La crisis del PSOE de 2016 fue un conflicto político dentro del Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), que comenzó el 26 de septiembre de 2016. El descontento de larga data con el secretario general del partido, Pedro Sánchez, y la combinación de una serie de circunstancias dieron lugar a una revuelta del partido para forzar El despido de Sánchez el 28 de septiembre [1], en un episodio que duró hasta el 1 de octubre y que algunos medios y periodistas denominaron coloquialmente la "guerra de las rosas". [2] [3] El consiguiente vacío de poder y la sustitución de Sánchez por un comité de gestión interino, junto con el turno del partido de permitir un gobierno minoritario del PP después de un estancamiento de 10 meses en la formación del gobierno.y el consiguiente empeoramiento de las relaciones con su partido hermano en Cataluña , el PSC , desencadenó una crisis de una magnitud sin precedentes en los 137 años de existencia del partido. [4]
La presidenta andaluza, Susana Díaz, había sido considerada durante mucho tiempo la crítica más destacada de Pedro Sánchez y una potencial contendiente a la dirección del partido, siendo la líder de la rama regional más grande e importante del PSOE y, durante años, la única persona dentro del partido que ostentaba un cargo institucional. posición de importancia. Desde la elección de Sánchez como secretario general, ayudado por las propias maniobras de Díaz para contener a Eduardo Madina, ambos líderes habían desarrollado una creciente desconfianza y rivalidad entre ellos dos por el liderazgo y la estrategia política del partido. [5] [6]
Después de que las elecciones generales del 20 de diciembre de 2015 y 26 de junio de 2016 arrojaran los peores resultados electorales para el PSOE en la historia reciente, la presión sobre Sánchez aumentó. Su historial como líder del partido había alejado a muchos de sus antiguos aliados y los había empujado hacia la esfera de Díaz. [7] [8] El detonante inmediato de la crisis fue el pobre desempeño del PSOE en las elecciones vascas y gallegas , lo que llevó a los críticos a pedir la dimisión de Sánchez. [9] Sánchez resistió y respondió anunciando una primaria del partido y un congreso para octubre-diciembre, enfureciendo a los disidentes e incitando a la mitad de los miembros del comité ejecutivo del partido, el órgano de gobierno del partido, a renunciar el 28 de septiembre. para desencadenar la destitución de Sánchez y tomar el mando ellos mismos. Sánchez, en cambio, se negó a dimitir y se atrincheró en la sede del partido, lo que generó la mayor crisis en la historia del partido, ya que ninguna de las partes reconoció la legitimidad de la otra para actuar en nombre del partido. [10] Esta situación terminó cuando Sánchez dimitió tras perder una votación clave en la comisión federal del partido el 1 de octubre [11], siendo sustituido por un comité interino y dejando atrás un PSOE destrozado. [12]
Algunos pronosticaron que este conjunto de hechos ayudaría a allanar el camino para que el partido se abstuviera en una hipotética investidura de Rajoy [13], algo que se confirmó el 23 de octubre cuando el comité federal del partido optó por dar una voltereta hacia atrás y permitir la formación de un nuevo PP. gobierno para evitar una tercera elección. [14] El líder del PSC, Miquel Iceta, anunció que su partido, asociado al PSOE desde 1978, no acataría la decisión del comité y , no obstante, rompería la disciplina del partido votando en contra de Rajoy, [15] y los líderes del PSOE advirtieron que el incumplimiento de la decisión del comité. daría lugar a una "revisión de su relación", lo que implica que el cisma podría conducir a una ruptura entre ambas partes.
