this!'"[330]
In this context, the Muslim caliph Umar ibn Al-Khattab (584-644) believed that a married woman had the right to sex at least once every four days, while according to the hadith scholar, jurist and mystic Abu Talib al-Makki (d.996), "if [a husband] knows that [his wife] needs more, he is obliged to comply".[331]
Foreplay
Muhammad underlined the importance of foreplay and emotional intimacy in sexual relations, as the following hadith illustrates:
"[The Prophet Muḥammad said] 'Not one of you should fall upon his wife like an animal; but let there first be a messenger between you.'
'And what is that messenger?' they asked, and [the Prophet Muḥammad] replied: 'Kisses and words.'[332]
Islamic luminaries expanded on this theme. The philosopher, mystic and jurist Al-Ghazālī (c.1058-1111) stated that "Sex should begin with gentle words and kissing",[333] while the Indian scholar al-Zabīdī (1732–1790) added to this exhortation in his commentary on Al-Ghazālī's magnum opus, The Revival of the Religious Sciences (Iḥiyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn): "This should include not only the cheeks and lips; and then he should caress the breasts and nipples, and every part of her body."[333]
Simultaneous orgasms
Classical Islamic scholars have written extensively about the art and desirability of husband and wife attaining simultaneous orgasms; Al-Ghazali gives the following counsel in his key work, The Revival of the Religious Sciences (Iḥiyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn):
"When he has come to his orgasm (inzal), he should wait for his wife until she comes to her orgasm likewise; for her climax may well come slowly. If he arouses her desire, and then sits back from her, this will hurt her, and any disparity in their orgasms will certainly produce a sense of estrangement. A simultaneous orgasm will be the most delightful for her, especially since her husband will be distracted by his own orgasm from her, and she will not therefore be afflicted by shyness."[334][335]
According to Quran and Sahih Muslim, two primary sources of Sharia, Islam permits only vaginal sex.[336]
(…) "If he likes he may (have intercourse) being on the back or in front of her, but it should be through one opening (vagina)."
— Sahih Muslim, 8:3365
There is disagreement among Islamic scholars on proper interpretation of Islamic law on permissible sex between a husband and wife, with claims that non-vaginal sex within a marriage is disapproved but not forbidden.[336][337][338] Anal intercourse and sex during menstruation are prohibited, as is violence and force against a partner's will.[339] However, these are the only restrictions; as the Quran says at 2:223 (Sūratu l-Baqarah): 'Your women are your fields; go to your women as you wish'.[339]
After sex, as well as menstruation, Islam requires men and women to do ghusl (major ritual washing with water, ablutions), and in some Islamic communities xoslay (prayers seeking forgiveness and purification), as sex and menstruation are considered some of the causes that makes men and women religiously impure (najis).[340][341] Some Islamic jurists suggest touching and foreplay, without any penetration, may qualify wudu (minor ritual washing) as sufficient form of religiously required ablution.[342] Muslim men and women must also abstain from sex during a ritual fast, and during all times while on a pilgrimage to Mecca, as sexual act, touching of sexual parts and emission of sexual bodily fluids are considered ritually dirty.[343]
Sexual intercourse is not allowed to a Muslim woman during menstruation, postpartum period, during fasting and certain religious activities, disability and in iddah after divorce or widowhood. Homosexual relations and same sex marriages are forbidden to women in Islam.[337] In vitro fertilization (IVF) is acceptable in Islam; but ovum donation along with sperm donation, embryo donation are prohibited by Islam.[336] These marriages meet with varying degrees of social approval, depending on the milieu.[344][345] Some debated fatwas from Shia sect of Islam, however, allow third party participation.[346][347]
Islam requires both husband and wife/wives to meet their conjugal duties. Religious qadis (judges) have admonished the man or women who fail to meet these duties.[348]
A high value is placed on female chastity and exhibitionism is prohibited.[349]
Female genital mutilation
The classical position
There is no mention of female circumcision – let alone other forms of female genital mutilation – in the Quran. Furthermore, Muḥammad did not subject any of his daughters to this practice, which is itself of real significance as it does not form part of his spoken or acted example.[352] Moreover, the origins of female circumcision are not Islamic: it is first thought to have been practiced in ancient Egypt.[353] Alternatively, it has been suggested that the practice may be an old African puberty rite that was passed on to Egypt by cultural diffusion.[354]
Notwithstanding these facts, there is a belief amongst some Muslims – particularly though not entirely exclusively in (sub-Saharan) Africa – that female circumcision (specifically the cutting of the prepuce or hood of the clitoris) is religiously vindicated by the existence of a handful of ḥadīths which apparently recommend it.[353] However, these ḥadīths are generally regarded as inauthentic, unreliable and weak, and therefore as having no legislative foundation and/or practical application.[355]
Notable Islamic perspectives on FGM
In answering the question of how "Islamic" female circumcision is, Haifaa A. Jawad – an academic specialising in Islamic thought and the author of The Rights of Women in Islam: An Authentic Approach – has concluded that "the practice has no Islamic foundation whatsoever. It is nothing more than an ancient custom which has been falsely assimilated to the Islamic tradition, and with the passage of time it has been presented and accepted (in some Muslim countries) as an Islamic injunction."[356] Jawad notes that the argument which states that there is an indirect correlation between Islam and female circumcision fails to explain why female circumcision is not practiced in much of the Islamic world, and conversely is practiced in Latin American countries such as Brazil, Mexico and Peru.[357][358]
The French intellectual, journalist and translator Renée Saurel observed that female circumcision and FGM more generally directly contradict Islam's sacred text: "The Koran, contrary to Christianity and Judaism, permits and recommends that the woman be given physical and psychological pleasure, pleasure found by both partners during the act of love. Forcibly split, torn, and severed tissues are neither conducive to sensuality nor to the blessed feeling given and shared when participating in the quest for pleasure and the escape from pain."[359]
The Egyptian feminist Nawal El-Saadawi reasons that the creation of the clitoris per se is a direct Islamic argument against female circumcision: "If religion comes from God, how can it order man to cut off an organ created by Him as long as that organ is not diseased or deformed? God does not create the organs of the body haphazardly without a plan. It is not possible that He should have created the clitoris in woman's body only in order that it be cut off at an early stage in life. This is a contradiction into which neither true religion nor the Creator could possibly fall. If God has created the clitoris as a sexually sensitive organ, whose sole function seems to be the procurement of sexual pleasure for women, it follows that He also considers such pleasure for women as normal and legitimate, and therefore as an integral part of mental health."[360]
Sheikh Abbas el Hocine Bencheikh, a diplomat and Rector of the L'institut Musulman at the Grande Mosquée de Paris, pointed to the total lack of Islamic theological justification for female circumcision: "If circumcision for the man (though not compulsory) has an aesthetic and hygienic purpose, there is no existing religious Islamic text of value to be considered in favour of female excision, as proven by the fact that this practice is totally non-existent in most of the Islamic countries."[355]
Mahmud Shaltut, the former Sheikh of Al-Azhar in Cairo – one of the most important religious offices in Sunni Islam – also stated that female circumcision has no theological basis: "Islamic legislation provides a general principle, namely that should meticulous and careful examination of certain issues prove that it is definitely harmful or immoral, then it should be legitimately stopped to put an end to this damage or immorality. Therefore, since the harm of excision has been established, excision of the clitoris of females is not a mandatory obligation, nor is it a Sunnah."[360]
Initiatives to end FGM in the OIC
In the twenty-first century, a number of high-ranking religious offices within the OIC have urged the cessation of all forms of FGM:
- A 2006 international conference convened by Egypt's Dar al ifta – an influential body which issues legal opinions on Islamic law and jurisprudence – concluded "that the [female genital] mutilation presently practised in some parts of Egypt, Africa and elsewhere represents a deplorable custom which finds no justification in the authoritative sources of Islam, the Quran and the practice of the Prophet Muḥammad...all measures must be taken to put a halt to this unacceptable tradition."[361]
- A November 2006 conference at Al-Azhar University in Cairo held under the auspices of the Grand Mufti of Egypt passed a resolution – with the same legal weight as fatwa – that FGM was to be considered a punishable offence, because it constitutes "an act of aggression and a crime against humanity".[362]
- In 2007 the Cairo-based Al-Azhar Supreme Council of Islamic Research, an entity belonging to what is generally regarded as one of the most significant theological universities in the OIC, ruled that female genital mutilation has no basis in Islamic law.[363]
- In 2012, Professor Dr. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu – the then Secretary-General of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation – urged countries to abolish female genital mutilation (FGM), saying the practice was against Islam and human rights: "This practice is a ritual that has survived over centuries and must be stopped as Islam does not support it."[364]
- In 2016, the OIC Permanent Observer Mission to the United Nations reaffirmed its determination to eliminate FGM/C by 2030,[365] in accordance with a global target set by the UN in the context of the Sustainable Development Goals.
