El intento de golpe de Estado venezolano de 2002 fue un golpe de estado fallido el 11 de abril de 2002 que vio al presidente Hugo Chávez derrocado de su cargo durante 47 horas antes de ser restaurado en el poder. Chávez, quien había sido elegido en 2000 , fue ayudado en su regreso al poder por el apoyo popular (principalmente sindicatos ) [4] y la movilización contra el golpe por parte de las filas moderadas [4] en el ejército. [5]
Intento de golpe de Estado venezolano de 2002 | |||||||
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Presunta carta de renuncia de Chávez. | |||||||
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Beligerantes | |||||||
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Comandantes y líderes | |||||||
Hugo Chávez ( Presidente de Venezuela ) Diosdado Cabello José Vicente Rangel Nicolás Maduro | Alto mando militar | ||||||
Bajas y perdidas | |||||||
19 muertos y 60-150 + heridos [1] [2] [3] ( eventos del paso elevado de Llaguno ) |
La situación comenzó el 9 de abril, cuando la organización sindical Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela , CTV, convocó una huelga general . La huelga propuesta fue en respuesta a los nombramientos de Chávez para puestos prominentes en la compañía petrolera nacional de Venezuela, PDVSA . [6] Dos días después en Caracas , hasta un millón de venezolanos marcharon en oposición a Chávez. [7] [8] En un momento de la marcha, los líderes de la oposición redirigieron a los manifestantes al palacio presidencial, Miraflores , donde simpatizantes del gobierno y Círculos Bolivarianos estaban realizando su propia manifestación. A la llegada de la oposición, las dos partes se enfrentaron. Un tiroteo se inició en el paso elevado de Llaguno , cerca del Palacio de Miraflores, y esa noche habían muerto 19 personas, entre simpatizantes y opositores al gobierno. [2] El alto mando militar rechazó la orden de Chávez de implementar el Plan Ávila , un plan utilizado por primera vez por Carlos Andrés Pérez durante el Caracazo que resultó en la muerte de cientos y posiblemente miles de venezolanos, como respuesta a las protestas y le exigió que Renunciar. [9] Posteriormente, el presidente Chávez fue arrestado por militares. [10] [11] [12] La solicitud de asilo de Chávez en Cuba fue denegada y se ordenó que fuera juzgado por un tribunal venezolano. [6]
El presidente de la Federación Venezolana de Cámaras de Comercio ( Fedecámaras ), Pedro Carmona, fue declarado presidente interino. Durante su breve mandato, la Asamblea Nacional y la Corte Suprema fueron disueltas y la Constitución del país de 1999 fue declarada nula. [13] Para el día 13, el golpe estaba al borde del colapso, ya que los intentos de Carmona de deshacer por completo las reformas de Chávez enfurecieron a gran parte del público y sectores clave del ejército, [14] mientras que partes del movimiento anti-Chávez también se negaron a volver Carmona. [15] [16] Cuando comenzó a correr la voz de que Chávez no había renunciado, como se afirmó públicamente, los partidarios de Chávez [17] rodearon el palacio presidencial. [18] En Caracas, simpatizantes de Chávez tomaron estaciones de televisión y exigieron su regreso. [6] Carmona dimitió esa misma noche. La Guardia Presidencial pro Chávez retomó Miraflores sin disparar un tiro, lo que llevó a la destitución del gobierno de Carmona y la reinstalación de Chávez como presidente.
El golpe fue presuntamente planeado durante algún tiempo, [19] [20] ya que quienes se oponían a Chávez, como los grupos de presión empresariales, los medios privados y las organizaciones católicas, sentían que su gobierno se estaba volviendo antidemocrático y amenazaba sus intereses. [19] [3] [21] [ verificación fallida ] [ enlace muerto ] En ese momento, Chávez vio caer su índice de aprobación del 80% a alrededor del 30%. [3] El creciente descontento con Chávez entre los militares debido a su actitud agresiva y alianzas con Cuba y los paramilitares también llevó a varios oficiales a pedir a Chávez la renuncia. [22] [23] Chávez inicialmente negó las acusaciones de que el gobierno de Estados Unidos buscaba derrocar a su gobierno. [24] [25] Más tarde se reveló que EE. UU. Tenía conocimiento previo del intento de golpe y que miembros del gobierno de EE. UU. Tenían vínculos con participantes destacados en el golpe. [26] [27] Sin embargo, Estados Unidos informó repetidamente a la oposición venezolana que no recibirían apoyo si hubiera un golpe y advirtió al gobierno de Chávez del complot. [24] [26] [28] Los medios privados fueron acusados de reportajes sesgados en apoyo de las protestas y el golpe contra Chávez, calificándose la cobertura de "desequilibrada", [29] así como de "reprimir [ed] y manipular [D]". [30] [31] No se han probado las acusaciones de que propietarios de medios de comunicación participaron activamente en el golpe. [29]
Fondo
Chávez fue elegido presidente por primera vez en 1998 . Una de sus promesas de campaña fue convocar una nueva convención constitucional, [32] y el 15 de diciembre de 1999 presentó la nueva Constitución de Venezuela a los votantes en referéndum, que fue aprobado con el 71,78% del voto popular. Tras el referéndum constitucional de 1999, Chávez fue reelegido en 2000 bajo los términos de la nueva constitución. Después de estas elecciones, Chávez había ganado el control de todas las instituciones anteriormente independientes del gobierno venezolano. [33] La popularidad de Chávez luego cayó debido a sus enfrentamientos con múltiples grupos sociales a los que había alienado y sus estrechos vínculos con líderes mundiales controvertidos como Mohammad Khatami , Saddam Hussein , Muammar Gaddafi y especialmente Fidel Castro . [3]
Hugo Chávez, 2001 [34]
Chávez utilizó una estrategia de polarización en Venezuela, una situación de ellos contra nosotros, para señalar a quienes se interponían en su camino. [34] Insultaba y usaba apodos contra los partidarios originales que lo cuestionaban; los medios de comunicación, los líderes empresariales, la Iglesia católica y la clase media . [34] Tales "palabras engendraron odio y polarización" con Chávez, "un maestro del lenguaje y la comunicación", creando su propia realidad entre los venezolanos. [34] Nelson dice que lo que más perjudicó la popularidad de Chávez fue su relación con Fidel Castro y Cuba, con Chávez intentando hacer de Venezuela a la imagen de Cuba. [3] Venezuela se convirtió en el socio comercial más grande de Cuba, mientras que Chávez, siguiendo el ejemplo de Castro, consolidó la legislatura bicameral del país en una sola Asamblea Nacional que le dio más poder [35] y creó grupos comunitarios de seguidores leales supuestamente entrenados como paramilitares. [3] Tales acciones crearon un gran temor entre los venezolanos que se sentían engañados y que Chávez tenía metas dictatoriales. [3] Este sentimiento de engaño afectó especialmente a los medios de comunicación, ya que originalmente apoyaron a Chávez y sus promesas. [36]
La oposición al gobierno de Chávez era entonces particularmente fuerte, con algunos de los que estaban en el gobierno antes de la elección de Chávez. [37] [38] Los medios independientes se convirtieron en el principal control de Chávez después de que él tomó el control de la mayor parte del gobierno venezolano, con los medios venezolanos actuando como otras formas de medios en América Latina en ese momento que exigían rendición de cuentas por los abusos gubernamentales y exponiendo la corrupción. [33] La oposición estaba preocupada con Chávez porque creían que su reescritura de la constitución de Venezuela eran señales de que Chávez estaba tratando de mantener el poder a través del autoritarismo. [38] A principios de 2002, también hubo crecientes signos de descontento en el ejército; en febrero, cuatro militares, entre ellos un general y un contralmirante, pidieron públicamente a Chávez la dimisión. El 7 de febrero de 2002 , el coronel de la Fuerza Aérea de Venezuela, Pedro Vicente Soto, y el capitán de la Reserva Nacional, Pedro Flores Rivero, encabezaron una manifestación de protesta contra las prácticas presuntamente antidemocráticas y autoritarias del gobierno de Chávez. El contralmirante Carlos Molina Tamayo dijo en televisión que si Chávez no renuncia, debe ser acusado. Además de las acusaciones de la oposición de que Chávez estaba socavando la democracia y la libertad de expresión, las quejas de los militares incluían el uso de las fuerzas armadas del Plan Bolívar 2000 para actividades de reducción de la pobreza en lugar de la defensa nacional. También dijeron que Chávez estaba alienando a Estados Unidos a través de una política exterior que involucraba negociaciones con los rebeldes colombianos y fortalecía los vínculos con los países de la OPEP considerados enemigos de Estados Unidos, incluido el Irak de Saddam Hussein . [39] Chávez y sus aliados sugirieron otros motivos, incluido el hecho de que Soto no fuera promovido, y señalaron un informe en The Washington Post que alegaba que Soto y Tamayo habían recibido $ 100,000 cada uno de cuentas bancarias de Miami a cambio de denunciar a Chávez. [39]
Eventos que llevaron al golpe
Tensión social y empresarial
La oposición de Chávez se originó a partir de la respuesta a la "cubanización" de Venezuela cuando las madres se dieron cuenta de que los nuevos libros de texto en Venezuela eran realmente libros cubanos llenos de propaganda revolucionaria y con diferentes portadas que las hacían protestar. [3] En los meses de verano de 2001, los grupos de oposición crecieron rápidamente de madres preocupadas a sindicatos, intereses comerciales, grupos religiosos y partidos políticos de derecha e izquierda, que sentían que estaban siendo aislados. [3] [19] Al mismo tiempo, se organizaron grupos de apoyo a Chávez, especialmente entre los pobres, con su pasión por Chávez al borde de la idolatría ya que les dio esperanza y sentimiento de valor. [3]
Ley habilitante
En 2000, la Asamblea Nacional pro-Chávez otorgó al presidente Chávez poderes de emergencia y la capacidad de gobernar por decreto a través de un acto habilitante para atender el mal estado de la economía. [40] El 13 de noviembre de 2001, Chávez aprobó un paquete de 49 leyes, utilizando la ley habilitante que expiraba al día siguiente, como reorganizar los ministerios públicos y al mismo tiempo cambiar las principales leyes del gobierno, las empresas petroleras y el uso de la tierra sin la aprobación de la Asamblea Nacional. [3] [40] Las leyes "marcaron un punto de inflexión en el sentimiento público hacia el presidente" con chavistas y antichavistas indignados por los cambios. [40] Los dos decretos en particular provocaron protestas: una ley destinada a fortalecer el control gubernamental sobre la empresa petrolera PDVSA , que según Chávez se había convertido en un "estado dentro de un estado", y una ley de reforma agraria más controvertida , que incluía disposiciones para la expropiación de tierras "ociosas" en latifundios. [40] [41] Aunque el gobierno declaró que proporcionaría a los propietarios anteriores una compensación a las tarifas vigentes en el mercado, las leyes de tierras introducidas por Chávez estaban redactadas de manera tan vaga que el gobierno podía expropiar legalmente cualquier propiedad que deseara tomar. [40] [41] Si bien parte de la tierra fue entregada genuinamente a los vulnerables, gran parte de ella se usó en un sistema de patrocinio para los miembros del partido leales a Chávez . [40]
McCaughan describió las 49 leyes como el " plus ultra non ", el "punto sin retorno para las turbulentas relaciones de Chávez con líderes empresariales, eclesiásticos y de los medios de comunicación". [42] Para la oposición, cambios tan dramáticos en el gobierno les demostraron que Chávez era un "dictador en formación". [3] La oposición a estos programas incluyó un intento de Acción Democrática para que la Corte Suprema evaluara a Chávez por posible incapacidad mental, lo que permitiría su destitución de su cargo bajo el artículo 233 de la nueva constitución. [43] [44] El 10 de diciembre de 2001, una huelga nacional cerró el 90% de la economía y fue la huelga más grande en la historia de Venezuela, más grande que la huelga que ayudó a poner fin a la dictadura de Marcos Pérez Jiménez en 1958. [40] En enero de 2002, las protestas que involucraban a cientos de miles de venezolanos que se oponían a Chávez se hicieron comunes en Venezuela. [3]
Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA)