Fondo
Pedro Sánchez , miembro del PSOE desconocido para el público y gran parte del partido, sucedió a Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba como secretario general del Partido Socialista Obrero Español en el congreso extraordinario del partido el 26 de julio de 2014, tras haber ganado una elección de liderazgo celebrada a principios de ese mes. con el 48,7% de los votos de los miembros frente al 36,2% de Eduardo Madina. [16] El apoyo de la presidenta andaluza Susana Díaz a Sánchez para contener a Madina fue un factor determinante en la victoria de Sánchez, ya que la membresía andaluza del partido votó abrumadoramente a favor de Sánchez. [17] La decisión de Madina de desencadenar una elección primaria obligó a Díaz —quien se decía que buscaba una elección por aclamación— fuera de la carrera por el liderazgo, [18] lo que la llevó a apoyar a Sánchez para evitar una posible victoria de Madina. [19]
Sin embargo, la alianza entre Sánchez y Díaz duró poco. Según los informes, Díaz tenía la intención de convertirse en la candidata del PSOE para las elecciones generales de 2015 , poniendo su apoyo en la elección de Sánchez a cambio de que Sánchez allanara el camino para su llegada. Sin embargo, las propias aspiraciones políticas de Sánchez, junto con su aparente fracaso para hacer frente con éxito al crecimiento del recién fundado partido Podemos en las encuestas de opinión, así como las diferencias personales, [20] hicieron que ambos líderes se volvieran cada vez más desconfiados el uno del otro. [5] [6] Susana Díaz aprovechó las crecientes críticas al comportamiento de Sánchez entre los miembros del partido, buscando influir en sus puntos de vista a su favor y aumentar su fuerza en términos de la creciente rivalidad entre los dos. [7] [8] Tal fueron las críticas a Sánchez dentro del partido que logró provocar a destacados miembros del PSOE y ex rivales como Eduardo Madina y Susana Díaz, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba y Carme Chacón , Felipe González y José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero , como así como a seis de los siete presidentes autonómicos del PSOE, a abandonar sus antiguas enemistades y unirse contra Sánchez. [21]
Formación de gobierno
Las elecciones generales de 2015 habían resultado en el parlamento más fragmentado en décadas y el PSOE obtenía su peor resultado electoral desde la transición española a la democracia , con 90 escaños y el 22,0% de los votos. Podemos y sus aliados juntos consiguieron 69 escaños y un 20,7%, bastante cerca del PSOE y amenazando la hegemonía del partido como principal fuerza política de izquierda en España. En estas circunstancias, Pedro Sánchez fue criticado por los malos resultados, así como por su manejo de la situación postelectoral. El entonces presidente en funciones, Mariano Rajoy, y el líder de C, Albert Rivera, sugirieron una gran coalición entre sus partidos y el PSOE, pero esta propuesta encontró la oposición de Sánchez, que prefirió estudiar pactos alternativos. [22] [23] Pablo Iglesias de Podemos estableció términos rígidos para incluso considerar iniciar negociaciones para una coalición con el PSOE, [24] mientras que Susana Díaz advirtió a Sánchez que la posición del partido sobre los acuerdos de coalición tenía que decidirse "dentro de un comité federal. y no por el Secretario General ”, en una jugada vista como un intento de limitar la autonomía de Sánchez en la gestión de pactos. [25]
El 28 de diciembre se celebró un comité federal del partido, el máximo órgano de decisión del partido entre congresos, en el que se describió la política de pactos del PSOE, incluido un rechazo expreso a cualquier pacto con el PP, o negociaciones con partidos que apoyaran la autodeterminación: los partidos separatistas catalanes , ERC y DL , pero también Podemos, que había apoyado un referéndum sobre la independencia de Cataluña como promesa electoral. [26] Los críticos de Sánchez no ocultaron su deseo de que Sánchez sea reemplazado por alguien más en el próximo congreso del partido, previsto para febrero, a lo que Sánchez respondió sugiriendo un aplazamiento del congreso hasta después de la formación de un gobierno. [27] La idea encontró una fuerte oposición por parte de los críticos, quienes proclamaron públicamente que el congreso debería celebrarse "cuando sea debido". [28] [29] Se dijo que Susana Díaz buscaba reemplazar a Sánchez como líder del PSOE ella misma y eventualmente llevar al partido a una nueva elección general, [30] [31] [32] asegurándose el apoyo de varias facciones del partido que consideraban que Sánchez liderazgo demasiado débil y poco confiable en caso de que se celebren nuevas elecciones generales. [33] [34] [35] El presidente valenciano Ximo Puig dijo durante una entrevista que "si se celebran nuevas elecciones, el PSOE debe plantearse un cambio de candidato" [36] mientras que el presidente de Castilla-La Mancha, Emiliano García-Page, comentó que "nadie discute la capacidad de Susana Díaz para ser Primera Ministra". [37]