Recorded prevalence of FGM in the OIC
According to UNICEF (2014), twenty-six of the twenty-nine countries in which female genital mutilation is classified as 'concentrated' are in sub-Saharan Africa: there is no recorded prevalence in any non-African OIC member state outside Yemen (19% prevalence) and Iraq (8%).[366]
Contraception
From very early times various methods of contraception have been practiced in Islam,[339] and Muslim jurists of the two major sects of Islam, Sunni and Shia, generally agree that contraception and family planning are not forbidden by Sharia; the use of contraceptive devices is permitted if the marital partners agree.[339][367] All the Islamic schools of law from the tenth to the nineteenth century gave contraception their serious consideration.[368] They dealt principally with coitus interruptus, the most common method, and unanimously agreed that it was licit provided the free wife gave her permission, because she had rights to children and to sexual fulfilment which withdrawal was believed to diminish.[368] From the writings of the jurists it emerges that other methods of birth control – mostly intravaginal tampons – were also used by premodern women and the commonest view was that these should only be employed if the husband also agreed.[368]
Given the era and the fact that both Christian and Jewish tradition outlawed contraception, the attitude of Muslims towards birth control has been characterised as being remarkably pragmatic; they also possessed a sophisticated knowledge of possible birth control methods.[368] Medieval doctors like Ibn Sina (Avicenna) regarded birth control as a normal part of medicine, and devoted chapters to contraception and abortion in their textbooks (although the permissibility of abortion within Islamic thought varies according to a number of factors; Islam views the family as sacred and children as a gift from God).[368][369] According to medieval Muslims, birth control was employed to avoid a large number of dependants; to safeguard property; to guarantee the education of a child; to protect a woman from the risks of childbirth, especially if she was young or ill; or simply to preserve her health and beauty.[368]
Female infanticide
Islam condemns female infanticide.[370]
When the female (infant), buried alive, is questioned – For what crime she was killed;
— Quran, [Quran 81:8]
In some Islamic populations, sex-selective female infanticide is of concern because of abnormally high boy to girl ratios at birth.[371] In Islamic Azerbaijan, for example, the birth sex ratio was in the 105 to 108 range, before the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. After the collapse, the birth sex ratios in Azerbaijan has sharply climbed to over 115 and remained high for the last 20 years.[371] The persistently observed 115 boys for every 100 girls born suggests sex-selective abortion of females in Azerbaijan in the last 20 years.[372][373][374] Other Muslim-majority countries with high birth sex ratio, implying[375][376] female sex-selective abortion, include Albania (112)[377] and Pakistan (111).[378][379]
Divorce
In Islam, a woman may only divorce her husband under certain conditions. These are many and include neglect, not being supported financially, the husband's impotence, apostasy, madness, dangerous illness or some other defect in the marriage.[380][381] Divorce by mutual consent has only to be agreed upon by both parties to become effective.[381] If a Muslim woman wishes to divorce her husband she has two options under Sharia law: seek a tafriq, or seek a khul. A tafriq is a divorce for certain allowable reasons. This divorce is granted by a qadi, a religious judge, in cases where the qadi accepts her claims of abuse or abandonment. If a tafriq is denied by the qadi, she cannot divorce. If a tafriq is granted, the marriage is dissolved and the husband is obligated to pay her the deferred mahr in their marriage contract. The second method, by far more common in wife-initiated divorces, khul is a divorce without cause, by mutual consent. This divorce requires a husband's consent and it must be supported by consideration that passes from the wife to the husband. Often, this consideration almost always consists of the wife relinquishing her claim to the deferred mahr. In actual practice and outside of Islamic judicial theory, a woman's right to divorce is often extremely limited compared with that of men in the Middle East.[382]
In contrast to the comparatively limited methods of divorce available to a woman, Islam allows a Muslim husband to unilaterally divorce his wife, as talaq, with no requirement to show cause; however, in practice there is variance by country as to whether there are any additional legal processes when a husband divorces his wife by this method. For example, the Tunisian Law of Personal Status (1957) makes repudiation by a husband invalid until it has been ratified by a court, and provides for further financial compensation to the wife.[381] Similar laws have been enacted elsewhere, both within an interpretive framework of traditional sharī'ah law, and through the operation of civil codes not based upon the sharī'ah.[381] However, upon talaq, the husband must pay the wife her deferred mahr.[383] Some Muslim-majority countries mandate additional financial contributions to be made to the wife on top of the mahr: for example, the Syrian Law of Personal Status (1953) makes the payment of maintenance to the wife by the husband obligatory for one year after the divorce, which is thus a legal recourse of the wife against the husband.[381] The husband is free to marry again immediately after a divorce, but the woman must observe iddah, that is wait for 3 lunar months[384] before she can remarry after divorce, to establish paternity, in case she discovers she is pregnant. In case of death of her husband, the iddah period is 4 lunar months and 10 days before she can start conjugal relations with another Muslim man.[385][386][387]
Obligations during divorce
A verse relating to obligation of women during divorce is 2:228:[388]
Divorced women remain in waiting for three periods, and it is not lawful for them to conceal what Allah has created in their wombs if they believe in Allah and the Last Day. And their husbands have more right to take them back in this [period] if they want reconciliation. And due to the wives is similar to what is expected of them, according to what is reasonable. But the men have a degree over them [in responsibility and authority]. And Allah is Exalted in Might and Wise. (Al-Quran 2:228)[citation needed] >>>>[389]
This verse not only explains the divorce rights of women in Islam, it sets out iddah to prevent illegal custody of divorcing husband's child by a woman, specifies that each gender has divorce rights, and that men are a degree above women.[388][390][391]
Concubinage
The Hanbali jurist Ibn Qudama explains that a man is entitled to have sexual relations with his concubines, to employ her service, to hire her out and to marry her. However he is not allowed to sell or transfer ownership of his concubines.[392] Concubines were at times housed in harems which maintained their modesty and privilege. Some harems were guarded by eunuchs.[393][394]
In regards to female slaves, who are termed, 'what your right hands possess', Ibn Kathir in his Tafsir exegesis of Al-Mu'minoon 23:5-6, writes that "a man is allowed to have sexual relations with his slave-girl as with his wife".[395] Malik ibn Anas cites a report in which "Umar b. al-Khattab says that when a female slave gives birth to a child by her master, then the slave becomes an umm walad (mother of a child, concubine)."[396] Ibn al-Humam adds that the slave-owner must acknowledge the kinship of the child.[392]
Writing in, Concubines and Courtesans: Women and Slavery in Islamic History, the authors say that the Quran's endorsement for sexual relations with whom, "your right hand possess" meant that concubines and their children were considered legitimate and not a product of Zina. Hence, they were not discriminated like their counterparts in Christendom were.[397] Rabb Intisar claims that Islamic sources treat non-consensual sex with slaves as zina or rape. However, Kecia Ali disputes this and says that she is unable to find this position within premodern Muslim legal tradition.[398] Some muslim scholars such as Muhammad Asad and Mustafa Islamoğlu completely rejected any kind of concubinage in Islam, stating that 'sexual relations with female slaves are permitted only on the basis of marriage, and that in this respect there is no difference between them and free women; consequently, concubinage is ruled out.'[399][400]
Familia
With the coming of the Quranic revelation, the family replaced the tribe as the basic unit of Arab society, and today the family is still the primary means of social organisation in the Islamic world.[401] As in many other traditional societies, the family in Muslim-majority countries is not restricted to the nuclear model solely consisting of parents and children, but is instead typically made up of a larger extended family network which includes grandparents, uncles, aunts, in-laws and cousins.[401]
Pregnancy, childbirth and breastfeeding
Pregnancy, childbirth and breastfeeding are processes for which women are rewarded by God:
"A woman questioned the Prophet [Muḥammad]: 'Men go to war and have a great reward for that, so what do women have.' He answered: 'When a woman is pregnant, she has the reward of someone who spends the whole night praying and the whole day fasting; when the contractions strike her, no one knows how much reward God gives her for having to go through this, and when she delivers her child, then for every suck it draws from her, she receives the reward for keeping a soul alive.'"[402]
Mothers shall suckle their children for two whole years; (that is) for those who wish to complete the suckling. The duty of feeding and clothing nursing mothers in a seemly manner is upon the father of the child. No-one should be charged beyond his capacity. A mother should not be made to suffer because of her child, nor should he to whom the child is born (be made to suffer) because of his child. And on the (father's) heir is incumbent the like of that (which was incumbent on the father). If they desire to wean the child by mutual consent and (after) consultation, it is no sin for them; and if ye wish to give your children out to nurse, it is no sin for you, provide that ye pay what is due from you in kindness. Observe your duty to Allah, and know that Allah is Seer of what ye do. (Al-Quran 2:233)
Muḥammad also stated that if a woman dies in childbirth, she is counted as a martyr; the reward for martyrdom is Paradise.[402]
Motherhood
A famous hadith of Muḥammad states that "Heaven lies under the feet of mothers",[403][404] and accordingly – and like all traditional systems – Islam has honoured the work of homemaker and mother as being of the highest value.[403] While there is nothing in Islamic teachings that precludes women from working and receiving wages,[405] as per Seyyed Hossein Nasr's The Heart of Islam: Enduring Values for Humanity, "Islamic society has never thought that working in an office is of a higher order of importance than bringing up one's children".[403]
Menstruación
A Muslim woman may not move in a mosque and is relieved from duty of performing salat while she is menstruating or during postpartum period, because bodily fluids are considered ritually impure in Islam. Some Muslim scholars suggest that the woman should stay in her house, or near her house, during this state.[343][406][407] Some Islamic jurists claim that this is an incorrect interpretation of sharia, and suggest the Islamic intent was about hygiene, not about religious ritual cleanliness.[343]
Narrated Ayyub: Hafsa said, 'We used to forbid our young women to go out for the two Eids.[408] A woman came and stayed at the palace of Bani Khalaf and she narrated about her sister whose husband took part in twelve battles along with the Prophet and her sister was with her husband in six. She said, "We used to treat the wounded, look after the patients and once I asked the Prophet, 'Is there any harm for any of us to stay at home if she doesn't have a shawl?' He said, 'She should cover herself with the shawl of her companion and should participate in the good deeds and in the gathering of the Muslims.' When Um `Atiya came I asked her whether she had heard it from the Prophet. She replied, "Yes. May my father be sacrificed for him! I have heard the Prophet saying, 'The unmarried young virgins and the mature girl who stay often screened or the young unmarried virgins who often stay screened and the menstruating women should come out and participate in the good deeds as well as the gathering of the believers but the menstruating women should keep away from the praying place. " Hafsa asked Um `Atiya surprisingly, "Do you say the menstruating women?" She replied, "Doesn't a menstruating woman attend Arafat(for pilgrimage) and such and such?"