En marzo de 2002, Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), la compañía petrolera estatal que actuó de manera algo autónoma y representó el 70% de los ingresos externos de Venezuela, fue atacada por Chávez por temor a la capacidad de la oposición para convocar huelgas nacionales y debía recibir un control estricto. del Gobierno. [3] Los intentos de Chávez de poner fin a la independencia funcional de PDVSA y de poner sus ingresos petroleros bajo control estatal se encontraron con una fuerte resistencia por parte de los funcionarios y gerentes de PDVSA. Muchos apoyaron la vieja política de apertura de Rafael Caldera -era , es decir, abrir el sector petrolero venezolano a una participación extranjera mucho mayor, para elevar la producción; En cambio, Chávez argumentó a favor de recortar la producción, en coordinación a través de la OPEP , para elevar los precios y aumentar los ingresos petroleros. Chávez sospechaba que los partidarios de la apertura querían en última instancia privatizar la empresa, y el gobierno atacó a la administración de PDVSA diciendo que estaba desviando demasiado de sus ingresos a sus propios bolsillos [45] (las regalías de PDVSA pagadas al estado habían caído del 71% de las ganancias brutas en 1981 durante el pico de la economía de Venezuela al 39% en 2000 después de décadas de dificultades financieras). [46] El 7 de abril, Chávez despidió al presidente de PDVSA, general de brigada Guaicaipuro Lameda Montero y lo reemplazó por "un ex militante del Partido Comunista", además de despedir a otros 5 de los 7 miembros de la junta directiva de PDVSA en su Programa Aló Presidente , se burlaba de cada trabajador por su nombre y utilizaba un silbato "como para expulsarlos de un partido de fútbol". [8] [45] [47] [48] Tales acciones de Chávez provocaron nuevos desarrollos anti-Chávez con una serie de paros y retrasos laborales. [45] [49]
El Washington Times luego señaló que Chávez había "sofocado la inversión extranjera al duplicar los pagos de regalías que las compañías petroleras deben pagar al gobierno y al restringir la propiedad corporativa en algunos proyectos petroleros al 49 por ciento", y había "enajenado a los trabajadores de la propiedad estatal de su país. petrolera, Petróleos de Venezuela, mediante la sustitución de profesionales de larga trayectoria con sus partidarios ". [50] A principios de 2002, el índice de aprobación de Chávez se redujo a alrededor del 30%. [21] Esta acción, según Los Angeles Times , "unió a todas las fuerzas anti-Chávez", uniendo al líder sindical Carlos Ortega con Pedro Carmona Estanga, jefe de la federación empresarial más grande de Venezuela, Fedecámaras, en un llamado a una " huelga general "en apoyo de los trabajadores petroleros. [47]
Militar
Los militares existentes empezaron a desconfiar de Chávez debido a su relación con Fidel Castro y el grupo guerrillero colombiano FARC que les habían enseñado anteriormente que "eran la mayor amenaza para su país". [51] Los militares sintieron que después de luchar contra la influencia de Castro, los grupos guerrilleros y los intentos de derrocar a los gobiernos venezolanos anteriores para expandir su presencia revolucionaria desde la década de 1960, finalmente habían perdido cuando Chávez llegó al poder. [51] Chávez promovió a los guerrilleros al ejército venezolano y obligó a los cautelosos militares existentes a ayudarlos. [51] Una de las acciones más controvertidas que generó descontento dentro de los militares fue cuando Chávez los obligó a asistir a las FARC con el establecimiento de campamentos en territorios venezolanos, proporcionando municiones para combatir al gobierno colombiano , entregando tarjetas de identificación para que pudieran moverse libremente por Venezuela. y el envío de miembros de Círculos Bolivarianos a sus campamentos para recibir entrenamiento guerrillero. [51] Las medidas más controvertidas adoptadas por Chávez fueron ordenar a los militares existentes que trabajaran con los militares cubanos, con el ejército venezolano y las agencias de inteligencia obligadas a abrir sus bases, archivos y discos duros para sus homólogos cubanos creando una sensación de ser traicionados por Chávez. [51]
El "resentimiento de larga data en el ejército" [ atribución necesaria ] fue articulado públicamente por cuatro oficiales de alto nivel, incluido el general de la Fuerza Aérea Roman Gómez Ruiz, quien llamó a Chávez a "renunciar pacíficamente y asumir la responsabilidad de su fracaso". [47] Chávez respondió declarando traidores a estos oficiales, ordenando su arresto y forzando su renuncia. [47] El Chicago Tribune informó más tarde que aunque el público en general venezolano no lo sabía, la industria petrolera del país se acercaba al final de una desaceleración laboral de seis semanas y el gobierno de Chávez y los ejecutivos petroleros habían acordado que los miembros de una junta petrolera elegidos por Chávez dimitiría. "Pero dirigentes laborales y empresariales, que se habían unido en secreto a militares disidentes en un esfuerzo por derrocar a Chávez, decidieron que había llegado el momento de seguir adelante", sostuvo el diario. [52] "Los intelectuales y profesionales de la clase media que al principio se deleitaron con la charla de Chávez de restaurar el 'honor nacional ' ", observó más tarde Sandra Hernández en The Los Angeles Times , "vieron consternados cómo los partidarios de Chávez formaban ' círculos bolivarianos ', grupos de músculos que intimidaron a los opositores al gobierno con amenazas de daño físico ". Durante el año anterior al golpe, Chávez "esencialmente se burló de sus oponentes", afirmó un consultor político. [47] Muchos opositores a Chávez sintieron que su comportamiento era autodestructivo y que terminaría "perdiendo el poder por medios constitucionales a través de la Corte Suprema o el parlamento". [53] No obstante, según The New York Times , "oficiales militares descontentos se habían estado reuniendo entre ellos y con líderes empresariales durante casi un año para discutir formas de derrocar al Sr. Chávez". [54] Estos oficiales militares "dijeron que elegirían al líder", un oficial [ ¿quién? ] dijo, porque "No querían ser llamados junta militar, pero querían asegurarse de que al menos un militar estuviera en la junta de transición". [54]
Preparativos
Oposición
Los detalles que rodean un posible golpe de Estado se discutieron abiertamente en Venezuela durante meses antes del intento de derrocamiento. [28] "Los rumores de un golpe para derrocar a Chávez", señaló The Miami Herald , "fueron susurrados, si no gritados, durante meses antes de la revuelta". [19] Escribiendo sobre el período previo al golpe, Letta Tayler de Newsweek observó que "[una] de las pocas certezas" al respecto era "que los líderes militares, empresariales, sindicales y cívicos habían estado planeando la caída de Chávez durante casi dos años. años". [20] Según el ex embajador de Estados Unidos en Venezuela , Charles S. Shapiro , Estados Unidos sabía de un posible golpe de Estado desde fines de 2001 y que semanas antes del golpe había intentado disuadir a la organización sindical venezolana de participar, diciendo que Estados Unidos no apoyaría tales acciones y solo aceptaría el cambio de gobierno por vía electoral. [28] En la noche del 11 de abril, con el golpe en pleno apogeo, un golpista, el coronel Julio Rodríguez Salas, dijo a los televidentes que el golpe había sido planeado desde hace mucho tiempo: "Hace nueve meses un movimiento comenzó a organizarse con más firmeza, un movimiento serio, y afortunadamente se ha materializado hoy ". [55]
The Guardian informó que ya el 18 de marzo de 2002 "Chávez decía que tenía conocimiento de un complot" para derrocarlo, y que en los días previos al 11 de abril "la temperatura política se acercaba al punto de ebullición", con los trabajadores petroleros en huelga "en protesta por los nombramientos de Chávez en su directorio" y los medios de comunicación aceleran sus críticas al régimen. [56] El Chicago Tribune informó que había rumores en Caracas "durante semanas" sobre un golpe, con figuras militares como el vicealmirante de la Marina Carlos Molina y el coronel de la Fuerza Aérea Pedro Soto "construyendo apoyo ... en las fuerzas armadas". para un golpe. [52] Hernández afirmó que a principios de abril, "el golpe que se avecinaba ... era un secreto a voces". [57] El 9 de abril, el general retirado Manuel Andara Clavier, uno de los muchos oficiales militares retirados que se oponían a Chávez, supuestamente le dijo: "La mesa está puesta. ... Todo está preparado para que los militares le hagan saber al presidente que puede No empujes a este país a derramar sangre ". [57] Poco antes del intento de golpe de Estado, Alí Rodríguez Araque , un ex guerrillero y aliado de Chávez que entonces se desempeñaba en Viena como Secretario General de la OPEP , supuestamente se enteró de un posible embargo de petróleo contra Estados Unidos por parte de Irak y Libia , debido al apoyo de Estados Unidos a Israel . Más importante aún, escuchó que "Estados Unidos estaba planeando impulsar un golpe de Estado en Venezuela para evitar cualquier amenaza de embargo". [58] La advertencia de Rodríguez Araque llevó a Chávez a declarar que no se uniría a tal embargo ya esconder en secreto varios cientos de soldados en los corredores subterráneos de Miraflores, comandados por José Baduel. [58] [59]
Gobierno
El 7 de abril, el mismo día en que el presidente Chávez despidió a los funcionarios de PDVSA, Chávez se reunió con su gabinete y altos funcionarios militares y comenzó la reunión calificando las acciones de la oposición como "traidoras" y preguntó a los reunidos cómo contrarrestar tales acciones. Pronto surgieron discusiones sobre cómo defender el Palacio de Miraflores . Hubo recomendaciones declarando el estado de emergencia, iniciando la censura de la televisión y declarando la ley marcial. Entonces Chávez comenzó a discutir el Plan Ávila con Manuel Rosendo, jefe del Comando Unificado de la Fuerza Armada Nacional, y cómo implementarlo, aunque el comando militar no lo aceptó. [60]
El Comando Táctico, encabezado por Cilia Flores , Guillermo García Ponce y Freddy Bernal , luego compartió planes de utilizar los Círculos Bolivarianos como fuerza paramilitar para poner fin a las marchas y también defender a Chávez organizándolos en brigadas. Otro plan era que la Guardia Nacional allanara las oficinas de PDVSA en Chuao y ocupara la empresa por la fuerza. También discutieron el lanzamiento de una campaña de propaganda de desinformación en la televisión pública y privada y que los leales al gobierno llenen las carreteras con sus vehículos y luego presenten las imágenes en la televisión como si la gente estuviera ocupada trabajando como cualquier otro día. En otro plan para poner fin a la huelga, Gastón Parra, presidente de PDVSA, sugirió entregar bonificaciones a los empleados de PDVSA que optaron por no participar en la huelga. [60]
En una discusión del 9 de abril entre el ministro de Hacienda, general Francisco Usón, y el general Jacinto Pérez, Pérez creía que la Revolución Bolivariana estaba en crisis y necesitaba "rejuvenecerse". Pérez afirmó entonces que la Revolución Bolivariana necesitaba ser "purificada con sangre", lo que preocupaba a Usón ya que Pérez "tenía la oreja del presidente". [60] Ambas discusiones indignaron a los generales porque creían que el gobierno venezolano estaba proponiendo violencia contra el público y el general Rosendo afirmaba que parecía que "Chávez en realidad quería un enfrentamiento, que había elegido la pelea con PDVSA para precipitar una crisis". . [60] [61]
Huelgas
El 10 de diciembre, la oposición organizó una huelga general de un día, que fue sustancialmente eficaz, aunque las tiendas de los barrios más pobres permanecieron abiertas. Con los periódicos, los lugares de trabajo, las escuelas y la bolsa de valores cerrados, "la oposición estaba extasiada ... [y] ... se convencieron de que el apoyo de Chávez casi se había desvanecido". [ atribución necesaria ] [62] El 5 de abril de 2002, la oposición de PDVSA a Chávez procedió a cerrar la empresa. Miles de empleados de PDVSA anti-Chávez y dos de las cinco principales terminales de exportación quedaron paralizadas. El 6 de abril, la federación sindical Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV) anunció una huelga general de 24 horas para el 9 de abril para apoyar a los manifestantes de PDVSA. A ella se unió al día siguiente la Federación Venezolana de Cámaras de Comercio , encabezada por Pedro Carmona y Fedepetrol, el "mayor sindicato petrolero de cuello azul " del país . [63] Al igual que en la huelga general de diciembre, el grupo empresarial más poderoso del país y la federación sindical más grande actuaron juntos. [64] El 7 de abril, Chávez despidió a siete ejecutivos de PDVSA que habían liderado las protestas y obligó a otros 12 a jubilarse. [64] [65] Las tensiones continuaron aumentando durante marzo y principios de abril. El alcalde de Caracas, Alfredo Peña , exaliado de Chávez, dijo que Chávez estaba poseído por espíritus malignos, y llamó a la Iglesia Católica a realizar un exorcismo . [66]
Días después del despido de jefes de PDVSA, el 9 de abril, la huelga general tuvo un éxito moderado y la producción de petróleo se desaceleró. No se publicaron periódicos y las estaciones de televisión cancelaron la programación y los comerciales regulares para ofrecer una cobertura continua de la huelga, incluidos los propios anuncios anti-Chávez de las propias estaciones. Los organizadores de la huelga la declararon un éxito, lo que el gobierno impugnó, y en un esfuerzo por mostrar su versión de los hechos, ordenaron una serie de "cadenas" (transmisiones obligatorias del gobierno), mostrando la vida cotidiana continua (más de 30 cadenas el 8 y 9 de abril [67] ). En la noche del 9 de abril, la huelga se prolongó por otras 24 horas.