El debate sobre la fecha del congreso del partido se centró en dos posiciones enfrentadas: la de la dirección del partido, encabezada por Sánchez, que deseaba que el congreso se celebrara en junio, y la de los disidentes de Sánchez, que favorecían que se realizara a partir de abril. [38] El resultado fue una victoria para la posición de los críticos durante otro comité federal celebrado el 30 de enero, donde las fechas para las primarias del partido y el congreso se fijaron para mayo. Esto significaba que la contienda por el liderazgo terminaría a tiempo para el evento de elecciones generales anticipadas, que no se celebrarían hasta junio como mínimo. [39] Sin embargo, después de que Pedro Sánchez anunció que permitiría a los miembros del partido votar sobre cualquier acuerdo que alcanzara con otros partidos, el Comité permitió que Pedro Sánchez intentara llegar a un acuerdo para ser nombrado Primer Ministro, siempre y cuando respetara el pacto acordado. -haciendo líneas rojas. [40]
Fuentes del partido señalaron la alta probabilidad de la candidatura de Susana Díaz si Sánchez fracasaba en su intento de convertirse en primer ministro. [41] El 1 de febrero, grabaciones filtradas del comité federal del partido celebrado dos días antes revelaron que Susana Díaz cuestionó abiertamente el desempeño de Pedro Sánchez durante el mes posterior a las elecciones generales. Ella, junto con otros líderes regionales del partido, destacó las líneas rojas del partido para la negociación y argumentó fuertemente en contra de cualquier posibilidad de un acuerdo con Podemos, con la intención de obstaculizar las posibilidades de Sánchez de convertirse en primer ministro. [42] Después de las dos fallidas votaciones de investidura de Sánchez, las fuentes informaron que Susana Díaz estaba decidida a desafiar a Sánchez por el liderazgo del partido, [43] pero viendo como indeseable la perspectiva de un intento de abrir el tema de la sucesión del PSOE en medio de negociaciones de formación de gobierno y con una nueva elección que se avecina para el 26 de junio. Ahora, buscando aplazar el congreso, el 28 de marzo se decidió que la carrera por el liderazgo del PSOE debía retrasarse "indefinidamente" "hasta la formación de un nuevo gobierno". [44]
Crisis de liderazgo
Cronología
Conduce a los eventos
Durante meses, la situación interna dentro del PSOE se mantuvo estancada. Las críticas a Sánchez por parte de los disidentes del partido por su postura de línea dura sobre la investidura de Rajoy, que se dice que es un factor que contribuyó al estancamiento político del país, se habían mantenido a raya por el desempeño del partido en las elecciones generales de 2016 , con amenazas de los críticos de Sánchez de mantenerlo a raya. explican un hipotético colapso del partido el 26 de junio que no se materializó por poco. [45] [46] Todo esto cambió en el período previo a las elecciones regionales vascas y gallegas , programadas para finales de septiembre de 2016. Las ramas del PSOE en ambas regiones fueron ampliamente consideradas entre los partidarios de Sánchez, lo que llevó a los disidentes a enmarcar las elecciones como una prueba de Sánchez y del ambiente político más amplio en España después de nueve meses de estancamiento político. [47] Figuras del partido como los primeros ministros regionales Susana Díaz ( Andalucía ), Guillermo Fernández Vara ( Extremadura ), Javier Lambán ( Aragón ) y Emiliano García-Page ( Castilla-La Mancha ); así como exfiguras como Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (antecesor de Sánchez como líder del PSOE), Eduardo Madina (rival de Sánchez en la contienda por el liderazgo del partido en 2014 ), Elena Valenciano (exdiputadora del PSOE) y Carme Chacón (exministra de Defensa ), todos se convirtieron en involucrado en una serie de disputas con la dirección del partido nacional en las semanas previas a las elecciones regionales, debilitando la posición de Sánchez e indicando una pérdida de apoyo dentro del partido. [48] [49]
26 a 27 de septiembre
La mala actuación del PSOE tanto en Galicia como en el País Vasco , superada por las alianzas lideradas por Podemos y con unos resultados electorales bajos, [50] llevó a los disidentes, encabezados por Susana Díaz, a pedir la dimisión inmediata de Sánchez el 26 de septiembre. [51] [52] Sánchez se negó a dimitir y anunció su plan de celebrar elecciones primarias del partido el 23 de octubre, desafiando a sus críticos a desafiarlo en un voto de apóyame o saqueme. [53] Esta medida enfureció aún más a sus oponentes, quienes consideraron organizar una revuelta en el comité federal programado para el 1 de octubre, buscando derrocar a Sánchez y cancelar su plan de celebrar un congreso del partido temprano. [54] [55] [56] Con la disciplina del partido que se derrumbó rápidamente, los partidarios de Sánchez elogiaron su plan de celebrar una primaria del partido "exprés" y pidieron "¡guerra total!" contra los disidentes, lo que sugiere que la disputa Sánchez-Díaz por el liderazgo y la estrategia política había resultado en un partido profundamente dividido que luchaba por su propia existencia. [57] [58]