— Sahih al-Bukhari, 1:6:321
Some scholars say that it is not permitted for menstruating women to read the Quran.[409] Others say it is possible, in some circumstances.[410]
Menstruating women are allowed to attend the `Eid prayer without participating in the prayer but just to witness it.[411]
Emancipación de la mujer
No limitation or prohibition against women travelling by themselves is mentioned in the Quran.[412] Some scholars state that a woman may not travel by herself on a journey that takes longer than three days, per a hadith. However, another hadith has stated that women are able to travel long distances so long as there is no fear, except from God. Thus many scholars have interpreted this hadith in such a way that, as long as the journey is safe, it is fine for women to travel by themselves.[413][414] According to the European Council for Fatwa and Research, this prohibition arose from fears for women's safety when travel was more dangerous, which was applicable during the Middle Ages.[412] Some scholars relax this prohibition for journeys likely to be safe, such as travel with a trustworthy group of men or men and women, or travel via a modern train or plane when the woman will be met upon arrival.[412]
1990-2017 Saudi Ban on Women Driving
A 1990 fatwa commissioned by the Saudi Arabian Ministry of the Interior formally enacted a ban on women driving.[415] This prohibition was unique to Saudi Arabia and became a source of international ridicule.[416] On 26 September 2017, a royal decree personally signed by Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud – the King and Prime Minister of Saudi Arabia – directed the Ministry of the Interior to reverse the ban.[416] The decree noted that "the original Islamic ruling in regards to women driving is to allow it",[416] and that those who opposed this view did so on the basis of "excuses that are baseless and have no predominance of thought (sic)".[416] Full implementation of the decree was scheduled for June 2018.[416]
In an interview with The Atlantic, Hala Al-Dosari – a Saudi scholar at Harvard University's Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study – posited that the driving ban was not religious or even cultural, but political;[415] she also noted the absurdity of banning females driving when women in the era of Muḥammad (570-632) were riding their camels without it being an issue.[415] The author and academic Haifaa Jawad underlined that the royal decree was "not some bold initiative to present a new religious interpretation of the issue. Theologically speaking, the ban has no basis in the Quran or Hadith, and should never have been issued in the first place."[417]
Additionally, some analysts have contended that the US$3.5bn investment in the car-sharing app Uber by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's Public Investment Fund – together with other projected economic gains – was instrumental in the reversal of the ban on women driving.[418][416]
Código de vestimenta
Modesty (Haya) is a religious prescription in Islam: the Quran commands both men and women to dress modestly and not display their bodies, and Muḥammad asserted that modesty is a central character trait in Islam.[419]
In the specific context of women, the Quran at 24:31[420] speaks of covering women's "ornaments" from strangers outside the family.[421] This latter verse of the Quran represents the institution of a new public modesty: when the pre-Islamic Arabs went to battle, Arab women seeing the men off to war would bare their breasts to encourage them to fight; or they would do so at the battle itself, as in the case of the Meccan women led by Hind at the Battle of Uḥud.[421] This type of behaviour is commonly seen by Islamic scholars and the broader Muslim public alike as emblematic of a state of spiritual ignorance (al-Jāhiliyyah).
All the orthodox schools of sharī'ah law prescribe covering the body in public: specifically, to the neck, the ankles, and below the elbow.[421] However, none of the traditional legal systems actually stipulate that women must wear a veil:[421] it is only the wives of Muḥammad who are instructed to wear this article of clothing (33:59)[422][421]
On the basis of the injunction to be modest, various forms of dress were developed in different parts of the Islamic world, but some forms of dress were carryovers from earlier, pre-Islamic Near Eastern societies: the practice of women covering their hair was the norm in the earlier communities of Jews and Christians.[419] The iconography of the Virgin Mary in Christian art always shows her with her hair covered, and this convention was followed into the modern era by both Georgian and Armenian Christians, in addition to Oriental Jewish women; Catholic women would not go to church without covering their heads until well into the twentieth century.[419] The covering of the hair was taken by women to be a natural part of life as a sign of modesty and especially as a sign of respect before God.[419]
In the twenty-first century, there continues to be tremendous variance in how Muslim women dress, not least because the Islamic world is so geographically and culturally diverse. Laws passed in states (such as laïcist Turkey and Tunisia) with twentieth century Westernisation campaigns – which mandated that women wear "modern", western-style clothing – have been relaxed in recent years;[423][424] similarly, the end of communism in Albania and the Yugoslav republics also meant an end to highly restrictive secular apparel legislation.[425] As a result, it is now legal for women in these countries to wear clothes suggesting a (post-)modern Islamic identity – such as the headscarf colloquially known as the ḥijāb – in public, though not necessarily in all public institutions or offices of state.[426][427]
Conversely, in a handful of states – notably Iran and Saudi Arabia – with modernist fundamentalist regimes, dress codes stipulating that women wear exclusively "religious" garments (as opposed to "secular" ones) in public which became mandatory in the latter part of the twentieth century are still in force.[428] However, these countries are both theologically and culturally atypical within the Islamic world: Iran is the world's only shī'a revolutionary state, while Saudi Arabia is one of only a handful of Wahhabi countries;[429] in none of the others do the same restrictions on women's clothing in public apply. The overwhelming majority of Muslim-majority countries do not have laws mandating the public wearing of either secular or religious apparel, and the full spectrum of female clothing – from bikinis to face veils – can be seen in countries such as Albania, Lebanon and Morocco.[430][431][432]
In a 2018 study done by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding, Muslim American women were, "the most likely" when compared to other domestic religious communities to, "wear "a visible symbol that makes their faith identity known to others.""[433] Of the Muslim women surveyed by ISPU, 46% say they wear a visible symbol to mark their faith in public all the time" (this includes the hijab), 19% some of the time, and 35% none of the time. The study did not find there to be any significant age or race difference.[433]
In today's modern context, the question of why Muslim women wear the hijab is met with a variety of responses by Muslim American women, including the most popular, "piety and to please God" (54%), "so others know they are Muslim" (21%), and "for modesty" (12%). Only 1% said they wore it, "because a family member or spouse required it".[433]
Clothing materials
Silk
According to all schools of Islamic law, only women are permitted to wear pure silken garments next to the skin, although the schools of law differ about almost every other detail concerning silk (such as the permissibility of men wearing silk mixed with other fibres).[434] In Islamic tradition, silk is strongly associated with Heaven.[434] The Quran speaks in several places of the sumptuous fabrics to be enjoyed by the virtuous in Paradise: their garments will be made of silk (22:23[435] and 35:33),[435] and they will recline on carpets lined with rich brocade (55:54).[435][434]
Gold
Similarly, sharī'ah law posits that only women may wear gold ornaments, such as jewellery.[436] The intention behind this distinction is to help men maintain a state of sobriety, reserve, concentration, and spiritual poverty (the "perfections of the centre").[436] Conversely, women, who symbolise unfolding, infinitude and manifestation, are not bound by the same constraints.[436]
Public versus private appearance
Clothing such as ḥijābs, chādors, and burqas are typically worn in public only. 32% of countries in the European Union have bans on traditional Muslim headgear for women.[437] Bans differ in enforcement, penalty for violation, and details of what type of headgear is considered "publicly acceptable" in countries with these bans in place.[438] The United Nations Human Rights Committee has publicly condemned these bans, claiming their infringement on rights of women dressing a certain way for religious purposes.[439] Muslim European Women, specifically, have noted that their public wearing of Islamic headgear has posed obstacles when it comes to gaining employment.[440] In private, it is common for women to wear Western-style clothing. Global fashion retail chains including Zara and Victoria's Secret have branches in OIC member states like Saudi Arabia.[441][442]
Religious objections to the modern ḥijāb
From the 1920s to the 1970s, the use of what is often referred to as the "veil" – this term could mean anything from a face veil to a shawl loosely draped over the head – declined until only a minority of Muslim women outside the conservative societies of the Arabian peninsula still used it.[443] However, in recent decades there has been an increase in the number of Muslim women wearing new types of head coverings which are known by the generic appellation "ḥijāb".
This development has been criticised on religious grounds from a number of angles:
- Lack of scriptural validity. The Sorbonne-educated Franco-Bosnian academic Jasna Šamić has posited that the term "ḥijāb" does not have any connection with the noun or concept of "headscarf": "The expression hijab in the Koran means 'the veil hiding God'. In other words one can never see and get to know God, because our intellect is too weak [to fully comprehend Him]."[444] Other analysts have pointed out that the Quranic verse most cited in defence of the ḥijāb (Sūrat al-Aḥzāb, 33:59)[435] does not mention this article of clothing at all; instead, it references a "long, overflowing gown" which was the traditional dress at the time of this revelation.[445]
- Lack of historical authenticity. Similarly, it has been noted that the ḥijāb as worn today is historically alien to the Islamic world.[citation needed] This is illustrated by an incident involving Gamal Abdel Nasser. During his rule as the 2nd President of Egypt (1956–1970), Nasser was given a list of demands by the Supreme Leader of the [Muslim] Brotherhood as part of a process of political reconciliation. This list included "imposing ḥijāb on Muslim women": "The audience members didn't understand what the word 'ḥijāb' meant. When Nasser explained that the Brotherhood wanted Egyptian women to wear a headscarf, the audience members burst out laughing."[445][clarification needed]
- Superficiality. The rise of the ḥijāb in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries has been criticised as "reverse objectification", whereby women are primarily judged by what they wear as opposed to their broader conduct as human beings, despite their ostensibly modest dress. The Singaporean writer Sya Taha has expressed this as follows: "In any commercial magazine targeted at Muslim women, compare the number of pages dedicated to hijab styling or makeup with sport, art, music, humanitarian work or science...In contrast, Muslim women that do not wear hijab are often framed as though they must justify and reconcile how they can identify as Muslim women."