El 10 de abril, la huelga fue menos efectiva, con la reapertura de muchas escuelas y negocios. Al igual que el día anterior, la televisión brindó una cobertura continua y el gobierno intervino con cadenas, pero esta vez las cadenas dividieron la pantalla, mostrando la cadena de un lado y su cobertura de la huelga del otro. En la noche del 10 de abril, Fedecámaras y CTV realizaron una conferencia de prensa televisada en la que anunciaron que la huelga se prolongaría indefinidamente, votaron unánimemente por un "comité coordinador por la democracia y la libertad" para "rescatar" la libertad de Venezuela. [68] La oposición luego convocó a una marcha hacia la sede de PDVSA al día siguiente. [69] En la Asamblea Nacional, las personas cercanas a Chávez declaró que Chávez quería "moderación", aunque si una huelga general ilimitada fuera a ocurrir de la oposición " 'se producirá la violencia no especificado una ' ". [68] El general de brigada Néstor González apareció luego en televisión para exigir la renuncia de Chávez y emitir un ultimátum. La declaración tuvo el efecto deseado de asegurar que Chávez cancelara su viaje planeado a una cumbre del Grupo de Río en Costa Rica: los planes golpistas supuestamente requerían que Chávez estuviera en Venezuela. [70] El mensaje fue grabado en la casa de Napoleón Bravo , presentador de las 24 Horas de Venevisión , según admitió Bravo al aire el 12 de abril, en una conversación con el Contralmirante Molina Tamayo. [71] También el 10 de abril, un borrador de lo que se convertiría en el Decreto Carmona fue presuntamente mostrado al destacado intelectual Jorge Olavarría para comentarios. Olavarría advirtió que violaba las normas democráticas y provocaría una reacción internacional. [72]
11 de abril de marzo
La crisis que desencadenó el golpe se produjo cuando "trabajadores y líderes empresariales", enfurecidos por la "intromisión de Chávez en la petrolera estatal", como lo expresó el Chicago Tribune , se unieron para "convocar a una huelga general que recortara las exportaciones" en apoyo de la huelga trabajadores petroleros. [22] La huelga comenzó, según The Washington Post , "como una protesta gerencial contra la empresa petrolera estatal, pero se convirtió en un amplio esfuerzo apoyado por los grupos empresariales y laborales más grandes del país para expulsar a Chávez del poder". [73] Luego de días de huelgas generales y protestas que involucraron a miles de venezolanos, el 10 de abril se realizó un discurso en la sede de la CTV, donde CTV y Fedecámaras realizaron discursos que involucraron a un General de Brigada denunciando la presunta participación de Chávez con las FARC , y el anuncio de una marcha al día siguiente con posibilidad de huelga indefinida. [74] La marcha del 11 de abril debía comenzar a las 9:00 am, comenzando en el Parque del Este y terminando en la sede de PDVSA. [74]
El 11 de abril, pocas horas antes de que comenzara un operativo para apoderarse de PDVSA por la fuerza, el general Rosendo, conociendo las consecuencias de tal acción, disuadió a Chávez del plan. [75] Más tarde ese día, cientos de miles a millones de venezolanos marcharon hacia la sede de PDVSA ese mismo día en defensa de su junta directiva recientemente destituida. [7] [76] Cantos de "¡Miraflores! ¡Miraflores! ¡Miraflores!" Se pudo escuchar a lo largo de la marcha con los participantes llamando a una marcha hacia el Palacio de Miraflores. [77] Los organizadores de la marcha habían planeado anunciar una decisión "espontánea" de desviar la marcha y "descender al palacio presidencial de Miraflores para obligar al presidente a renunciar". [70] A última hora de la mañana, los oradores del mitin en la sede de PDVSA convocaron una marcha hacia Miraflores, y la multitud aprobó y comenzó la marcha de seis millas. [78] La marcha fue desviada sin consultar a la policía, que legalmente tuvo que aprobar el cambio de ruta. [79] [Se necesita mejor fuente ] El gobierno, al ver cómo se desarrollaban los hechos en la televisión, pidió que se detuviera el avance de los manifestantes para que la posibilidad muy real de un enfrentamiento violento entre los manifestantes y miles de chavistas ya se concentrara allí en el palacio podría evitarse. [80]
"No creo que hubiera ninguna intención de golpe", dijo más tarde a Los Angeles Times Carlos Ortega, presidente de la Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela . [47] Newsday indicó que fueron Ortega y otros líderes de la protesta quienes llamaron a los participantes a marchar hacia Miraflores. "Muchos manifestantes dijeron que pensaban que la convocatoria para proceder a Miraflores fue espontánea", informó Newsday , pero algunos planificadores "dijeron que la idea siempre había sido traer multitudes a Miraflores para exigir la renuncia de Chávez una vez que tuvieran suficiente participación y un compromiso de los militares de que respaldaría su llamado para su destitución ". [20] En el palacio los manifestantes gritaron "¡Fuera Chávez!" [52] El New York Times citó a Ortega gritando: "¡Fuera Chávez! ... ¡No te queremos! ¡Te rechazamos!" [81] Poco después de la llegada de los manifestantes a Miraflores, Chávez emitió un llamado a la calma en la televisión nacional. Según un artículo de opinión de Sandra Hernández, la televisión de oposición transmitió imágenes de manifestantes anti-Chávez fuera del palacio siendo golpeados por tropas. [57]
Hernández escribió que el 11 de abril, estaba entrevistando al general Guaicaipuro Lameda, quien había renunciado en febrero como presidente de la petrolera estatal venezolana "para protestar contra el estilo de gestión autocrático de Chávez", cuando un asistente la interrumpió para decirle que tenía que atender una llamada. de un miembro de la familia. Cuando Lameda colgó, le dijo a Hernández que la llamada "era de un oficial que estaba presente cuando se emitió la orden de enviar a la policía de inteligencia militar tras él". Lameda asumió que venía la policía "para evitar que apareciera en televisión más tarde ese día, cuando planeaba apelar a los militares para que eligieran bando en las crecientes tensiones entre los partidarios de Chávez y sus oponentes". Lameda no estaba llamando a un golpe, dijo, aunque él y otros opositores de Chávez esperaban que las manifestaciones anti-Chávez crecieran tanto que Chávez tendría que tomar medidas enérgicas, tras lo cual los militares se enfrentarían a la decisión de hacer cumplir su ley. pedidos o no. [57]
Confrontación Miraflores
Cerca de Miraflores, una línea de la policía y la Guardia Nacional detuvo a los manifestantes por un tiempo, antes de que los manifestantes siguieran adelante liderados por la Policía Metropolitana en motocicletas. [82] Chavistas pertenecientes a Círculos Bolivarianos, algunos con entrenamiento militar en Cuba, también estaban apostados fuera de Miraflores. Los Círculos se habían colocado fuera del palacio durante la semana durante los disturbios. [83] Los funcionarios del gobierno utilizaron las horas que le tomó a la marcha viajar 5 millas hasta el palacio para llamar a los leales a reunirse en Miraflores, y el diputado de la Asamblea Nacional, Juan Barreto, les dijo a los leales a través de los medios que cubrían la situación: "¡La llamada es a Miraflores! ¡Todos a Miraflores para defender tu revolución! ¡No los dejes pasar! " [83] Algunos partidarios del gobierno que luego comenzaron a reunirse estaban armados con cócteles Molotov , piedras, palos, cadenas, bates de béisbol y tubos de metal y fueron ignorados por la Guardia Nacional venezolana estacionada para defender a Chávez. [84] Según el general Rosendo, el ministro de Defensa, José Vicente Rangel, ordenó a Freddy Bernal preparar los Círculos Bolivarianos para atacar la manifestación opositora. [85]
Presidente Hugo Chávez [75]
Aproximadamente a las 12:00 pm, Chávez sabía que la marcha estaba en camino y creía que estaba a punto de intentarse un golpe de Estado, por lo que pidió la implementación de un plan militar para ocupar lugares clave en la ciudad, Plan Ávila , el plan utilizado por primera vez por Carlos. Andrés Pérez durante el Caracazo que resultó en la matanza de cientos y posiblemente miles de venezolanos. [9] [86] [87] Esto causó malestar entre algunos militares, ya que sabían que Chávez estaba violando la constitución que ayudó a crear al ordenar al Alto Mando que los militares controlaran a los civiles. [9]
A las 12:30 pm, miles de simpatizantes del gobierno se reunieron alrededor del palacio bloqueando todas las rutas a Miraflores excepto el Paso Elevado Llaguno , que era donde los Círculos Bolivarianos se habían reunido para vigilar la ruta. [9] Cuando la marcha dobló una esquina y comenzó a acercarse a Miraflores alrededor de las 2:00 pm, la Guardia Nacional disparó alrededor de 12 botes de gas lacrimógeno desde detrás de los muros del palacio y los manifestantes huyeron por la carretera. [82] [88] A medida que más manifestantes avanzaban hacia Miraflores, los líderes de la protesta, Guaicaipuro Lameda y el contralmirante Molina Tamayo, "seguían pidiéndoles que avanzaran para un asalto directo al palacio a unos doscientos metros de distancia" e instaron que la multitud avanzara a través del gas lacrimógeno unos 20 minutos después del enfrentamiento inicial. [88] Los manifestantes se acercaron a Miraflores y la Guardia Presidencial respondió con más gases lacrimógenos, unas 20 latas de gas provocando el pánico y la dispersión de los manifestantes a los alrededores del palacio. [82] Aproximadamente a las 2:30 pm, los manifestantes de la oposición comenzaron a arrojar objetos a la Guardia Nacional ya los chavistas a una cuadra de distancia; algunos fueron rechazados y la oposición y los chavistas intercambiaron insultos. [ cita requerida ]
Dado que otras rutas fueron bloqueadas por la Guardia Nacional, muchos manifestantes comenzaron a bajar por la Avenida Baralt para llegar a Miraflores. [89] En la avenida Baralt, cerca del paso elevado Llaguno, mientras la marcha se acercaba, cientos de partidarios de Chávez se reunieron y comenzaron a arrojar grandes piedras, cócteles molotov e incluso gases lacrimógenos a los manifestantes. [89] [90] [91] Mientras los manifestantes y los chavistas se enfrentaban, la Policía Metropolitana intentó separar a ambos lados de una confrontación posterior con dos camiones con cañones de agua. [89] Las motocicletas de la policía empujaron a la oposición hacia los chavistas, y cuando un tanque de la policía giró hacia la calle principal, estalló un tiroteo poco después de las 3:00 pm. [82] [88] Para entonces, Lameda, Molina Tamayo, Carmona y el líder de la CTV Carlos Ortega ya habían abandonado la zona. [92]
Unos minutos después de la transmisión de Chávez a las 3:45 pm, volvieron a estallar los disparos y la marcha comenzó a dispersarse levemente. [93] A medida que los manifestantes se acercaban al paso elevado de Llaguno, pudieron ver a chavistas fuertemente armados, algunos con pistolas. [93] La policía comenzó a dispersar a los pistoleros chavistas respondiendo al fuego y pocos manifestantes comenzaron a seguirlos con tintineos de disparos en los vehículos blindados de la policía, aunque los manifestantes huyeron poco después a medida que aumentaba la violencia. [93] Solo cuando Chávez salió de la transmisión supo el alcance de la violencia. [94] Según el personal médico del Hospital Vargas, los primeros en llegar al hospital fueron los manifestantes de la oposición. [95] Según los cirujanos, los manifestantes habían recibido disparos en la espalda con armas de fuego mientras huían y otros resultaron gravemente heridos por proyectiles militares de la OTAN de 7,62 × 51 mm de fusiles Fal , equipo estándar de la Guardia Nacional que defiende a Chávez. [95] Más tarde, después de que la policía respondió al tiroteo a favor de Chávez, los partidarios de Chávez comenzaron a ser vistos heridos en los hospitales. [95] Como resultado de los enfrentamientos, entre 17 y 19 resultaron muertos [50] [96] y alrededor de 60 heridos, [97] la mayoría asesinados entre las 15:20 y las 15:55 horas. [96]
Golpe
Plan Ávila and military insubordination