On 27 September, in her first public statements after Sánchez's gamble, Susana Díaz hinted at the possibility of becoming leader of the PSOE, expressing her discomfort with Sánchez's plan to hold a party primary and congress in October while reminding the incumbent PSOE leader of his many electoral defeats throughout his tenure, in contrast to Díaz's own electoral performance in the 2015 Andalusian regional election.[59] Concurrently, a majority within the party's parliamentary group in the Congress of Deputies voiced their opposition to Sánchez's plans to hold a party congress.[60]
28 September
Former Socialist Prime Minister Felipe González added to the pressure on Sánchez by declaring that the PSOE was in no condition to attempt to form a government themselves, while stating that he felt "cheated" because Sánchez had told him on 29 June that he would abstain in the second round of voting for Rajoy's investiture.[61] Sánchez's statements during an interview held earlier in the day claiming González to be "on the [Rajoy's investiture] abstention side" and rhetorically asking "I'd like to know on which side Susana Díaz is", coupled with an earlier warning that he would not step down even if 1 October federal committee voted down his plans for a party congress in late 2016, were said to be the straw that broke the camel's back for open revolution to unfold within the party.[62][63]
News emerged that opponents of Sánchez planned to stage a mass resignation from the PSOE federal executive committee, the party's day-to-day governing body—according to party rules, the resignation or vacancy of 51% of its members would force the Secretary General to resign.[64][65] Upon learning of this, Pedro Sánchez went further and dared them to do so if they "did not feel committed" to his project,[66] prompting dissenters to act ahead of schedule and resulting in 17 executive members, the required majority, resigning from their posts on 28 September.[67] This triggered the body's dissolution, theoretically prompting Sánchez's resignation.[68][69]
The 17 resigning executive members[70][71] | |
---|---|
Micaela Navarro | President; 2nd Vice President of the Congress of Deputies |
Antonio Pradas | Secretary for Federal Policy |
María José Sánchez Rubio | Secretary for Health |
Estefanía Martín Palop | Secretary for Training |
Noemí Cruz | Secretary for Development Cooperation |
Francisco Pizarro | At-large member |
Juan Pablo Durán | Federal executive member |
Emiliano García-Page | At-large member; President of Castile-La Mancha |
Manuela Galiano | Secretary for Small Municipalities |
Luz Rodríguez | Secretary for Labour |
Ximo Puig | Secretary for Democratic Reforms; President of the Valencian Government |
Tomás Gómez Franco | At-large member |
Eva Matarín | Secretary for Immigration |
Carme Chacón | Secretary for International Relations; former Minister of Defence |
José Miguel Pérez | Secretary for Education |
Carlos Pérez Anadón | At-large member |
María Ascensión Murillo | At-large member |
Sánchez, however, refused to resign and remained in his position, with rebels responding that Sánchez no longer had "any legitimacy to take decisions in the party's name" and urging him to "acknowledge party rules".[72][73] Sánchez was determined to keep the remaining executive functioning—now fully supportive of him after the critics' resignations—and rejected its dissolution, summoning it for an emergency meeting on the following day.[74][75]
29 September
By the next day, the PSOE had descended further into chaos,[76] as both sides refused to recognize the other's legitimacy to act and clashed on the interpretation of party rules, with Sánchez barricading himself in the party's headquarters in Calle de Ferraz (Spanish for Ferraz street), Madrid, as his supporters accused dissenters of "staging a coup". Critics proclaimed that they were now in control of the party,[77][78] and Verónica Pérez, President of the federal committee and pupil of Susana Díaz, claimed herself to be "the only authority that exists in the PSOE, whether [Sánchez's supporters] like it or not" under party rules.[79] Dissenters sought to convene the party's guarantees federal commission—an independent body tasked with resolving disputes within the party—to forcibly depose Sánchez,[80] but Sánchez's supporters argued that they had no right to summon the guarantees commission and that their actions were "void".[81] Nonetheless, three of the five commission members demanded that the body be convened and accused Sánchez of "preventing them from acting", stating they would issue a dictum themselves if the body was not convened within 24 hours.[82]