- Consumerism. Shelina Zahra Janmohamed, the author and Vice President of brand consultancy Ogilvy Noor, has warned that the rise of contemporary Islamic fashion as exemplified by the ḥijāb risks being overwhelmed by the '"consumerism and objectification" of the mainstream fashion industry: "Muslim fashion is teetering between asserting a Muslim woman's right to be beautiful and well-turned out, and buying more stuff than you need, and being judged by your clothes – both of which are the opposite of Islamic values."[446]
- Commercialism and Exploitation. Finally, the concern that the ḥijāb is being promoted for commercial rather than religious reasons is a live one. For example, the promoter of "World Hijab Day" – an event which began in 2013, and which encourages non-Muslim women to try out ḥijābs – is a Bangladeshi-American owner of a headscarf company, which typifies the prevalent conflict of interest issues.[445] Similarly, the popularisation of the tudung ḥijāb in Malaysia has been characterised as an exercise in "cashing in" on a trend that is part of a multibillion-dollar industry.[447] Additionally, the fact many of these ḥijāb garments are made by poorly-paid (often Muslim) women in developing countries contravenes the Quranic precepts of consuming without abuse (2:60) or oppressing others (20:81).
Effect of globalisation on Muslim women's couture
Deepening globalisation has resulted in a number of developments pertaining to clothing customs in Muslim-majority countries. Firstly, retail outlets for Western fashion labels are now commonly found in OIC member states: to give but one example, Calvin Klein has stores from the Citypark shopping mall in Tirana, Albania to the Plaza Indonesia mall in Jakarta. Secondly, fashion labels specialising in modest attire (particularly but not exclusively the hijab or headscarf worn by some Muslim women) have sprung up in a number of OIC states and observer countries.
Thirdly, in addition to the many already existing fashion schools in Islamic world, branches of international fashion schools have opened across the OIC: most notably, the Paris-based École supérieure des arts et techniques de la mode or ESMOD has branch campuses in Beirut (established in 1999),[449] Damascus (1995),[450] Dubai (2006),[451] Istanbul (2010),[452] Kuala Lumpur (2012),[453] Jakarta (1996),[454] Sousse (1989) and Tunis (1989).[455][456] Fourthly, numerous fashion weeks have been inaugurated in many Muslim-majority countries: some of the more prestigious ones include Cairo[457] (first run in 2015),[458] Jakarta (2008), Kuala Lumpur[459] (2013), the Pakistan Fashion Design Council Fashion Week[460] (2010) and Fashion Week Istanbul[461] (2010).[462]
Fifthly, the fashion media sector within the Muslim world for both Western and Islamic fashion has grown tremendously from the 1990s onwards. Local editions of magazines from Marie Claire to Cosmopolitan are now published in a wide range of OIC member states, including Turkey, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and Indonesia, while fashion magazines specifically targeted at more overtly religious demographics are flourishing: the Turkish title Âlâ is reportedly outselling both Vogue and Elle within its home market,[463] while Aquila Style has a purported total circulation of 30,000 in three ASEAN states.[464]
The 2014–15 Thomson Reuters State of the Global Islamic Economy Report[465] forecasts that expenditure on clothing in OIC member states will reach US$484 billion by 2019.[466]
Santuarios y mezquitas
From the earliest centuries of Islam, Muslims have visited shrines and mosques to pray, meditate, ask forgiveness, seek cures for ailments, and seek grace – a blessing or spiritual influence (barakah) sent down by God.[467] Some of these structures are named after women. Although women are not restricted from entering mosques, it is quite uncommon to see women gathering in mosques to pray. When women do travel to mosques, they are usually accompanied by their husband or other women at times of the day where there is not a large population of other men. While prayer is mostly done at home for women when they are attending prayers at public worship places such as a mosque they are to be separated from the other men present. Women must also be dressed appropriately or they may be reprimanded.[39]
The Virgin Mary
The Virgin Mary ('Maryam' in Arabic) has a particularly exalted position within the Islamic tradition, extolled as she is for being the mother of Jesus, whom Muslims revere as a prophet.[470] Maryam is the only woman mentioned by name in Islam's sacred text; an entire chapter or sūra of the Quran – the nineteenth, Sūrat Maryam – bears her name.
Accordingly, the Virgin Mary is synonymous with numerous holy sites in the Islamic faith:
- The House of the Virgin Mary near Selçuk, Turkey. This is a shrine frequented by both Christians and Muslims. It is known as Panaya Kapulu ("the Doorway to the Virgin") in Turkish. Pilgrims drink water from a spring under her house which is believed to have healing properties. Perhaps the shrine's most distinctive feature is the Mereyemana or wishing wall on which visitors attach their written wishes; because the House of the Virgin Mary is increasingly famous internationally, these messages are composed in English, Italian, Japanese, Chinese, French and Spanish, as well as Turkish.[471][472] A giant statue of the Virgin Mary – similar in dimensions to that of Christ the Redeemer in Rio de Janeiro – is planned to be erected in the vicinity of the shrine.[473][474][475]
- The Virgin Mary Monastery in the province of Giresun, Turkey. This is one of the oldest monasteries in the area and has been active since the fourth century A.D.[476][477]
- The Virgin Mary Mosque in Tartous, Syria. This was officially inaugurated in June 2015 as a symbol of peace and religious tolerance. Antoine Deeb – the representative of the Tartous and Lattakia Patriarchate – stated that naming the mosque after the Virgin Mary 'shows that Islam and Christianity share the messages of peace and love.'[478]
- The Virgin Mary Mosque in Melbourne, Australia.[479]
- Medjugorje, Bosnia and Herzegovina. This site is associated with a number of Marian apparitions forecast by a Muslim mystic by the name of Hasan Shushud that were reported in the late twentieth century by local Catholics.[480]
- The Chapel of Santa Cruz at Oran, Algeria. The chapel's tower contains a large statue of the Virgin Mary, which is styled as Notre Dame du Salut de Santa Cruz. The historian James McDougall notes in his acclaimed A History of Algeria (2017) that to this day, the women of Oran "still climb up to the church the [French] settlers built...in 1959, at Santa Cruz, to light candles to lalla Maryam, the Virgin whose statue still looks benignly over their city from the mountaintop."[481]
Hala Sultan
Hala Sultan Tekke, Larnaca, Cyprus is an ancient site revered because it contains the burial place of Muḥammad's paternal aunt Hala Sultan (Umm Haram in Arabic), although other scholars believe that she was in fact Muḥammad's wet nurse.[482][483]
According to legend, Hala Sultan died after falling off her mule and breaking her neck during the first Arab incursions into Cyprus around 647 A.D. The same night, a divine power supposedly placed three giant stones where she lay. In 1760, Hala Sultan's grave was discovered by Sheikh Hasan; he began spreading the word about her healing powers, and a tomb was built there.[482] The complex – comprising a mosque, mausoleum, minaret, cemetery and living quarters for men and women – was constructed in its present form while the island was still under Ottoman rule, and completed in around 1816.[482]
According to the archaeologist Tuncer Bağışkan, during the Ottoman period in Cyprus, Ottoman-flagged ships used to fly their flags at half-mast when off the shores of Larnaca, and salute Hala Sultan with cannon shots.[484]
This tekke is also notable for being the burial place of the grandmother of the late King Hussein of Jordan.[482]
Sayeda Zainab
The granddaughter of Muḥammad is the patron saint of Cairo, the Arab world's largest city and a regional cultural hub. She also has the following mosques named for her:
- The Sayeda Zainab mosque in Cairo, Egypt. The original structure was built in 1549; the modern mosque dates back to 1884.[485] In 1898, the square in front of the mosque also took her name.[486] The mosque was expanded in 1942 and renovated in 1999 following an earthquake seven years earlier.[487] There is an annual feast dedicated to Sayeda Zainab which celebrates her birth; the celebration features ecstatic mystical whirling inside the shrine, while outside there are fairground attractions such as merry-go-round rides.[487][488] Historically, the coffee shops around the square and the mosque were places where some of Egypt's most notable writers and journalists met and exchanged ideas.[487] There is a notable silver shrine inside the mosque.[489] According to Sunni Muslim tradition, this mosque houses the tomb of Sayeda Zainab.
- The Sayeda Zainab Mosque in the city of Sayeda Zainab, a southern suburb of Damascus, Syria. According to Shia Muslim tradition, it is in fact this mosque which contains the tomb of Muḥammad's granddaughter. It has been a destination of mass pilgrimage for Muslims since the 1980s. The dome is gold-leafed.