Immediately after Chávez finished his broadcast at 5:25pm he changed into his military fatigues and grabbed his rifle and pistol worrying about rebels entering the palace.[51] Chávez believed that the best way to stay in power was to implement Plan Ávila, a constitutionally banned military contingency plan that was created to maintain public order in Caracas that left hundreds to thousands of Venezuelans dead during the Caracazo.[51] Since General Rosendo would not comply earlier in the day with Chávez's order to implement Plan Ávila, Chávez went directly to General Jorge García Carneiro, one of his most trusted generals and ordered him to go through with it.[51] "The killings at the anti-Chávez demonstration rocked the country", The New York Times reported on 20 April, "reviving memories of the violent events in 1989, known as the Caracazo, in which hundreds were killed by government forces. Venezuelans across the political spectrum swore that such violence would never take place again."[54] Five minutes after Chávez's broadcast finished, Lameda and Molina Tamayo went on the air at Venevisión, where many opposition leaders had gathered, and, blaming Chávez for the violence, urged the armed forces to intervene.[92]
Shortly after 6:00pm, word spread at Fort Tiuna that Chávez-loyalist General Carneiro was still seeking to implement Plan Ávila.[51] Head of the army General Efraín Vásquez Velasco was meeting at the Army School with other officers concerned about Chávez's use of violence when Chávez ordered General Carneiro, one of Vásquez Velasco's subordinates, to go ahead with Plan Ávila.[51] Vásquez Velasco, who founded the Office of Human Rights of the Venezuelan Army, knew that if the plan were implemented that he would be blamed since he was the head of the army.[51] Soon after, General Vásquez Velasco learned that General Carneiro did not comply with his orders and was sending about 20 tanks to Miraflores to support Chávez.[51] Vásquez Velasco called the tank commander ordering him to return with the commander complying with the general.[51] General Vásquez Velasco then ordered a nationwide military lockdown with military movements requiring written documentation and approval, a move by Vásquez Velasco that was to prevent troops loyal to Chávez from suppressing the march and would also deter rebellious attacks from the military against Chávez.[51] Vásquez Velasco then ordered the Chávez-loyalist General Carneiro be arrested before he could arrest the other officers under Chávez's orders, but Carneiro complied with Vásquez Velasco.[51]
At 6:30, leaders of business and labor pulled their support from Chávez and by 6:45 pm, "Navy Chief of Staff Vice Adm. Hector Ramirez Perez and nine other generals and admirals who had been talking since July about pressuring Chávez into changing his ways decided to rebel and go public", according to The Miami Herald.[23][51][98] "Even many military officers who were neutral in their feelings about Chávez were persuaded to turn against the president after Thursday's massacre", The Chicago Tribune later reported. "Soon press conferences flooded the airwaves as dozens of officers, more than 50 in all, denounced the president."[22]
At around 7:30 pm, Venevisión began broadcasting its version of events that afternoon, showing the Chavistas firing from Puente Llaguno, juxtaposed with footage of dead or wounded protesters, and accusing the Chavistas of shooting unarmed opposition protestors and of having planned an ambush.[99] This showed General Vásquez Velasco and other generals that Chávez had ordered the Bolivarian Circles to attack opposition marchers.[51] The military officers, including General Raúl Baduel, a founder of Chávez's MBR-200, then decided that they had to pull support from Chávez to deter another massacre[51] and shortly after at 8:00 pm, Vásquez Velasco, together with other ranking army officers, declared that Chávez had lost his support.[100] This was followed by heads of the Venezuelan Air Force and Navy, with Chávez then losing power of the military.[51] By 8:30 pm, Luis Miquilena, Chávez's mentor and a respected individual among his government being described as "the most important civilian who supported the Chávez government" pulled his support from Chávez stating, "I solemnly declare that it is very difficult that a government of this nature could ever count on the possibility of help on my part ... (the government) had ended up stained in blood".[101] Following this, Chávez had also lost the support of the legislative and judicials branches who supported Miquilena.[101]
Infuriated by the slaughter but "reluctant to stage an outright coup", according to The New York Times, a group of military officers who called themselves the "Movement for the Integrity and Dignity of the National Armed Forces" demanded on Thursday evening that Chávez resign.[54] In a statement, they declared that they had no longer had "recognition" of Chávez, whom they accused of "betraying the trust of the people" and held responsible for the deaths of peaceful protesters. The statement was read at a press conference by Vice Adm. Hector Ramirez Perez, chief of staff of the Venezuelan Navy and chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, and signed by a number of other officers, including 10 senior officers of the Army, Navy, Air Force and National Guard,[102] later described by The New York Times as occupying "largely administrative posts". Other signatories included the heads of the paramilitary National Guard and "several midlevel commanders based in the capital". Perhaps the most prominent member of this group was Gen. Efrain Vásquez, Commander in Chief of the Army,[54] who said, "Mr. President, I was loyal to the end, but today's deaths cannot be tolerated."[81] He also told reporters that no coup had been planned before 11 April but that the massacre had been "too much and we had to move". Navy Vice Admiral Hector Rafael Ramirez agreed, saying, "We cannot allow a tyrant to run the Republic of Venezuela."[81]
Chávez sought to get out his version of the events, but struggled to do so. Venezuelan television refused to interview any government officials, and the government was left with broadcasts from Miraflores via the state-run Channel 8 (Venezolana de Televisión, VTV). By 10 pm this too was gone, as police loyal to Miranda governor Enrique Mendoza took it over, its employees putting on an old nature documentary before leaving.[103] Shortly before the takeover, Mendoza had said "this channel 8 crap needs to stop".[104]
At 10:20 pm National Guard general Alberto Camacho Kairuz declared on television that Chávez had "abandoned" his office. This was not the case; Chávez was in Miraflores, contacting ambassadors from a range of countries to keep them informed and seek their help as mediators.[105] Around this time, Chávez contemplated about committing suicide.[28] Near midnight, Fidel Castro called, and urged him not to kill himself and to turn himself in to the military, with José Vicente Rangel later stating that "the call from Fidel was decisive so that there was no self-immolation. It was the determinant factor. His advice allowed us to see better in the darkness."[105][28]
Chávez's detention
In the early hours of 12 April, many demanded Chávez's resignation. With the loss of "almost all ... military force on hand in order to resist or move to another place",[106] Chávez said that he would consider it to avoid a potential bloodbath if there were disturbances involving the crowds outside Miraflores.[107] However, he declared that four conditions would have to be met, including that he be allowed to resign before the National Assembly, with power passing constitutionally to the Vice President prior to new elections, he and his family could go to Cuba and that he would be able to address the nation live on television.[106][107] But Vásquez and others would not agree to these conditions and dispatched two generals to arrest Chávez. At 3 a.m., with the coup plotters threatening to bomb the Miraflores palace if Chávez did not resign, Chávez phoned the head of the armed forces, General-in-Chief Lucas Rincón saying that he would do so; he in turn told him that the military leadership was divided on whether to oust him or not.[52] Within twenty minutes Rincon had announced on television that Chávez had been asked for his resignation, and had accepted.[108] A few minutes later, Chávez was told that the four conditions he had declared would no longer be accepted, and Chávez declared that he would surrender himself to the coup plotters as "president prisoner".[109] Chávez later said that he told Rincón during their telephone call that he would "abandon" the presidency, after which he "left the palace to negotiate the terms under which he would do so",[47] saying, "I am ready to go, but I demand respect for the constitution."[110]
At Miraflores, according to The Los Angeles Times, Chávez dispatched Rincón, his military chief of staff, to meet with the military officers at Fuerte Tiuna who were calling for him to step down. Rincón called Chávez from Fuerte Tiuna to say that the officers were "fighting among themselves" and insisting on his resignation.[47] As The Chicago Tribune put it, "top military commanders", unable to countenance "the spectacle of a president making war on his own people", demanded that Chávez step down. Faced with this demand, Chávez "started working the phones" and also summoned a clergyman, Monsignor Baltazar Porras, to discuss "prayer and forgiveness", his purpose being "maybe as much to search his soul as to search for a way out of the crisis".[52] Porras, whom Chávez had once reviled as one of the church's "devils in skirts", said that Chávez had "personally asked me for forgiveness for everything he had said about me".[23]
General Vásquez ordered several generals to go to Miraflores and arrest Chávez.[23] Meanwhile, according to Newsday, "cabinet members and honor guards sat glumly in the hallway outside ... Chávez's suite", awaiting news. Shortly after midnight, Environment Minister Maria Elisa Osorio said, "The president is being forced to leave. There's a coup."[20] Faced with his officers' demand, Chávez refused to resign but agreed to "abandon his functions", a procedure that is provided for by Venezuelan law but that would need to be ratified by the National Assembly.[54] There followed "hours of negotiations" in which the "key figure" was Armed Forces Commander Gen. Lucas Rincón Romero, who did not make clear at any point during the crisis where his loyalties lay. Early Friday morning, Rincón told the public, incorrectly, that Chávez had resigned. An hour and a half later, Carmona was named president of what was meant to be a transitional government.[54]
On Friday morning a "heavily guarded caravan" took Chávez, who was "wearing his trademark fatigues and red beret", from Miraflores to the army base at Fort Tiuna.[22] At the base, Chávez was forced to take off the uniform and beret and dress in civilian garb. (The Miami Herald noted that armed-forces officers had long been irked by his habit of wearing a military uniform during his presidency.).[23] Here he met with representatives of the Roman Catholic Church. "By midmorning on Friday", reported the Times, Chávez "looked to be finished". The military later maintained, according to The Guardian, "that the civil unrest forced them to ask Chávez for his resignation, which he gave verbally, asking to be flown to Cuba".[47] The Cuban government was trying to arrange for him to go into exile in Cuba.[54] Chávez's request to be allowed to go into exile in Cuba was soon rejected, however. Army General Roman Fuemayor said: "He has to be held accountable to his country."[111] Meanwhile, according to the Miami Herald, "Bernal, Vice President Diosdado Cabello and several other Chávez cabinet members were reported to be trying to win political asylum in foreign embassies, including those of Chile, Cuba, Iraq and Libya."[23] Police, alert to reports that Chávez supporters in the Caracas slums were distributing weapons, began searching for guns in homes.[112] Meanwhile, Rincón, "in full uniform", had announced on national television at about 2 a.m. that the president had resigned.[47] Rincón denied that a coup was underway.
Instead, Chávez would be taken to La Orchila, a military base off the coast of Venezuela, until rebel leaders could decide Chávez's fate. Whilst being held at Fort Tiuna, Chávez had access to television and saw the rolling television claims of his resignation, and became concerned that he would be killed (and the death made to look like suicide) in order to keep the narrative clear.[113] He was able to get word out that he had not in fact resigned, via a telephone call to his daughter, who, via switchboard operators at Miraflores still loyal to Chávez, was able to speak first to Fidel Castro and then to Cuban television.[114]
After two young female military prosecutors interviewed Chávez at Fort Tiuna on Friday morning about 11 April massacre. Chávez later described the young women as "valiant".[110] In an interview with the two women from the military's legal department, Chávez reiterated that he had not resigned, and they faxed a copy of his statement to the Attorney General, Isaias Rodriguez. To make the news public on Venezuelan media, Rodriguez called a press conference, supposedly to announce his own resignation. Instead, on 12 April at 2 pm, he announced live on television that Chávez had never quit, and was being held illegally. Most of his statement was cut off, with Venezuelan networks returning to the studios.[115] In the evening, Chávez was flown to the remote naval base of Turiamo, near Puerto Cabello, where he considered the risk of his own murder/assassination. According to Chávez, at one point an officer declared to another, "If you kill the president here we'll all kill one another."[116] On 13 April, with the critical support of top military officer Raúl Baduel,[117][118] and with Chávez supporters having retaken Miraflores and the soldiers holding him now calling him "President", Chávez wrote a note from his captivity in Turiamo stating specifically that he had not resigned.[119]
Early on Friday, Carmona was sworn in as interim president.[52]
Carmona's interim presidency
Businessman Pedro Carmona Estanga, president of Fedecámaras, was installed as interim President after Chávez's detention. Carmona, described by The Miami Herald as "president for a day" told the newspaper that his acceptance of that position was, in the Herald's paraphrase, "as a spontaneous act of bravery, not the result of a monthslong conspiracy". "I was not involved in any conspiracy", Carmona said. "I cannot accept any conjecture or soap operas. I categorically deny it."[19]
The Chicago Tribune said Carmona was "a buttoned-down businessman and economist who has degrees from Caracas' Andres Bello Catholic University and the University of Brussels" and who "has an international reputation, having represented Venezuelan commercial and diplomatic missions abroad".[120] Describing Carmona as "a bookish economist" who had worked with the Foreign Ministry and "run a variety of trade associations", The Washington Post said that one reason he was chosen as interim president "was that he was one of the few people who didn't want the job". One condition imposed by the coup-makers was that the interim president would not be able to run for president in elections several months later, and those who really wanted the long-term position therefore took themselves out of the running for the interim post.[121] Invited to be president by those who had deposed Chávez, Carmona had become nationally prominent as the leading figure in the previous December's general strike.[121] The Miami Herald reported that even Chávez had described Carmona as "straightforward and low-key – until schemers manipulated him".[19]
According to Venezuelan political analysts, Carmona was always a "moderate" and "conciliatory" figure, but in the years before the 2002 coup he "became more aggressive as Chávez did". Margarita Lopez Maya of the University of Central Venezuela said that as Carmona rose through the ranks of Fedecámaras, "he became more aggravated, a situation which got worse because the government was provoking everyone".[19] Upon Carmona's taking office, Juan Calvo, a Venezuelan businessman, said, "He always surrounds himself with capable people, and I'm sure that's what he will do now."[120] Upon being sworn in, Carmona told supporters that "We must go about returning to the rule of law ... Strongman rule will be left behind. I will act in the most open manner, working with all sectors of the country."[122] He also said that he required plenty of support "to obtain the conditions required to rebuild confidence in the country and improve its international image". In addition, he vowed that "justice would be done" for the survivors of those who had been massacred.[112] Shortly after police confiscated scores of weapons from several Bolivarian Circles, including from a group at the Ministries of Health and Environment that was near Miraflores.[23]
One of the immediate changes Carmona made after his inauguration was to change his country's official name back to the Republic of Venezuela from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the name established by the 1999 Constitution.[123] News of this change was greeted with loud cheers from coup supporters at Miraflores.[122] Edgar Paredes, interim head of Petróleos de Venezuela, announced that Venezuela would no longer be selling oil to Cuba.[23] Moreover, Carmona's government repealed the 49 laws passed the previous November that business leaders considered damaging to the economy.[123] Meanwhile, pro-Chávez officers in the military were being removed from their positions or assigned to remote locations.[23]
Carmona then issued a decree, which came to be known as the Carmona Decree, dissolving the National Assembly and Supreme Court that were filled with Chávez supporters,[123] and voiding the 1999 Constitution.[124] The decree declared that new elections for a "National Legislative Power" would take place no later than December 2002, and that this would draft a general reform of the 1999 constitution; new "general national elections" would take place within a year of the decree's declaration.[125] The decree also suspended the Attorney General, Controller General, state governors and all mayors elected during Chávez's administration.[126][127] He also suspended the power of other branches of government and dismissed Chávez appointees while forming a new council, most of whose 25 members were Chávez opponents.[23] As one academic and Chávez supporter,[128] Barry Cannon later put it, "all institutions were abolished leaving the country effectively without the rule of law."[129] Carmona also reinstalled Guaicaipuro Lameda as head of PDVSA. PDVSA management swiftly announced the end of oil exports to Cuba, and declared that it would step up production, implying an end to cooperation with OPEC.[130]
The removal of such officials was controversial, with one member of the anti-Chávez coalition stating that "In hindsight, it was the most idiotic thing that could have been done, ... But we had just come out of an ambush and we were venting our distaste for the people who occupied those positions, so everyone applauded the dissolution."[54] "The way the provisional government abandoned the constitution produced a very strong reaction – it was a big mistake" said Congressman Felipe Mujica, member of a socialist party that had broken with Chávez but been excluded from the new government. "That, and the way they were pursuing his political allies, arresting them, created the impression that this was not the right way."[131] Such actions fragmented the broad anti-Chávez coalition which had supported the coup, with many viewing it as "the triumph of a small oligarchic elite".[124] "Carmona was really placed in a trap" Anibal Romero, a Venezuelan political science professor, told The Los Angeles Times. "He couldn't leave the National Assembly in power and govern the country, because it was full of Chávez supporters. But if he dissolved it, he would be declared anti-democratic."[47] Another mistake was that, although he had spent months working closely with labour leader Carlos Ortega, he appointed no labor leaders to his cabinet.[54][124][132]
Carmona's appointment to cabinet positions of members of Opus Dei, the Catholic organization,[47] and of members of what The New York Times called "a discredited conservative party" concerned many democratic members of the anti-Chávez coalition, and made many of them feel "they were being aced out of power by Carmona" reported the Times.[54] The military members of the coalition were also displeased that Carmona did not consult them on military appointments.[110] Carmona also named two naval officers, but no army officers, to the cabinet, bypassing Vásquez and instead naming Adm. Hector Ramirez Perez as Minister of Defense.[54] "The army would never accept a navy officer in that job" Ret. Vice Adm. Mario Ivan Carratu later said. "It has always been that way."[131] When he named Gen. Rafael Damina Bustillo to be head of the National Guard, Gen. Vásquez insisted angrily: "The officers who are with me ... will remain here."[110] By midday Saturday, as The Washington Post later reported, "key military leaders were growing concerned" about many of Carmona's actions, unconstitutional and otherwise.[131] "[I]n style and substance", the Post noted, "the new government quickly alienated civil groups and key elements of the armed forces, which are proud of a history of support for Venezuelan democracy."[131]
It was also reported that there was considerable competition within the coalition. "There were many more people with aspirations than space to accommodate them, and they all seemed ready to jump ship when they felt they were being excluded" said Janet Kelly, a Veneuelan political commentator.[54] Columnist Patricia Poleo of the Caracas newspaper El Nuevo Pais joined several government officials when she later suggested that during Carmona's tenure, Isaac Perez Recao, a member of a family that owned a controlling stake in a firm called Venoco, a subsidiary of which Carmona ran, had allegedly been a key financier of the coup and had been pulling strings behind the scenes.[47] "He immediately surrounded himself with people who invoked fear in Venezuela" complained one official[who?] about Cormona. "Obviously, this coup was very poorly coordinated. It caught the democratic opposition by surprise."[53] The Miami Herald reported that "moderate politicians complained that Carmona, a centrist businessman, had been 'hijacked' by rightists".[133]
Speaking afterward about his one-day presidency, Carmona told The Miami Herald that he had been "misunderstood because ... the opposition wasted too much time forming a cabinet and naming the high military command", whereas if the coup had "been hatched in advance, those key decisions would have already been made". He regretted not stressing his plan to appoint "a 35-member representative council to help him run the nation" and to hold assembly elections in 90 days and a presidential election (in which he would not run) in December. He said he had suspended the assembly "because the new government would never have accomplished its goals with a congress so stacked to favor one party". He also denied any link to Carlos Andrés Pérez. "There is no connection between me and him", Carmona said. "I did not receive one cent from him. I am not manipulated."[19] "There was no rebellion or coup" Carmona told The New York Times after the counter-coup. "There was simply a vacuum of power that came about after the military announced the resignation of the president." Carmona said he had accepted the interim presidency because he was told by military officers that Chávez had resigned. "I was called by them to fill that role", he said. "I was called by officers and others to take over. And I had the courage to take that step."[134] He told The Guardian that he took "full responsibility" for the actions he made, emphasizing that "there was no premeditation, no conspiracy" behind the coup and his elevation to the presidency. He said that after the 11 April march on Miraflores, he had been phoned by someone (whom he would not name) who said that Chávez had quit and offered him the presidency. "Everything happened so fast that mistakes were made", Carmona said. "If I could go back in time, I would have had a triumvirate, the power would have been shared – but everything was so quick." When asked if he had been "used by the military", he replied: "There might have been people who used me, you never know what is going on underground", but he insisted that he "acted purely in the higher interests of the country".[56] One Western diplomat told The Miami Herald that during Carmona's brief presidency "everybody was saying what a great guy he was, professional, straight, ethical" but that after his ouster "everyone is pointing fingers at him for being a dope". Carmona himself told the Herald that he would remain a "civic activist" but would leave politics: "I have never been a politician; that is not my world", Carmona said. "As for Venezuela, we will continue the struggle."[19]
In addition to Carmona's errors, his coalition partners made several missteps. The first was to refuse to let Chávez leave the country, as he asked, and in return for which he promised, on Thursday, to officially resign. This request was not honored because hard-line members of the coalition wanted to prosecute Chávez for the killings outside Miraflores. It was Chávez's refusal to resign – he described himself as "a prisoner president" – that ultimately split the anti-Chávez coalition.[47] Also, the coup-makers were criticized for raiding the homes of some Chávez supporters, including Tarek William Saab, chairman of the congressional Foreign Relations Committee, and Ramón Rodríguez Chacín, Minister of the Interior and Justice.[54]
Pro-Chávez protests and restoration
Prompted by the spreading news that Chávez had not resigned, Carmona's installation as president generated an uprising by Bolivarian Circles in support of Chávez that was suppressed by the Metropolitan Police.[5] It also led to a demonstration outside the Presidential Palace by hundreds of thousands of people.[citation needed] According to one commentator, "it was the poor from the peripheral barrios who returned Chávez to power."[17] With the palace surrounded by protestors, and with several hundred paratroopers still ensconced beneath the palace, their commander, José Baduel, telephoned Carmona to tell him that he too was as much a hostage as Chávez was, and gave him an ultimatum that he return Chávez alive within 24 hours.[18] Meanwhile, General Raúl Baduel, who headed Chávez's old paratrooper division in Maracay, had been trying unsuccessfully to make public his opposition to Carmona; however, Venezuelan media refused to interview him.[135] Baduel contacted the head of the Presidential Guard, which remained loyal to Chávez, and told him "it's now or never". Late in the morning of 13 April the Presidential Guard entered the palace from their barracks via tunnels, and retook the palace; many of the coup plotters escaped.[135] Since Chávez was being held in a secret location, the presidency was assumed for several hours by Vice President Diosdado Cabello until Chávez was reinstated.