Fātimah al-Ma'sūmah
Fātimah al-Ma'sūmah was the sister of the eighth Imam and the daughter of the seventh Imam in 'Twelver' Shī'ism. Her shrine is located in Qom, a city which is one of the most important Shī'ah centres of theology. During the Safavid dynasty, the women of this family were very active in embellishing the Shrine of Fatima Masumeh. In times of war, Safavid royal women found refuge in Qom, and likely compared their situation to that of Fatima Masumeh.[490]
Rabi'āh al-'Adawiyyah
One of the most famous saints in Islam, Rabi'āh al-'Adawiyyah ('Rabi'āh') extolled the way of maḥabbah ('divine love') and uns ('Intimacy with God'). Her mystical sayings are noted for their pith and clarity; some have become proverbs throughout the Islamic world. The famous mosque in Cairo, which is named in Rabi'āh's honour, is notable for being the burial site of former Egyptian president Anwar Sadat. The mosque was badly damaged during the 2013 post-military coup unrest in Egypt.[491] It has since been rebuilt.
Ruqayyah bint Ali
Ruqayyah bint Ali was the daughter-in-law of Muḥammad's cousin and son-in-law 'Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib. Legend has it that the Bibi Pak Daman (lit. 'the chaste lady') mausoleum – located in Lahore, Pakistan – named after her contains not just her grave but those of five other ladies from Muḥammad's household. These females were amongst the most important women who brought Islam to South Asia. It is said that these ladies came here after the event of the battle of Karbala on the 10th day of the month of Muharram in 61 AH (October 10, CE 680). Bibi Pak Daman is the collective name of the six ladies believed to interred at this mausoleum, though it is also (mistakenly) popularly used to refer to the personage of Ruqayyah bint Ali alone. They preached and engaged in missionary activity in the environs of Lahore. It is said that Data Ganj Bakhsh, considered a great Sufi saint of the South Asia, was himself a devotee of the Bibi Pak Daman shrine and received holy knowledge from this auspicious shrine.[492]
Vida religiosa
According to a saying attributed to Muhammad in the hadith Sahih Bukhari, women are allowed to go to mosques.[493] However, as Islam spread, Muslim authorities stressed the fears of unchastity from interaction between sexes outside their home, including the mosque. By pre-modern period it was unusual for women to pray at a mosque.[494] By the late 1960s, women in urban areas of the Middle East increasingly began praying in the mosque, but men and women generally worship separately.[495] (Muslims explain this by citing the need to avoid distraction during prayer prostrations that raise the buttocks while the forehead touches the ground.[496]) Separation between sexes ranges from men and women on opposite sides of an aisle, to men in front of women (as was the case in the time of Muhammad), to women in second-floor balconies or separate rooms accessible by a door for women only.[496] Women in the state of ritual impurity, such as menstruation, are forbidden from entering the prayer hall of the mosque.[497]
Today, Muslim women do indeed attend mosques. In fact, in the United States, a recent study by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding found that American Muslim women attend the mosque at extremely similar rates (35%) to those of American Muslim men (45%).[85] ISPU also found that 87% of Muslim American women say that they "see their faith identity as a source of happiness in their life."[498]
Female religious scholars were relatively common from early Islamic history throughout the 16th century.[499] Mohammad Akram Nadwi, a Sunni religious scholar, has listed 8,000 female jurists, and orientalist Ignaz Goldziher estimates 15 percent of medieval hadith scholars were women.[500] Women, during early history of Islam, primarily obtained their knowledge through community study groups, ribat retreats and during hajj when the usual restrictions imposed on female education were more lenient.[501] After the 16th century, however, female scholars became fewer.[500] In the modern era, while female activists and writers are relatively common, there has not been a significant female jurist in over 200 years.[502] Opportunities for women's religious education exist, but cultural barriers often keep women from pursuing such a vocation.[500]
Women's right to become imams, however, is disputed by many. A fundamental role of an imam (religious leader) in a mosque is to lead the salat (congregational prayers). Generally, women are not allowed to lead mixed prayers.[citation needed] However, some argue that Muhammad gave permission to Ume Warqa to lead a mixed prayer at the mosque of Dar.[503][504]
Hui women are self-aware of their relative freedom as Chinese women in contrast to the status of Arab women in countries like Saudi Arabia where Arab women are restricted and forced to wear encompassing clothing. Hui women point out these restrictions as "low status", and feel better to be Chinese than to be Arab, claiming that it is Chinese women's advanced knowledge of the Quran which enables them to have equality between men and women.[505]
Sufi female mystics
Sufi Islam teaches the doctrine of tariqa, meaning following a spiritual path in daily living habits. To support followers of this concept, separate institutions for men (ta'ifa, hizb, rabita) and women (khanqa, rabita, derga) were created. Initiates to these groups pursued a progression of seven stages of spiritual discipline, called makamat (stations) or ahwal (spiritual states).[506]
Rabiah al-Basri is an important figure in Islamic Mysticism called Sufism. She upheld the doctrine of "disinterested love of God".[507]
Current female religious scholars
There are a number of prominent female Islamic scholars. They generally focus on questioning gender-based interpretations of the Quran, the traditions of Muhammad and early Islamic history. Some notable Muslim women scholars are: Azizah al-Hibri, Amina Wadud, Fatima Mernissi, Riffat Hassan, Laila Ahmad, Amatul Rahman Omar,[508] Farhat Hashmi, Aisha Abdul-Rahman, and Merryl Wyn Davies.[509]
Política
Many classical Islamic scholars, such as al-Tabari, supported female leadership.[514] In early Islamic history, women including Aisha, Ume Warqa, and Samra Binte Wahaib took part in political activities.[503] Abdurrahman ibn `Awf consulted with women in their rooms when he was charged of choosing `Uthman or Ali as the third caliphate after the death of Umar.[515] The Caliph Umar appointed Samra Bint Nuhayk Al-Asadiyya as a market inspector in Mecca and Ash-Shifa bint Abdullah as an administrator in Medina. Ash-Shifa would later on become the head of Health and Safety in Basra, Iraq.[516] Other historical Muslim female leaders include Shajarat ad-Durr, who ruled Egypt from 1250 to 1257,[517] Razia Sultana, who ruled the Sultanate of Delhi from 1236 to 1239,[513] and Taj ul-Alam, who ruled Aceh Sultanate from 1641 to 1675.
This historical record contrasts markedly with that of (predominantly Taoist and Buddhist) Chinese-majority nations, where there were no women rulers in the period between the reign of the fierce empress Wu Zetian at the turn of the eighth century (690-705), and the inauguration of Tsai Ing-wen as President of the Republic of China in 2016.[518]
Dar al-Ifta al-Misriyyah, an Islamic institute that advises Egypt's ministry of justice, had said women can both be rulers and judges in an Islamic state.[519]
Female heads of state in Muslim-majority countries during the modern era
In the modern era, Pakistan became the first Muslim-majority state with an elected female head of government (1988).[520] Currently Bangladesh is the country that has had females as head of government continuously the longest starting with Khaleda Zia in 1991.
In the past several decades, a number of countries in which Muslims are a majority, including Turkey (Prime Minister Tansu Çiller, 1993),[521] Pakistan's Benazir Bhutto (1988–1996),[522] Bangladesh (prime ministers Begum Khaleda Zia (1991–1996, 2001–2009) and Sheikh Hasina (1996–2001, 2009–Present), Indonesia (President Megawati Sukarnoputri, 2001),[523] Kosovo (President Atifete Jahjaga, 2011),[524] and Kyrgyzstan (President Roza Otunbayeva, 2010) have been led by women;[525] Mauritius, which has a significant Muslim minority, elected a female Muslim (Ameenah Gurib) as president in 2015.[526]
At one stage in the 1990s, over 300 million Muslims – at that time, between one-third and a quarter of the world's entire Islamic population – were simultaneously ruled by women when elected heads of state Tansu Çiller (the 22nd Prime Minister of Turkey), Khaleda Zia (the 9th Prime Minister of Bangladesh) and Benazir Bhutto (the 11th Prime Minister of Pakistan) led their respective countries.[527]
Female legislators in Muslim-majority countries in the 21st century
As well as elected heads of state, a number of other elected female politicians have attained exceptional levels of notability within the OIC in the twenty-first century. These include Louisa Hanoune, the head of Algeria's Workers' Party and the first woman to be a presidential candidate in an Arab country (2004; Hanoune also ran for the same post in 2009 and 2014);[528][529] Susi Pudjiastuti, Indonesia's Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries (2014–2019) who is also a successful seafood and transportation entrepreneur who has been profiled in the Financial Times;[530] Meral Akşener, a veteran Turkish conservative nationalist politician who is the founder and leader of the İyi Party (2017–);[531] and mezzo-soprano opera singer Dariga Nazarbayeva, the Chairwoman of the Kazakhstan Senate and one of her country's wealthiest individuals.[532]
Several Muslim-majority nations have passed laws to incorporate more women in their parliaments and political processes. For example, Indonesia passed a law in 2013 that required political parties to field at least 30% women candidates in elections or pay a financial penalty, a law which was later amended to stipulate that at least one in three candidates on every party's electoral list must be female and parties which do not fulfill this criterion will be barred from contesting the election;[533][534][535] Tunisia's mandated electoral lists composed of 50% women in both the 2011 and 2014 legislative elections;[536][537] and in 2012, Algeria set a minimum parliamentary female membership requirement of 30%.[538] Following the May 2012 legislative elections, women constitute 31.6% of Algerian MPs.[538] In Senegal, 50% of local and national electoral lists have to be female as of 2012.[539][540] Following the passage of Law No. 46 of 2014, Egypt has required party lists to include a certain number of women;[541] in 2018, Egypt's cabinet had eight female ministers out of a total of 35 (22.86%).[542] Kosovo has had a female quota for its assembly as far back as 2001, when it was de jure part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;[543] the Muslim-majority (95.6%) Balkan republic guarantees women 30% of parliamentary seats as of 2016.[544]
In 2012, among all regions of the world, the Gulf Arab region had the lowest overall percentage of women in parliament, and no women in the parliaments of Saudi Arabia and Qatar, the only two Muslim-majority states in the world which are officially Wahhabi.[545] However, since 2012 Saudi women have been allowed to vote in some elections.[546][547] The Shura Council of Saudi Arabia now includes female members after a January 2013 decree by the Saudi King that created reserved parliamentary seats for women,[548] while four women were appointed to Qatar's 41-member Shura Council in 2017.[549] Kuwait granted its women the right to vote in the first half of the 1980s;[550] this right was later rescinded, and then reintroduced in 2005.[551] Additionally, the United Arab Emirates has allocated 30% of its top government posts to women;[552] as of February 2016, females accounted for 27.5% of the UAE's cabinet.[553]
According to Sheikh Zoubir Bouchikhi, Imam of the Islamic Society of Greater Houston's Southeast Mosque, nothing in Islam specifically allows or disallows voting by women.[554] Until recently most Muslim nations were non-democratic, but most today allow their citizens to have some level of voting and control over their government. However, some Muslim countries gave women suffrage in the early 20th century. For example, Azerbaijan extended voting rights to women in 1918,[555] two years before it became part of Soviet Union. Females in Turkey similarly gained the right to vote in municipal and parliamentary elections in 1930 and 1934 respectively.[556][557]
Muslim Women and Islamophobia
In the United States, Islamophobia, coupled with the 2016 presidential election which heightened anti-Muslim sentiment has particularly impacted on Muslim American women. In their 2018 American Muslim Poll, the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding reported, "though roughly half of women of all backgrounds, including Muslim women, report experiencing some frequency of gender-based discrimination in the past year, Muslim women's more frequent complaints are racial (75%) and religious (69%) discrimination."[433] Most Muslim women (72%) and Muslim men (76%) reject the notion that "most Muslims in America discriminate against women."
[433]
Further data collected by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding has found that "Muslim women are more likely than Muslim men to report experiencing religious discrimination in the last year (68% vs. 55%)".[85] After the bombing of the World Trade Center Muslim women were especially exposed to increased violence in public spaces.[559] Research showed that 85% of Muslim women experienced violence through verbal threats as well as 25% of Muslim women experiencing actual physical violence in public spaces.[559] ISPU also found that most American Muslim women (68%) agree that most people associate negative stereotypes with their faith identity. Among these, more than half (52%) "strongly agree" that being Muslim is correlated with negative stereotypes.[433] Data shows that American Muslim women are actually more likely than Muslim men to fear for their safety from white supremacist groups (47% vs. 31%) and nearly one in five (19%) Muslim women say they have stress and anxiety enough to believe they need the help of a mental health professional as a result of the 2016 presidential elections, compared with only 9% of American Muslim men.[85] Despite this deficit in security and greater likelihood for experienced religious-based discrimination, Muslim women are no more likely than Muslim men to change their appearance to be less identifiable as a Muslim (16% vs. 15%).[85] Additionally, despite many feeling stigmatized, a large majority of Muslim American women (87%) say they are proud to be identified as a member of their faith community.[433]
In addition to enhanced prevalence of Islamophobia among Muslim American women, Muslim European women also experienced heightened Islamophobia—especially, when they wear headscarves.[440] Islamophobia researcher Linda Hyokki points out that at an even higher risk of Islamophobia are Muslim women of color, as they are always susceptible to Islamophobia, with or without their headscarves.[560] In 2017, English Islamophobic monitoring company Tell Mama reported that there had been a 26% increase in Islamophobia in the UK, overwhelmingly affecting Muslim women more than Muslim men.[561] Additionally, Muslim women disproportionately face the Islamophobic trope that women are seen as inferior in their religion.[562] Research has found that media along with politics, particularly, in European society, perpetuate these stereotypes of Muslim women.[440] Aside from seeing women as experiencing sexism within their religion, other Islamophobic stereotypes of Muslim women include seeing them as, "either [...] oppressed or as dangerous".[440]
Deporte
In the Islamic conception, every human being has a responsibility towards oneself. Since human life is sacred and initially created by divine rather than human agency, people are responsible for trying to keep their bodies and souls healthy, and not causing themselves spiritual or physical harm.[563] Consequently, sport has obvious attractions in Islam: traditions record that Muḥammad raced with his wife 'Ā'ishah, and that he encouraged parents to teach their children swimming, riding and archery.[564] Persian miniatures show Muslim women jointly playing polo with men in the same field.[564] In the twenty-first century, some Muslim sociologists even argue that it should be obligatory for Muslim females to participate in sport of some kind.[565]
In modern times, Muslim women have achieved some significant success in athletic arenas. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, women's club volleyball has come to be dominated by teams from OIC member state Turkey, which have won six out of eight editions of the Women's CEV Champions League from 2010 to 2011 through to 2017–2018.[566][567] The Turkish women's national volleyball team has also experienced ascendancy in the twenty-first century, winning the gold medal at the inaugural European Games in 2015.[568]
The FIVB Volleyball Women's Club World Championship has been claimed by clubs from OIC member states Azerbaijan and Turkey six times out of eleven total editions, with Turkey's five gold medals beating Brazil (three golds) into second place.[569][570]
Turkish clubs have also become a force in women's basketball, with at least one Turkish side having been present in the final four of the EuroLeague Women since the 2011-12 season; in 2014, Galatasaray became the first Turkish team to win Europe's elite club tournament.[571] The EuroCup Women has seen a similar trend; in 2016–17, all four EuroCup Women semi-finalists were from Turkey.[572]
The Iran women's national futsal team are two-time champions of Asia, having won both editions to date of the AFC Women's Futsal Championship (Malaysia 2015, Thailand 2018) by beating Japan in the respective finals.[573][574] Additionally, in the 2010s Egypt has become the preeminent nation in women's squash, with the country boasting four out of the top five players in the PSA World Rankings for May 2018, including World No. 1 Nour El Sherbini;[575] moreover, Egypt's women's national team are the current world champions, adding the 2016 WSF World Team Squash Championships to their 2008 and 2012 titles.[576][577]
Notable female tennis players from the OIC and its observer and applicant states include Dinara Safina, who achieved the coveted world number one ranking in 2009 and (with Marat Safin) is one half of the only brother-sister pair to both attain No. 1 rankings; Sania Mirza, the first-ever UN Women's Goodwill Ambassador for South Asia, who was India's best female singles player for ten years straight (2003–2013); and Indonesian Yayuk Basuki, who won four Asian Games gold medals in the 1980s and 1990s. Women's football has significantly increased its profile within the OIC bloc in the twenty-first century. A number of Muslim female footballers have been or are presently prominent players for various UEFA national teams in Western Europe, including Fatmire Alushi, Louisa Nécib, and Kosovare Asllani.
At the same time, many Muslim women experience significant barriers to sports participation. These barriers include bans on the Islamic headscarf, commonly known as the hijab, cultural and familial barriers, and the lack of appropriate sports programs and facilities.[579] Many Muslim female athletes have overcome these obstacles and used sports to empower themselves and others, such as through education, health and wellbeing, and a push for women's rights.[580][581][582]
Islamic Solidarity Games
The Islamic Solidarity Games is a large multi-sport event held every four years in which all qualifying athletes from Organisation of Islamic Cooperation member countries can compete, regardless of their religious affiliation. The female International Athlete Ambassadors for Baku 2017 – the most recent edition of the games – included Tunisian Olympic medallist wrestler Marwa Amri; taekwondo icons Elaine Teo (Malaysia) and Taleen Al Humaidi (Jordan); and the Palestinian swimmer Mary Al-Atrash.[583][584]
The next edition of the Islamic Solidarity Games (2021) is scheduled to take place in Istanbul.[585]
Medios de comunicación
As in the rest of the world, the new technological and organisational developments of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have led to the creation of electronic media industries in OIC member countries. Women have presentational and, significantly, financial roles in OIC member states' television, film and Internet sectors. Moreover, given that a number of populous Muslim-majority countries – such as Indonesia and Turkey – are categorised as dynamic emerging economies in formulations such as MIST and Next Eleven,[586] these women increasingly have an impact far beyond their national borders.
Television
Turkey
The international influence of Turkey's television industry has expanded dramatically in the twenty-first century: as of 2017, the country was the world's fastest-growing television series exporter and second in the overall global rankings only to the United States.[587][588]
This development has had two particularly notable consequences vis à women:
- Audiences worldwide are being exposed to the family-oriented values of what notable analysts view as the OIC's core state. These values stress old-fashioned romance and traditional familial structures, which are viewed favourably by women in territories such as Latin America, especially when contrasted with the perceived violence and over-sexualisation of local and US offerings.[589][590]
- Turkish actresses have become household names in many of the 200 countries which have purchased broadcasting rights to television dramas produced in the Republic of Turkey. Consequently, they are now the best-known contemporary Muslim women in the world – eclipsing politicians, sports stars and royalty. The implications of this have yet to be fully analysed, but they are undeniably enormous.