After the retaking of Miraflores, the military coup plotters held a meeting in Fort Tiuna, and drafted a statement recognizing Carmona as president, but demanding the restoration of the country's democratic institutions. In the confusion of the meeting, Chávez ally Jorge García Carneiro crossed out the section recognising Carmona; and it was in this form that the statement was read to CNN (since no Venezuelan media would broadcast it).[136] After the coup, Carmona was placed under house arrest, but was able to gain asylum in the Colombian embassy after an anti-Chávez protest drew away his security detail.[18]
Whilst Chávez was temporarily removed from office, the Caracas Stock Exchange saw liquid stocks reach record levels, with the index growing nearly 1000 points in a single trading session. When it became clear the coup had failed, the index fell again.[137]
Media role
With the increasing disapproval of Chávez in 2001 and constant confrontations with him, the Venezuelan media, which initially approved and supported Chávez, turned against him, which then accelerated his loss of popularity.[3] The constantly growing interruptions Chávez's government made on television with their cadenas that they saw as "an overt attempt to block the independent news coverage of the strike", media organizations agreed on 9 April to create a split screen effect for cadenas that did not involve the president, only allowing full coverage for the president out of courtesy for him.[138] A few hours after the meeting, the first split screen cadena coverage occurred while covering a speech by the labor minister.[138] The media organizations also felt pressure from the government since DISIP and National Guard units were seen and posted near their communication towers, planning to cut transmissions of the media.[138]
At a 10 April meeting involving media representatives, Vice President Diosdado Cabello and Minister of Defense Rangel, the Venezuelan government blamed the media for the anti-government demonstrations, with Cabello stating the media would be "responsible for the blood that will be shed"; Globovision's president rejected this, saying the Venezuelan government had called on Chávez supporters to confront opposition marches near Miraflores.[36] The use of the split screen for the cadena had also been criticized by Rangel though the media owners said that the effect would continue to be implemented.[138]
On 11 April, the anti-government march, the message "remove Chávez", and the call to redirect the march to the presidential palace in Miraflores, were "widely announced, promoted, and covered by privately owned television channels, and whose explicit support for the opposition became evident."[139] At the beginning of the coup, Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), the state television channel, had its workers leave in droves, fearing for their lives since they believed they were targets like in the bloody takeover during the 1992 coup led by Chávez.[138] Then opposition-controlled police allegedly shut down VTV whilst police efforts were made to shut down community radio and television stations.[140] As a result, the news that Chávez had not in fact resigned was largely kept out of the Venezuelan media, and spread by word of mouth;[140] only one Catholic radio network continued to broadcast the developing news.[139] Chávez was able to get word out that he had not in fact resigned, via a telephone call to his daughter, who, via switchboard operators at Miraflores still loyal to Chávez, was able to speak first to Fidel Castro and then to Cuban television.[114] The Attorney-General attempted to make public Chávez's non-resignation via a live press conference supposedly to announce his own resignation; most of his statement was cut off, with Venezuelan networks returning to the studios.[115]
At 3:45 pm Chávez called for another cadena, though it was possibly prerecorded in order to distract Venezuelans since government officials reported that Chávez was speaking to them during the broadcast.[141] Broadcasting from an underground location in the palace grounds, Chávez appeared unaware of the violence that was occurring outside and "disconnected from reality", speaking for ninety minutes on the successes of his administration and calling for peace. With the networks concerned that history was in the making and that Chávez was attempting to block a government massacre, half an hour into the cadena the networks decided to split the screen again, showing the violence outside the palace, with the audio from the cadena appearing disrupted.[94][138] The video also appeared pre-recorded when Chávez called for the networks to be disconnected due to actions performed on 9 April and not the present day.[138] Shortly after Chávez ordered the networks taken off the air, they were disconnected, with Chávez saying that networks are licensed by the state, but "they can't use that right to attack the state itself, to instigate violence, or, knowing there is an insurrectional plan, support it..."[94] However, a single engineer tricked DISIP and National Guard members into thinking he cut all transmission, though the networks continued to broadcast via satellite to cable, satellite and through other outlets.[94][138]
Controversially, private television stations were able to share a video of pro-government chavistas allegedly firing at protesters. Although who was responsible for the deaths remains unclear (see below), and that video evidence later emerged indicated that the gunmen were possibly firing back at police in self-defense, the media aired the footage "non-stop" as part of an anti-Chávez campaign.[30] The footage served as a "bombshell" that triggered greater military participation in the coup.[2] A steady stream of ads asked Venezuelans to participate in the insurrection.[30] RCTV had also sent its reporters to quiet parts of town for "live shots of tranquility" and allegedly ignored the events.[139]
On 13 April, the media met with Carmona at Miraflores and denounced his decision to dissolve the National Assembly and arrest supporters of Chávez.[36][142] Such opposition to Carmona's moves resulted in his Minister of Defense, Admiral Hector Ramirez Perez, stating that the media was "opposed" to Carmona's interim government.[36] Carmona's Minister of Defense also called on the media to stop reporting the violence so it would not provoke more violent actions.[36] The head of Globovision reportedly called to CNN in Atlanta "to request the U.S. network join the blackout."[142] Venezuelan television media failed to broadcast news of Chávez supporters retaking of the Miraflores palace; the four major television networks stopped providing news reports altogether.[139] The St. Petersburg Times reported that "RCTV was showing Walt Disney cartoons. Venevisión ran a daylong marathon of Hollywood movies: Lorenzo's Oil, Nell and Pretty Woman. Another station, Televen, told its viewers 'to stay indoors,' treating them to baseball and soap operas. Globovisión, the country's top 24-hour news station and CNN affiliate, spent much of the day rebroadcasting upbeat footage of Chávez's ouster. An announcer repeatedly cautioned viewers, 'We are living in times of political change'" while also urging viewers to remain "prudent" and not to spread "false alarms" or "rumors". According to the media, such actions were performed for safety reasons since there were threats against the media organizations.[142] Two of the three major newspapers El Universal and El Nacional cancelled their Sunday editions, for safety reasons.[139] The third major newspaper, Últimas Noticias, printed a limited Sunday edition accurately reflecting events; some tabloids and regional television stations also covered the news.[139] Chávez supporters on 13 April were also creating an intimidating atmosphere, attacking the offices of RCTV, breaking windows and shouting "The palace is in our hands, why aren't you showing that?"[142] When CNN announced the rebellion against the coup of a key military division in Maracay (commanded by General Raúl Baduel), "CNN expressed amazement that the press were saying nothing."[31] After Chávez loyalist forces had re-taken Miraflores, the military coup plotters drafted a statement demanding the restoration of democracy; it had to be read to CNN studios since no Venezuelan media would broadcast it.[136] Only by 8 o'clock on 13 April was the reinstalled government able to inform the people of the situation, via state television channels. On 18 April, Globovision president Alberto Ravell "asked for forgiveness 'from any viewer who feels we failed them that day'", further stating that "Sacrificing our credibility ... and freedom of expression, we decided not to broadcast images of violence and looting.".[142]
Secuelas
By the time the Organization of American States' (OAS) Permanent Council met on 13 April, the coup was effectively over, and on 14 April the United States joined with other OAS members in condemning the coup and sending the OAS Secretary General on a fact-finding and diplomatic mission.[143] The OAS subsequently established a "mesa" dialogue process, as it had in Peru following the May 2000 elections. At Chávez's request, the Carter Center and UNDP were also involved.[144] In order to facilitate participation in this process, the anti-Chávez opposition created the Coordinadora Democrática (CD).[145] However, the Coordinadora Democrática continued to pursue non-electoral means to overthrow the government, and was involved in organising the Venezuelan general strike of 2002–03. After the February 2003 collapse of that strike, the CD was much more willing to engage with the mesa process, and pushed for a binding recall referendum under Article 72 of the Constitution of Venezuela, which was ultimately agreed on 23 May 2003.[144][146] Ultimately the CD rejected the outcome of the 2004 Venezuelan recall referendum, which saw 59% of the vote for Chávez, despite the OAS and Carter Center's authentication of the result.[144]
Reactions
Domestic
Early on the morning after the coup, opponents of Chávez filled the streets of Caracas, "honking horns and waving the gold, blue and red of the Venezuelan flag", according to The New York Times. A headline in El Universal read "It's over!"[123] Oscar Garcia Mendoza, president of the major bank Venezolano de Creditor, ran a "gigantic newspaper ad" celebrating Chávez's ouster, which, he wrote, would "substantially improve Venezuelan society".[147] "This is the day that Venezuelans have been waiting for", said Luis Vicente Leon, head of a Caracas polling firm. "The situation in Venezuela has changed overnight, not only politically but also economically."[148] About 500 protesters gathered outside the Cuban embassy in Caracas demanding an end to diplomatic relations and the expulsion of 1,000 Cuban teachers, doctors and sports trainers. Protesters cut the mission's utility cables, slashed tires, and smashed the windshields of three cars with diplomatic plates. Although the Cuban ambassador told a Venezuelan official that he was not sheltering any Venezuelans, he would not allow the building to be searched.[23]
International
A Rio Group meeting of Latin American governments in Costa Rica taking place soon after the coup adopted a resolution condemning the "interruption of constitutional order in Venezuela", and requesting a meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS); only Francisco Flores of El Salvador said that he would recognise the Carmona government.[143]
The United States government blamed the events on the actions of the Chávez government[149] and said Chávez had resigned the presidency, dismissed his cabinet, and that security forces under his command had fired upon unarmed protesters.[150] Upon news of Chávez's return, Condoleezza Rice, National Security Advisor to US President George W. Bush, said, "We do hope that Chávez recognizes that the whole world is watching and that he takes advantage of this opportunity to right his own ship, which has been moving, frankly, in the wrong direction for quite a long time."[151] Bush denied any involvement of the US government in the coup attempt and asked Chávez to "learn a lesson" from it.[152]
Cuban president Fidel Castro later confirmed that after the coup his government had "contacted the ambassadors of 21 countries in an attempt to get a plane to Venezuela to rescue Chávez."[47]
In Chile, newspapers circulated information soon after the coup attempt showing the Chilean government's "discomfort" with Chávez returning to power, with President Ricardo Lagos holding Chávez accountable for the political crisis in Venezuela.[153] President Lagos later clarified that his statements were to tell Venezuela to avoid polarization and the Chile opposes the "interruption of institutional order".[153]
Organizations
Don MacKay of the Canadian Foundation of the Americas was troubled by the coup, saying: "This is the first time in a decade the military has stepped into power in Latin America. It is very troubling. ... This will be a test case to see whether the OAS's democracy clause has any teeth."[112] Cuban Foreign Relations Minister Felipe Pérez Roque said that in the eyes of his country Chávez was still president, and Cuba's Communist Party daily, Granma, wrote that Chávez had been "overthrown in a conspiracy by the country's wealthy classes, corrupt politicians and the news media".[120]
On 13 April, the editors of The New York Times applauded what they incorrectly described as Chávez's resignation, calling him a "ruinous demagogue" and cheering the fact that "Venezuelan democracy [was] no longer threatened by a would-be dictator". The Times editors also wrote admiringly of the installation of Carmona as president, describing him as a "respected business leader".[154] Furthermore, the Times congratulated the U.S. government for its wisdom in "never [having] publicly demonized Mr. Chávez, denying him the role of nationalist martyr", and in staying out of the coup, which the Times characterized as "a purely Venezuelan affair".[154]
US role and alleged involvement
Statements of President Chávez over a potential coup involvement of the United States are varied. Shortly before the coup attempt, Chávez dismissed possible hostility from the United States, since "times had changed".[24] After the coup, however, Chávez asserted numerous times that United States government officials knew about plans for a coup, approved of them, and assumed they would be successful,[155] alleging that "two military officers from the United States" were present in the headquarters of coup plotters.[156] Chávez would also state after the coup that there was "little evidence" that the United States orchestrated the plan.[157] Rear Admiral Carlos Molina, a central leader of the coup, later said that "We felt we were acting with US support ... we agree that we can’t permit a communist government here. The US has not let us down yet."[158] However, the United States repeatedly informed the Venezuelan opposition that they would not be supported if there were a coup,[26][28] warned the Chávez government of the plot[24] and following the coup attempt, President George W. Bush denied the United States' involvement.[152]
The United States learned of details about a potential coup in late-2001 due to the nature Venezuelan individuals openly plotting to overthrow President Chávez. In March 2002 only days after United States Ambassador to Venezuela Charles Shapiro began his duties in Venezuela and just weeks before the coup attempt, Shapiro met with a trade union organization. During this meeting the group openly shared their desire to be part of the coup, with Ambassador Shapiro informing them that the United States would not support such actions and that governmental change should only occur electorally.[28]