Indonesia
Rosianna Silalahi is editor-in-chief of the influential and prestigious Kompas TV, a news channel named after Kompas, Indonesia's highest-circulation daily newspaper.[591]
Religious Programming
The global accelerated proliferation of television channels and content from the 1990s onwards has seen a marked increase in religious programming in Muslim-majority countries. This content is broadcast either on dedicated religious channels, such as Turkey's Diyanet TV, or the many general interest channels which enjoy greater audience share. Topics addressed on these shows range from theology and history to technological developments and mysticism.
Contemporary female presenters of note in this genre include Cansu Canan Özgen, who presents Öteki Gündem ('The Other Agenda') on Habertürk TV (Turkey);[592] Amina Svraka, a hostess at BIR TV in Bosnia and Herzegovina;[593] and Nashwa Al-Ruwaini, an Egyptian television personality who also has extensive business interests in the media sector.[594]
Comparación con otras religiones
From its inception, Islam has had contact and coexistence with other major world faiths, and this phenomenon intensified as the religion transcended its Arabian origins to spread over a wide geographical area: from the Adriatic region, where Catholicism and Eastern Orthodox Christianity took root, to the Hinduism- and Buddhism-dominated land masses of India and South-East Asia, Muslim populations have both influenced and been influenced by the pre-existing spiritual traditions that they encountered. Prominent examples of these processes include the syncretist philosophy of dīn-i-ilāhī ("religion of God"), an amalgam of several religions devised by Emperor Akbar (1542–1605) that was practiced at the Mughul Court in India;[595] the crypto-Christianity of Kosovo, a belief system that created a tradition of joint Catholic-Muslim households which persisted into the twentieth century;[596] and Pancasila, the official foundational philosophy of the modern Indonesian state which draws on indigenous beliefs, as well as Hindu, Christian and Islamic traditions.
In the twenty-first century, a number of new factors have facilitated the comparison of spiritual traditions – and the place of women within them – to an unprecedented level. These include: (i) a fresh wave of technological globalisation, which has obliterated communicational borders; (ii) the advent of cheap mass international air travel, which has hugely increased people's exposure to other cultures; and (iii) the internationalisation of higher education, whereby students and scholars alike are spending ever-increasing amounts of time in countries with different religious demographic compositions to their own.
Notwithstanding these developments, comparing the position of women in Islam with that of women in other faith traditions is complicated by the following determinants:
- Geographical and cultural breadth. Given that the Muslim world encompasses states as diverse as Albania, Mali and Kazakhstan, diverse interpretations of texts such as the Quran are inevitable, although there are also large areas of concordance between the orthodox schools of Islamic thought, both Sunni and Shi'a. The prevalence of cultural customs which are sometimes ascribed to Islam but which have at best a tenuous scriptural basis (and that in fact may be diametrically opposed to the teachings of the religion) is another element which needs to be recognised.
- Scholarly differences. When analysing both Islam in general and the topic of women in Islam in particular, the views of scholars and commentators are profoundly shaped by certain cultural lenses. Those coming from a Western background, such as the Switzerland-born writer Charles le Gai Eaton, tend to compare and contrast Islam with Christianity; Eaton concluded that Islam, with certain important qualifications, was "essentially patriarchal". Conversely, those coming from an East Asian background tend to emphasise similarities between Islam and religions such as Taoism, which stress complementarity between the sexes: according to the Japanese scholar Sachiko Murata, it was mandatory for her to use the I Ching as a means of "[conceptualising] Islamic teachings on the feminine principle without doing violence to the original texts."[597]
- Political distortions. The historical strength of various Muslim-led polities – which, unlike other comparable non-Western entities such as China and Japan, were adjacent to "Christian" Europe and/or perceived to be in competition with Western powers – meant that the question of women in Islam has not always been approached objectively by those professing expertise in the subject. This can be viewed as part of the "Orientalist" academic discourse (as defined by Edward Said) that creates a rigid East-West dichotomy in which dynamic and positive values are ascribed to Western civilisation; by contrast, "Oriental" societies (including but certainly not limited to Islamic ones) are depicted as being "stationary" and in need of "modernising" through imperial administrations.[598]
Eve's role in the Fall
In contrast with the biblical account of the Fall, in Islamic tradition Eve (Ḥawwā) did not tempt Adam (Ādam) to eat the forbidden fruit; instead, they were tempted together by the Devil. This means that Eve was not the cause of Adam's expulsion from paradise: he was also responsible, and therefore both men and women are faced equally with its consequences. This has a number of important implications for the Islamic understanding of womanhood and women's roles in both religious and social life.[599] For one, in Islam, women are not seen as a source of evil as a result of the Fall.[600]
Moreover, the Biblical statement that Eve was created from Adam's rib (the famous 'third rib') finds no echo in the Quranic account: both male and female were created 'from one soul' (Sūrah 4:1).[16][600] Similarly, the concept that (as per Genesis 3:16)[601] the pains of childbirth are a punishment for Eve's sin is alien to the Quran.[600]
The Virgin Mary
The Virgin Mary (Maryām) is considered by the Quran to hold the most exalted spiritual position amongst women. A chapter of the Quran (Sūrat Maryam, the nineteenth sura) is named after her, and she is the only woman mentioned by name in Islam's sacred scripture; Maryām is mentioned more times in the Quran than in the New Testament.[602] Furthermore, the miraculous birth of Christ from a virgin mother is recognised in the Quran.[603]
Polygamy
In the Western world, polygamy has long been associated with Islam; the idea of Islam as – to quote Professor Akbar S. Ahmed – some sort of 'man's paradise', with every man possessing at least four wives, remains a powerful one.[604] However, polygamy is far from unique to Islam; in fact, in traditionally multi-confessional India, polygamy is actually more widespread amongst other religious communities: the 1961 census found that the incidence of polygamy was the least amongst Muslims (5.7%), with Hindus (5.8%), Jains (6.7%), Buddhists (7.9%) and Adivasis (15.25%) all more likely have at least two wives.[605] Similarly, India's third National Family Health Survey (2006) found that a number of socioeconomic reasons were more likely to explain the prevalence of polygamy than the religion of the parties involved. This survey also found that a polygamous Hindu was likely to have (as a statistical average) 1.77 wives; a Christian, 2.35; a Muslim, 2.55; and a Buddhist, 3.41.[605]
Sexuality
Like many other major world religions,[606][607][608] Islam views extramarital sex as a great sin in the eyes of God. However, its general approach to sexuality is profoundly distinct to that of Christianity. There exists a marked contrast between the teachings of St Thomas Aquinas – who stated that marriage becomes "more holy sine carnale commixione" (i.e. when sexual desire is absent) – and IbnʿArabī's conclusion that "The most intense and perfect contemplation of God is through women, and the most intense union [with God] is the conjugal act".[609]
In Islam and the Destiny of Man, the Swiss-born diplomat Charles le Gai Eaton elaborates on the respective sexuality perspectives of the world's two most popular faiths:
"Islam disapproves of casual promiscuity as does Christianity; but the Muslim takes it for granted that when a man sees a beautiful woman he will desire physical union with her, and that when a woman sees a man who appeals to her she will be drawn to him, and this mutual desire is seen as flowing directly from the nature of things as willed by God. It is in itself an unqualified good, however much it may need to be hedged about with restrictions."[610]
Mujeres notables en el Islam
Saints, scholars, and spiritual teachers
Women have played an integral part in the development and spiritual life of Islam since the inception of Islamic civilisation in the seventh century AD. Khadijah, a businesswoman who became Muhammad's employer and first wife,[611] was also the first Muslim.[612] There have been a large number of female saints throughout the Islamic world spanning the highest social classes (a famous example being Princess Jahānārā, the daughter of the Moghul emperor Shāh Jahān) and the lowest (such as Lallā Mīmūna in Morocco);[613] some of them, such as Rābi'a of Basra (who is cited reverentially in Muḥammad al-Ghazālī's classic The Revival of Religious Sciences) and Fāṭima of Cordoba (who deeply influenced the young Ibn 'Arabī) have been pivotal to the conceptualisation of Islamic mysticism.[613]
Today, some notable personalities of the Islamic world include the Turkish Sufi teacher Cemalnur Sargut – a disciple of the novelist and mystic Samiha Ayverdi (1905–1993),[614] Amatul Rahman Omar, the first woman to translate the Qur'an into English,[615] and Shaykha Fariha al Jerrahi, the guide of the Nur Ashki Jerrahi Sufi Order.[616]
Female converts to Islam
Notable recent female converts to Islam include the German former MTV VJ and author Kristiane Backer,[619] American singer and cultural icon Janet Jackson,[620] Anglo-French writer, broadcaster and academic Myriam François-Cerrah, award-winning German actress, model and fashion designer Wilma Elles,[621] Malaysian model Felixia Yeap,[622] Malaysian VJ Marion Caunter, Czech model Markéta Kořínková,[623] Canadian solo motorcycle adventurer Rosie Gabrielle,[624] the Belgian model and former Miss Belgium candidate Lindsey van Gele,[625] the Albanian model Rea Beko,[626][627] Russian model and former Miss Moscow Oksana Voevodina,[628] the German model Anna-Maria Ferchichi (née Lagerblom),[629] the American supermodel Kendra Spears (Princess Salwa Aga Khan),[630] the Australian model and Miss World Australia finalist Emma Maree Edwards,[631] South African model Wendy Jacobs,[632] and Lithuanian model-turned-actress Karolina 'Kerry' Demirci;[633] the Serbian model and fashion designer Ivana Sert stated her intention to become a Muslim in 2014 after she read the Quran in English.[634] Notable recent women born in a Muslim family who became atheist or converted to another religion include Dutch feminist Ayaan Hirsi Ali,[635] Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin,[636] Indian actress Nakhat Khan and Iranian-American women's right activist Parvin Darabi.[637][638] The Turkish actress, author and model (Miss Turkey 2001) Tuğçe Kazaz converted from Islam to Eastern Orthodox Christianity in 2005, and then converted back to Islam in 2008.[639]