On 27 April 2002, Chairman Cass Ballenger and Congressman Bill Delahunt of the United States also met with Venezuelan media heads of Venevisión, Globovisión, Unión Radio, El Nacional, Últimas Noticias and El Mundo, telling them that "the U.S. was opposed to any disruption of constitutional government and would condemn any coup, open or disguised, aimed at ousting Chávez".[36] At a meeting soon after the coup between Ambassador Shapiro and then Venezuelan Vice President José Vicente Rangel at the Vice President's home, Rangel also stated to Shapiro that "no one in the upper echelons of the Venezuelan government really believed that the United States was involved in the attempted overthrow" and that if the Venezuelan government did believe so, "the two men wouldn't have been sitting in Rangel’s house".[25]
However, unlike much of Latin America, the US refused to condemn the coup, changing its position only after a popular uprising led Carmona to resign.[159]
The British daily The Guardian was told in April 2002 by Wayne Madsen, a conspiracy theorist and blogger, that his country's navy had lent assistance to coup organizers by providing them with intelligence from its vessels in the Caribbean.[160] Its sister paper, The Observer, established that the coup was "tied to senior officials in the US government" after receiving information from OAS officials that the US was not only aware of the coup, but also gave sanction to its organizers. The paper names Elliot Abrams, who had been convicted of deceiving Congress during the Iran Contra Affair, as being the one who greenlit the coup.[27]
In December 2004, The New York Times reported on the release of newly declassified intelligence documents that showed that the CIA and Bush administration officials had advance knowledge of an imminent plot to oust President Chávez,[26] although the same documents do not indicate the United States supported the plot.[26]
According to Chávez activist and author Eva Golinger in her 2006 book The Chávez Code,[161] on 5 March 2002, the US Embassy cabled Washington to report that Fedecámaras, the CTV, and the Catholic Church had reached an agreement named "Bases for a Democratic Accord", which the cable described as "ten principles on which to guide a transitional government".[162] An Embassy official, commenting in the cable, said of the accord "another piece falls into place... This accord... may well form the frame of reference and code of conduct for a transitional government."[163] Also in March 2002, the CIA was briefing US officials that a coup might be planned, and on 6 April it issued another brief saying efforts to mount a coup were possibly being stepped up.[66] The 6 April brief noted that "To provoke military action, the plotters may try to exploit unrest stemming from opposition demonstrations slated for later this month or ongoing strikes at the state-owned oil company PDVSA."[164] The United States embassy in Venezuela then allegedly informed Chávez of a possible coup, though Chávez ignored their warnings.[24]
The New York Times notes that the documents used by Golinger do not show direct involvement of the U.S. government in the coup attempt; instead, they show that U.S. officials issued "repeated warnings that the United States will not support any extraconstitutional moves to oust Chávez," whilst nonetheless talking only "broadly" to Mr. Chávez about opposition plans, and "provid[ing] few hard details of the looming plot".[26] The documents were obtained, through Freedom of Information Act requests, and released by Eva Golinger "as part of an offensive by pro-Chávez activists to show that the United States government has, at least tacitly, supported the opposition's unconstitutional efforts to remove the president". In addition to the CIA documents, The New York Times reported that Golinger also obtained "reams of documents from the National Endowment for Democracy, a nonprofit agency financed by the United States government, that show that $2.2 million was spent from 2000 to 2003 to train or finance anti-Chávez parties and organizations".[26]
Bush Administration officials acknowledged meeting with some of the planners of the coup in the several weeks prior to 11 April but have strongly denied encouraging the coup itself, saying that they insisted on constitutional means.[165] However, the purpose of the meetings was not clarified, and it is also not known why US officials and the Venezuelan opposition broached the subject of a coup months before the attempted ousting took place.[166] In addition, The New York Times quotes an anonymous Defense Department official in charge of developing policy towards Venezuela as saying that, "We were not discouraging people. ... We were sending informal, subtle signals that we don't like this guy. We didn't say, 'No, don't you dare'", though he denied the Defense Department offered material help, such as weaponry.[167]
Because of the allegations, an investigation conducted by the US Inspector General, at the request of US Senator Christopher Dodd, requested a review of American activities leading up to and during the coup attempt. The OIG report found no "wrongdoing" by US officials either in the State Department or in the Embassy, and concluded that "While it is clear that NED’s, DOD’s, and other U.S. assistance programs provided training, institution building, and other support to organizations and individuals understood to be actively involved in the events of 11–14 April, we found no evidence that this support directly contributed, or was intended to contribute, to those events. NED is, however, mindful of the fact that, in some circumstances, its efforts to assist specific organizations, or foster open elections, could be perceived as partisan."[168]
Responsibility for violence
External media | |
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Images | |
Gallery of the violence and other images related to the coup. | |
Video | |
The shooting of opposition marcher Jesús Orlando Arellano by a pro-Chávez gunman, resulting in the first fatality of the day. | |
Photographer Jorge Tortoza being shot and killed followed by protester Malvina Pesate being shot in the face from pro-Chávez crowd. | |
Pro-Chávez gunman Erasmo Sánchez being carried away after being shot by returning fire from the Metropolitan Police. He was the reportedly the first pro-Chávez fatality of the day. |
The majority of the violence that took place on 11 April 2002 was near the Llaguno Overpass. There is no consensus as to who was responsible for the deaths on that day, and this remains a very controversial issue. The opposition version of events puts the blame on Chávez, or at least on his supporters. Many groups of the Bolivarian Circles gathered near the Llagano Overpass before the march reached the area.[169] A Venevisión camera positioned on a rooftop that afternoon captured images of people using handguns to shoot from the pro-Chávez counter-march being held on the Llagano Overpass, an overpass that crosses one of central Caracas's busiest avenues; it is unclear who they are shooting at, but the opposition narrative is that they were shooting at the opposition march and responsible for the deaths.[99]
Supporters of Chávez have alleged that the opposition conspired to cause casualties during the incident with Chávez allies such as Jorge García Carneiro and Lucas Rincón Romero claiming that[72][dubious ] CNN correspondent Otto Neustald said that on the morning of 11 April he recorded a video message from a number of high-ranking military officers, led by Vice Admiral Héctor Ramírez, which was broadcast later in the day. The message held Chávez responsible for massacring innocent people using snipers, referring to at least six dead and dozens wounded.[98][170][dubious ] According to Neustald, the message was recorded at least two hours before the killings started. However, this claim has never been proven and is contested by the rest of the reporters present, such as Javier Ignacio Mayorca, Mayela León and Adrián Criscaut, who affirmed that the military officers were informed of the death of Tortoza during the filming of the message.[171] The Chavista gunmen that were seen shooting off the bridge argue that they were, in fact, returning fire at unknown snipers and Metropolitan Police firing towards them. There are reports that claim seven were arrested at the Hotel Ausonia and that they were later freed in the chaos of the coup while there was also empty shells found at the Hotel Edén.[172] According to Chávez supporter Gregory Wilpert, video and audio recordings were allegedly provided at the trial of Metropolitan Police leaders which suggested plainclothes police had infiltrated the La Nacional building and were allegedly sniping on the opposition marchers and police below.[97][dubious ] The La Nacional building housed the offices of pro-Chávez mayor Freddy Bernal.[173] Bernal, a Chávez supporter and former leader of an elite police force, was accused by a Venezuelan military officer of complying with orders from the Defense Ministry to shoot opposition demonstrators.[173] It was also reported that the National Guard, which was firing tear gas and combatting the opposition protesters, did not pay any attention to the gunmen on the La Nacional building and that it was the Metropolitan Police who had attempted to go to the building.[174] Bernal dismissed the allegations as "totally false".[173]
The 2003 documentary titled The Revolution Will Not Be Televised contradicts claims by private media in Venezuela that the pro-Chávez group was firing on the opposition protest from Llagano Bridge. In the documentary, footage captured from another angle by an amateur cameraman shows pro-Chávez gunmen firing over an empty street with no apparent opposition protesters below. Further, the film makers claim that the opposition march never went down that street. While this documentary has been criticized by another called X-Ray of a Lie and American academic Brian Nelson, who argue that the footage is manipulated and obscures Metropolitan Police on the street below,[175] it's not clear whether this is relevant to the veracity of the claim that pro-Chávez gunmen were not firing on opposition protesters from the bridge.
The 2004 documentary Puente Llaguno: Claves de una Masacre claimed that the Chavistas on the bridge did not begin shooting until 4:38 pm, by which time most of the opposition deaths had already occurred.[96] Some of the victims, both opposition and Chavistas, were claimed to be shot in locations not reachable from the bridge, being around corners from the main street[96] with an eyewitness[who?] with military experience, who was shot himself, reported most victims being killed with precise head shots.[176] In addition, most of the opposition deaths were at least 300 yards away from the bridge, supposedly too far to be killed by the Chavistas' pistols with the precise head shots witnessed.[96] According to Nelson, such claims are false showing that opposition demonstrator Jesús Arellano was killed just before 2:30 pm, with photos showing Chavistas further up the street brandishing firearms and closer than purported by the earlier sources.[175]
Within the next 15 minutes, two other opposition demonstrators were shot at 2:45 and 4:30 pm, the Metropolitan Police responded to the Chavista gunfire by going between the marchers and the Chavistas. The Chavistas responded to the Metropolitan Police by moving further up the street and at around 4:35 pm, began firing down from Llagano Bridge onto Baralt Avenue below. Police responded to the Chavista gunfire, with one Chavista who was laying on the bridge being shot in the face, with his body positioning of lying down and facing the Metropolitan Police below possibly resulting in the headshot. Ricochets were also possible from Chavistas ranks firing through the spokes of the railing on the bridge. After 5:30 pm when most of the gunfire concluded, the filmmakers of The Revolution Will Not Be Televised used manipulated footage, according to Nelson, in order to show an empty Baralt Avenue that Chavistas were overlooking.[175] A vehicle used by the Metropolitan Police later showed that approximately 600 bullets impacted the vehicle's side that was facing north toward the Puente Llaguno bridge.[177]
Criminal investigation
The people filmed shooting from the Puente Llaguno bridge were initially identified as being pro-Chávez political activists Rafael Cabrices, Richard Peñalver, Henry Atencio, and Nicolás Rivera. They were captured by the police and jailed for one year as they awaited trial, but charges were dropped before the trial began. Rafael Cabrices died from a heart attack three years later, in August 2005.[178]
Under the 1999 Constitution, military officers are entitled to a pre-trial hearing before the Plenary of the Supreme Court of Justice to rule on whether they should be charged with a crime. In such a hearing on 14 August 2002, the Tribunal ruled by an 11–9 margin (with two justices recused) that four high-ranking military officers charged with rebellion should not stand trial, arguing that what took place was not a "coup" but a "vacuum of power" that had been generated by the announcement of Chávez's resignation made by Gen. Lucas Rincón Romero.[179]
After Chávez took over of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice and filled it with his supporters,[180] the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court, however, ruled on 12 March 2004 that the recusals were unconstitutional, making the hearing invalid and which meant that the military officers (by then retired) should stand trial.[181]
After a trial that had begun back in March 2006 which had seen "265 expert testimonies, 5,700 photos, 20 videos and 198 witnesses", in April 2009, the ten Metropolitan Police officers were convicted of crimes leading to the deaths of three demonstrators back on 11 April 2002. Six of them, charged with homicide, were sentenced to 30 years each in prison. Only one officer was found "not guilty".[182] Former President of the Supreme Court (TSJ), Eladio Aponte Aponte,[183] who fled Venezuela in 2012 after the Venezuelan government accused him of alleged ties to drug trafficking and removed him from his post, reportedly told U.S. authorities that he was personally ordered by President Chávez to use the full weight of the court to condemn the officers.[184][185][186]
On 18 November 2004, a leading state prosecutor Danilo Anderson was assassinated shortly before he was scheduled to bring charges against individuals for their alleged participation in the coup. The Venezuelan government claimed individuals from Florida planned the assassination, though other reports suggested that Anderson and others were involved in an extortion racket.[187] Carmona was arrested on 16 April and later placed under house arrest. He would later request political asylum to the Colombian embassy in Caracas.[188]
Carmona and several other participants went into exile.[citation needed]
In December 2007, Chávez issued a pardon covering more than 60 people who had drafted or signed the Carmona Decree.[189]
Media
Analysis
Before the coup, the relationship between Chávez's government and the media were in dispute over press freedom, with the Venezuelan government threatening to revoke licenses of media organizations.[142] Venezuelan media officials stated that the majority of the media supported Chávez and the change he promised when originally elected in 1998, but after they reported the "negative realities" occurring in Venezuela, the Venezuelan government began to portray the media as an enemy.[36] After Chávez removed many of the traditional political elements that were barriers to his power, the Venezuelan media, like other forms of media in Latin America, began to criticize the government.[29]