Women make up a disproportionately large or rising share of converts to Islam in numerous Western countries. According to researchers based at Swansea University, of the approximately 100,000 people who entered the Muslim faith in the United Kingdom between 2001 and 2011, 75% were women.[640] In the United States, more Hispanic women convert to Islam than Hispanic men,[641] with these women being "mostly educated, young and professional";[642] the share of overall female converts to Islam in the US rose from 32% in 2000 to 41% in 2011.[643] In Brazil, approximately 70% of converts to Islam are women, most of whom are young and relatively well-educated.[644] Young females constitute an estimated 80% of converts to Islam in Lithuania.[645] According to Susanne Leuenberger of the Institute of Advanced Study in the Humanities and the Social Sciences at the University of Bern, females make up around 60-70% of conversions to Islam in Europe.[646]
Female Conversion Literature
In the twenty-first century, a number of (semi-)autobiographical books by Western female converts to Islam have enjoyed a measure of mainstream success. These include former MTV and NBC Europe presenter Kristiane Backer's From MTV to Mecca: How Islam Inspired My Life (Arcadia Books, 2012);[647][648] Spanish journalist Amanda Figueras Fernández's Por qué el islam: Mi vida como mujer, europea y musulmana (Ediciones Península, 2018);[649] and French author Mathilde Loujayne's Big Little Steps: A Woman's Guide to Embracing Islam (Kube Publishing, 2020).[650]
Debate moderno sobre la condición de la mujer en el Islam
Within the Muslim community, conservatives and Islamic feminists have used Islamic doctrine as the basis for discussion of women's rights, drawing on the Quran, the hadith, and the lives of prominent women in the early period of Muslim history as evidence.[651] Where conservatives have seen evidence that existing gender asymmetries are divinely ordained, feminists have seen more egalitarian ideals in early Islam.[651] Still others have argued that this discourse is essentialist and ahistorical, and have urged that Islamic doctrine not be the only framework within which discussion occurs.[651]
Conservatives and the Islamic movement
Conservatives reject the assertion that different laws prescribed for men and women imply that men are more valuable than women. Ali ibn Musa Al-reza reasoned that at the time of marriage a man has to pay something to his prospective bride, and that men are responsible for both their wives' and their own expenses but women have no such responsibility.[652]
The nebulous revivalist movement termed Islamism is one of the most dynamic movements within Islam in the 20th and 21st centuries. The experience of women in Islamist states has been varied. The progression of Muslim women’s rights has been inhibited by religious extremist groups that use the disempowerment of women as a political agenda. When women are opposed to these infringements on their rights they are often subjected to abuse, violence, and shunned.[653] Women in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan faced treatment condemned by the international community.[654][655] Women were forced to wear the burqa in public,[656] not allowed to work,[657] not allowed to be educated after the age of eight,[658] and faced public flogging and execution for violations of the Taliban's laws.[659][660] The position of women in Iran, which has been a theocracy since its 1979 revolution, is more complex. Iranian Islamists are ideologically in favour of allowing female legislators in Iran's parliament[661] and 60% of university students are women.[662]
Liberal Islam, Islamic feminism, and other progressive criticism
Liberal Muslims have urged that ijtihad, a form of critical thinking, be used to develop a more progressive form of Islam with respect to the status of women.[663] In addition, Islamic feminists have advocated for women's rights, gender equality, and social justice grounded in an Islamic framework. Although rooted in Islam, pioneers of Islamic feminism have also used secular and western feminist discourses and have sought to include Islamic feminism in the larger global feminist movement. Islamic feminists seek to highlight the teachings of equality in Islam to question patriarchal interpretations of Islamic teachings.[664] Others point out the incredible amount of flexibility of shariah law, which can offer greater protections for women if the political will to do so is present.[665][666]
After the September 11, 2001, attacks, international attention was focused on the condition of women in the Muslim world.[667][668] Critics asserted that women are not treated as equal members of Muslim societies[669][670] and criticized Muslim societies for condoning this treatment.[669] Phyllis Chesler has alleged that Western academics, especially feminists, have ignored the plight of Muslim women in order to be considered politically correct.[671] However, one survey in 2006 found that most Muslim women do not see themselves as oppressed.[672]
The Indonesian Islamic professor Nasaruddin Umar is at the forefront of a reform movement from within Islam that aims at giving women equal status. Among his works is a book The Quran for Women, which provides a new feminist interpretation.[citation needed]
Some Muslim women exposed to the growth in civil rights accessible to secular or non-Muslim women have protested to strengthen their own rights within Islamic communities. One example is Malaysia, where 60% of the population is Muslim, and where there are separate parallel legal systems for secular law and sharia law. In 2006, Marina Mahathir, the daughter of Malaysia's former Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, published an editorial in the Malaysia Star newspaper to denounce what she termed "a growing form of apartheid" for Malaysia's Muslim women:
Non-Muslim Malaysian women have benefited from more progressive laws over the years while the opposite has happened for Muslim women.
She pointed out that polygamy was illegal in Malaysia for non-Muslims but not for Muslims, and that child custody arrangements for Muslims were biased towards fathers as opposed to the shared-custody arrangements of non-Muslim parents.[673] Women's groups in Malaysia began campaigning in the 1990s to have female sharia judges appointed to the sharia legal system in the country, and in 2010 two female judges were appointed.[674]
In March 2016, an Australian Tribunal determined that separate male and female seating arrangements contravened section 33 of the NSW Anti-Discrimination Act. The Tribunal ordered that all future publicity materials for public events hosted by Hizb ut-Tahrir must clearly inform attendees that segregated seating arrangements are not compulsory.[675][676]
Ver también
- Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam
- Concubinage#In Islam and Arab world
- Female figures in the Quran
- Female political leaders in Islam and in Muslim-majority countries
- Houri
- Islam and humanity
- Islamic feminism
- Islamic schools and branches
- Islamic sexual jurisprudence
- Muslim women in sport
- Muhammad's wives
- Muslim women in science and technology
- Namus
- Purplewashing
- Sex segregation and Islam
- Sharia#Women
- Timeline of first women's suffrage in majority-Muslim countries
- Women in Arab societies
- Women in Christianity
- Women in Hinduism
- Women in the Quran
- Zenana
Notas
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Referencias
- Abou El Fadl, Khaled (2004). "The Death Penalty, Mercy, and Islam: A Call for Retrospection". In Owens, Erik C.; Carlson, John David; Elshtain, Eric P. (eds.). Religion and the Death Penalty: A Call for Reckoning. Grand Rapids, MI: W. B. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN 0-8028-2172-3.
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- Ghamidi, Javed Ahmed (2001). Mizan. Al-Mawrid.
- Glassé, Cyril (2001). New Encyclopedia of Islam (Rev. ed.). Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira. ISBN 0-7591-0189-2.
- Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck; Esposito, John L., eds. (1998). Islam, Gender & Social Change. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-511357-8.
- Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck; Moore, Kathleen M.; Smith, Jane I. (2006). Muslim Women in America: The Challenge of Islamic Identity Today. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-517783-5.
- Hessini, Leila (1994). "Wearing the Hijab in Contemporary Morocco: Choice and Identity". In Göçek, Fatma Müge; Balaghi, Shiva (eds.). Reconstructing Gender in the Middle East: Tradition, Identity, and Power. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-10122-8.
- Joseph, Suad; Najmabadi, Afsaneh (2005). Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 9004128182.
- Levy, Reuben (1999). The Social Structure of Islam. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-20910-2.
Otras lecturas
- Scripture
- Translations of the Quran, Chapter 4: Women
- Books
- Andrea, Bernadette, Women and Islam in Early Modern English Literature, Cambridge University Press, 2008 (978-0-521-86764-1): Bernadette Andrea: Books
- Ahmed, Leila, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical roots of a modern debate, Yale University Press, 1992
- Armstrong, Karen. The Battle for God: Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, London, HarperCollins/Routledge, 2001
- Baffoun, Alya. Women and Social Change in the Muslim Arab World, In Women in Islam. Pergamon Press, 1982.
- Esposito, John and Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, Islam, Gender, and Social Change, Oxford University Press, 1997, ISBN 0-19-511357-8
- Hambly, Gavin. Women in the Medieval Islamic World, Palgrave Macmillan, 1999, ISBN 0-312-22451-6
- Joseph, Suad (ed.) Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures. Leiden: Brill, Vol 1–4, 2003–2007.
- Roded, Ruth (1994). Women in Islamic biographical collections: from Ibn Saʻd to Who's Who. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1-55587-442-1.
enlaces externos
- Quotations related to Women in Islam at Wikiquote
- Media related to Women in Islam at Wikimedia Commons
- George Mason University Archive, Islam – Women in World History, Roy Rosenzweig Center
- Arab Studies Journal – a peer reviewed publication that frequently covers topics relating to women in Islam.
- The Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures – Brill, The Netherlands.
- Oxford Islamic Studies Online – numerous entries dealing with the role of women in Islamic societies.
- Radio Interview with Dr. Nawal Ammar: An Ecofeminist Retrieval of a Forgotten Islam, University of Toronto, 21 September 2007.
- Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures: Family, Law and Politics, Editors: Joseph and Naǧmābādī, Brill, The Netherlands, ISBN 978-9004128187.