In 2001 and 2002, relations between the media and Chávez deteriorated quickly. The Chávez-controlled Supreme Court ruled in June 2001 that the media could be held accountable for "half-truths", a ruling which Chávez used to threaten media organizations by saying he would be revoking their licenses. As conformations began to grow, both parties became more biased, with media owners down to reporters feeling threatened with Chávez even calling out individual journalists by name in speeches. By January 2002, Chávez supporters were attacking independent reporters, with the headquarters of El Universal assaulted by hundreds of Chavistas, Globovision reporters attacked while they were attempting to record Aló Presidente and a bomb attack on newspaper Así Es la Noticia. As a result of being "besieged" by Chávez, the media lost its perspective and began to increase its political involvement assisting the opposition.[138]
According to Le Monde diplomatique, mainstream Venezuelan media outlets such as El Universal, El Nacional, El Nuevo País, Globovisión, Televen, CMT and RCTV supported the coup and anti-government demonstrations,[29][31] accusing the media of only disseminating the anti-Chávez point of view in the news reports of international media agencies and organizations.[190][191] Following the coup attempt, the Venezuelan media was blamed as being a major contributor to the unrest in Venezuela with one Foreign Policy article, supporting the statements by Le Monde diplomatique about the media's involvement, stating, "Never in the history of Latin America had the media played quite so prominent a role in facilitating the overthrow of a democratically elected government," noting that "the majority of private outlets in Venezuela were owned by wealthy families with an interest in ousting Chávez."[30] Senior Research Fellow for the leftist thinktank Council on Hemispheric Affairs[192] and Chávez supporter Nikolas Kozloff wrote that Venevisión owner Gustavo Cisneros was "widely reported" to have bankrolled the coup and that he had hosted the coup plotters, including Carmona, at both his mansion and network offices, supposedly leading Newsweek to place Cisneros "at the vortex of the whole mess."[31][193] Opposition legislator Pedro Pablo Alcántara later said of Carmona's regime, "This government was put together at Gustavo Cisneros' office."[193] Such allegations of Venezuelan media owners' active involvement in the coup has never been proven, but the media's actions in supporting the anti-Chávez movements hurt its credibility in the future.[29]
Media outlets denied allegations of any political bias or involvement, stating that coverage was impeded by the confusion of the coup.[36] This included the confusion from rumors such as "Chávez had resigned, been arrested, was fleeing to Cuba, that the military had revolted, that the military high command had resigned" as well as the violent targeting of media personnel that left six cameramen shot, with one of those mortally wounded.[36][194] Media outlets that both opposed and supported Chávez reported difficulties in reporting due to the potential danger their reporters faced, stating that journalists were afraid to cover pro-Chávez demonstrations since the media was targeted.[36] Venevison reported that only 5 of 18 reporters went out to cover events during the coup while a newspaper considered pro-Chávez stated that they had to remove their logo from cars so they would not be attacked by Chávez supporters. It was also reported that the Chávez supporting Bolivarian Circles surrounded media buildings which prevented their reporters from leaving the area.[36] According to a declassified document from the United States State Department, then-Congressmen Cass Ballenger and William Delahunt met with five media outlet owners and presidents following the coup attempt to encourage the media "to contribute to a climate that would make possible the dialogue and reconciliation that President Chávez has called for." The media owners and presidents, who admitted there may have been mistakes during the coup attempt, said "the media is democratic" and was opposed to any coup.[36] The media officials also stated that they were attempting to give Chávez a second chance but remained skeptical, noting his 14 April speeches after returning to power where he admitted errors and asked for forgiveness, but later gave a "fiery speech" where he said to his supporters that those responsible for the coup attempt, including the media, "must pay".[36]
Media changes
Chávez said after his reinstatement as president, "This coup d'etat would not have been possible without the help of the news media, especially television", and began a campaign to establish a "media hegemony" to prevent similar media conduct from happening in the future.[30] To do so, Chávez used a "two-pronged strategy" in which his government strengthened its own media and "closed, browbeaten or infiltrated almost every independent outlet".[195] In 2004, the Law on Social Responsibility on Radio and Television was passed, allowing the government to censor media in order to "promote social justice and further the development of the citizenry, democracy, peace, human rights, education, culture, public health, and the nation’s social and economic development".[30] The law, which was extended to the Internet and social media in 2010, requires media companies to "establish mechanisms to restrict, without delay, the dissemination of messages."[30][196] Violators can be fined up to US$3,000 or 10 percent of one's yearly income, or face suspension of service, while journalists can be arrested with vague charges, including "conspiracy against the state" for criticizing the government. In 2007, Chávez revoked the license of leading anti-government broadcaster RCTV, and other stations began toning down dissent to avoid a similar fate. In 2009, 34 radio stations were closed for "technical and administrative reasons".[30] By the time of Chávez's death in 2013, he left a transformed media atmosphere in Venezuela with the media organizations that opposed him being silenced and an expanding state media as a result.[196] Media workers face legal barriers, defamation lawsuits from Venezuelan officials or are targets of violence.[196]
Películas documentales
The Revolution Will Not Be Televised, also known as Chávez: Inside the Coup, is a 2003 documentary[197][198] which focuses on events in Venezuela leading up to and during the April 2002 coup d'état attempt, which saw Chávez removed from office for several days. The film focuses on Venezuela's private media and examines multiple incidents, including the opposition's formation of an interim government, headed by business leader Pedro Carmona; and the Carmona administration's collapse. Another documentary made by Venezuelans Wolfgang Schalk and Thaelman Urgelles
, X-Ray of a Lie, discusses what they allege as manipulation of the Irish production of The Revolution Will Not Be Televised. A documentary by Calle y Media, Venezuela Bolivariana, covers the events from 1989 to the 2002 coup attempt. The film is in Spanish with English subtitles.[199]Ver también
- Llaguno Overpass events
- The Revolution Will Not Be Televised (film)
- X-Ray of a Lie
- Puente Llaguno: Claves de una Masacre
Referencias
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- ^ "Venezuela is promised 'political revolution'". BBC. 2 February 1999. Retrieved 4 March 2007.
- ^ a b Simon, Joel (2014). The New Censorship Inside the Global Battle for Media Freedom. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 44–45. ISBN 9780231160643.
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- ^ Rory, Carroll (2014). Comandante: Hugo Chavez's Venezuela. New York: Penguin Books. p. 41. ISBN 978-0143124887.
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- ^ Read, Oliver (28 December 2006). "Venezuela's Media Wrestles with Stigmas, New Rules". PBS. Archived from the original on 27 January 2007. Retrieved 4 March 2007.
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- ^ a b Jones (2008:311)
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- ^ a b Jones, Bart (2008), Hugo! The Hugo Chávez Story: From Mud Hut to Perpetual Revolution, London: The Bodley Head. pp. 305–306
- ^ McCaughan (2004: 65, 68)
- ^ Jones (2008:309)
- ^ Phil Gunson, Newsweek, 11 November 2001, "Is Hugo Chávez Insane?"
- ^ a b c Jones (2008:312–3)
- ^ Jones (2008:306)
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Los Angeles Times 22 April 2002 Monday, "Rapid-Fire Coup Caught Chavez Foes Off Guard", BYLINE: HECTOR TOBAR, PATRICK J. McDONNELL, PAUL RICHTER, TIMES STAFF WRITERS, SECTION: PART A; Part 1; Foreign Desk; p. 1
- ^ "FIRED OIL WORKERS LANGUISH IN THE POLITICAL CROSSFIRE" (PDF). United States Department of State. Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 December 2016. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
- ^ Margarita López Maya, "Venezuela 2002–2003: Polarization, Confrontation, and Violence", in Olivia Burlingame Goumbri, The Venezuela Reader, Washington D.C., U.S.A., 2005, p. 14.
- ^ a b The Washington Times, 25 April 2002, Thursday, Final Edition, "The fall and rise of Hugo Chavez", SECTION: EDITORIALS; p. A18
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 121–134. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ a b c d e f Chicago Tribune, 18 April 2002 Thursday, "Chavez's resolve, foes' mistakes doomed coup", BYLINE: By Patrice M. Jones, Tribune foreign correspondent, SECTION: NEWS; ZONE: N; Pg. 7
- ^ a b The Washington Times 19 April 2002, Friday, Final Edition, BYLINE: By Bill Gertz and Rowan Scarborough, Section: Nation; Inside the Ring; p. A09
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n The New York Times 20 April 2002 Saturday, Venezuela's 2 Fateful Days: Leader Is Out, and in Again, BYLINE: By LARRY ROHTER, SECTION: Section A; Column 3; Foreign Desk; Pg. 1
- ^ Jones (2008:334)
- ^ a b The Guardian (London), 22 April 2002, G2: "The coup": BYLINE: Duncan Campbell, SECTION: G2; p. 2
- ^ a b c d Los Angeles Times, 21 April 2002 Sunday, "He's In, He's Out, He's In", BYLINE: SANDRA HERNANDEZ, SECTION: OPINION; Part M; p. 1
- ^ a b Nikolas Kozloff (2007), Hugo Chávez: oil, politics and the challenge to the United States, Palgrave Macmillan. p27
- ^ Greg Palast, The Guardian, 13 May 2002, Opec chief warned Chavez about coup
- ^ a b c d Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 20–22. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 50. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Jones(2008:310)
- ^ "PDVSA: THE HEAVY HAND OF HUGO CHAVEZ" (PDF). United States Department of State. Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 December 2016. Retrieved 9 February 2015.
- ^ a b Jones (2008:315)
- ^ "OPEP: crisis petrolera a la vista". BBC. 8 April 2002. Retrieved 25 April 2014.
- ^ a b Jones (2008:314)
- ^ U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 31 March 2003 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – 2002. Retrieved 4 August 2006.
- ^ a b "VENEZUELA'S WORK STOPPAGE – CREATION OF AN OPPOSITION COORDINATING COMMITTEE" (PDF). United States Department of State. Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 December 2016. Retrieved 8 February 2015.
- ^ Jones (2008:316)
- ^ a b Jones (2008:317)
- ^ Jones (2008:343)
- ^ a b Jones (2008:335)
- ^ The Washington Post, 13 April 2002 Saturday, "Leader of Venezuela Is Forced to Resign; Ex-Oil Executive Takes Office as Interim President", BYLINE: Scott Wilson, Washington Post Foreign Service, SECTION: A SECTION; p. A01
- ^ a b ""PARO" UPDATE/GENERAL STRIKE ANNOUNCED" (PDF). United States Department of State. Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 December 2016. Retrieved 6 February 2015.
- ^ a b Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 51. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Newsweek, 29 April 2002, Hugo's Close Call
- ^ Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 13. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Jones (2008:319–320)
- ^ Espinoza, Ocarina (2005). "Sucesos de Abril de 2002: Tres días que marcaron la historia del país" (in Spanish). Unión Radio. Archived from the original on 22 August 2008. Retrieved 12 July 2007.
- ^ Jones (2008:320)
- ^ a b c The New York Times, 12 April 2002 Friday, Generals Revolt in Venezuela After 10 Protesters Are Killed, BYLINE: By JUAN FORERO, SECTION: Section A; Column 1; Foreign Desk; Pg. 1
- ^ a b c d "TALE OF TWO CITIES – THE MARCH ON MIRAFLORES PALACE" (PDF). United States Department of State. Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 December 2016. Retrieved 5 February 2015.
- ^ a b Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 16. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 19. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 52. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Jones (2008:321–2)
- ^ Gott, Richard (2005), Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution, Verso Books, p225
- ^ a b c Jones (2008:322–3)
- ^ a b c Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion: the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 29–32. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion: the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 29–30. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. p. 34. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ a b Jones (2008:326)
- ^ a b c Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion: the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 41–44. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ a b c d Jones (2008:324–5)
- ^ a b c Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 103–106. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ a b c d e Bart Jones (2008), Hugo!, p. 328.
- ^ a b Gregory Wilpert, NACLA, "The Venezuelan Coup Revisited: Silencing the Evidence", NACLA Report 42(4)
- ^ a b Jones (2008:326–7)
- ^ a b Jones (2008:327–8)
- ^ Jones (2008:330–1)
- ^ a b Nelson, Brian A. (2009). The silence and the scorpion : the coup against Chávez and the making of modern Venezuela (online ed.). New York: Nation Books. pp. 134–137. ISBN 978-1568584188.
- ^ The Miami Herald, 12 April 2002 Friday, VENEZUELA IN CRISIS AFTER DEADLY MARCH; President says calm prevails, urges dialogue, BYLINE: JUAN O. TAMAYO AND CHRISTINA HOAG [email protected], SECTION: A; Pg. 1
- ^ Jones (2008:331)
- ^ Régis Bourgeat, Reporters without Borders, Venezuela: Caught between an authoritarian president and intolerant media Archived 17 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine, April 2003
- ^ a b Jones (2008:332–3)
- ^ a b Harnecker, Marta. (Z Communications, 9 January 2003)."Lessons of the April Coup: Harnecker interviews Chávez". Retrieved 7 September 2010.
- ^ a b Bart Jones (2008:337)
- ^ Bart Jones (2008:338)
- ^ Bart Jones (2008:338–9)
- ^ a b c d The Miami Herald, 16 April 2002 Tuesday FL EDITION, Venezuela's rebellion a bizarre mix of events, BYLINE: JUAN O. TAMAYO [email protected], SECTION: A; Pg. 1
- ^ The Scotsman, 13 April 2002, Saturday, "Chavez Alleges Coup After Protests Trigger his Downfall", BYLINE: Nick Thorpe in Ciudad Bolivar, Venezuela, SECTION: p. 8
- ^ a b c National Post (Canada), 13 April 2002 Saturday National Edition, "Chavez legacy: isolation and incompetence: 'Better off without him': Venezuela's ousted president an ally of Cuba, Iraq", BYLINE: Marina Jimenez, SECTION: World; p. A15
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enlaces externos
- U.S. Department of State and Office of Inspector General. A Review of U.S. Policy toward Venezuela, November 2001 – April 2002.. Retrieved 26 May 2006. A full-text PDF report of the U.S. Inspector General report of U.S. involvement.
- U.S. Embassy, Caracas, Venezuela. State Dept. Issues Report on U.S. Actions During Venezuelan Coup: (Inspector General finds U.S. officials acted properly during coup).. Retrieved 26 May 2006. A summary from the U.S. Embassy in Caracas, Venezuela of the report on U.S. actions during the events of April 2002.