Sánchez persisted with his intention to stage a primary and congress, and set a timetable with hastened deadlines for them to be held.[83] Party members found themselves evenly split between those that supported him and were "deeply embarrassed" by the "show" being staged by his opponents, and those that demanded Sánchez's removal and the establishment of a caretaker committee to replace him in the interim.[4][84] The fracture deepened as the crisis spread through the regions, with regional party branches picking sides either for or against Sánchez.[85] Susana Díaz, in her first public speech after the revolt, criticized Sánchez's record as party leader, accusing him of being motivated "out of personal interest" and offering herself to reconcile the party.[86] Díaz would seek instead to have the party congress be held "in due time", only after the political deadlock in Spain had been solved.[87]
30 September
On 30 September, both sides were reportedly readying themselves for the meeting of the PSOE's 295-member federal committee scheduled for Saturday, 1 October. While the meeting of top party officials was initially expected to analyze the regional election results and to discuss and update the party's position on any future investiture,[88] new developments had made the meeting key to determining the party's short-term future. The crippled PSOE executive committee under Sánchez had convened the previous day to call a new federal committee for the same day and time as initially scheduled, now with the intention of approving Sánchez's plan to hold an extraordinary congress to renew the party's leadership.[89] Critics declared the new convention "illegal", instead only recognizing the meeting called for that date by the fully functional executive before the revolt. This meant that the two factions intended to hold two separate meetings, but at the same time and place.[90] Meanwhile, 'officialists' supportive of Sánchez struggled to keep control over the parliamentary party in the Congress of Deputies,[91] with just half the 84 PSOE deputies remaining loyal to Sánchez and the rest siding with the rebels.[92] Also, for the first time since the mass resignation from the federal executive committee, Sánchez's supporters acknowledged their status as an "interim" PSOE executive.[93]
Attempts from both sides to reach some sort of compromise to prevent all out war from raging at the next day's federal committee failed, with the two factions' positions seemingly irreconcilable in the short term.[94] Police intervention was required ahead of Saturday's meeting to deal with possible unrest between party members in the area around the Madrid headquarters as the interim leadership pleaded with party supporters for "serenity" and "prudence" to prevent the conflict from escalating further.[95] After Sánchez chose not to convene the guarantees commission until after the federal committee,[96] the three Sánchez critics on the commission issued a report endorsing the executive committee's dissolution and calling for the federal committee to fill the power vacuum. They also deemed that party rules did not provide for the "interim" status that Sánchez's executive had conferred upon itself, with any decision adopted in such circumstances being "completely without any statutory validity and null and void".[97][98] Pedro Sánchez immediately held a press conference—his first since the crisis started—and challenged dissenters to vote on the party's position on a future Rajoy investiture vote, promising to step down if the federal committee decided to support an abstention.[99] However, Sánchez's critics were undeterred, retaining their plan to depose Sánchez in Saturday's meeting nonetheless.[100]
1 October
The two factions vying for control of PSOE faced the federal committee with no prospect of reconciliation and with diametrically opposing views. Pedro Sánchez's officialists sought to retain control of the leadership until a congress to be held soon thereafter.[101] Critics under Susana Díaz intended to take full control of the party by deposing Sánchez in the party assembly and appointing a caretaker team—expected to be headed by Díaz's close ally Javier Fernández, Asturian President—that would deal with the political consequences of allowing a PP government. The party would then take time to hold a "refoundation congress" and a party primary which Díaz would contest unopposed.[102][103] The party was said to be at the brink of splitting into two if no peaceful solution to the conflict could be found quickly.[104]
Initially scheduled to begin at 9:00 CEST, disagreements between the two factions over the meeting's agenda and voting census delayed the start of the federal committee meeting by several hours. Seeking to gain time, Sánchez proposed readmitting the 17 executive members who had resigned three days previously and calling the committee to convene the next week, but the rebels rejected this, declaring that they did not recognize him as party leader and describing Sánchez's move as "insulting".[105] Sánchez repeatedly blocked Díaz's attempts to vote on his position as the two sides failed to agree on the purpose of the committee.[106] In the meantime, the ongoing turmoil attracted hundreds of journalists, policemen, party members and curious observers, who gathered outside the party's headquarters throughout the day.[107]
Sánchez tried to force a secret ballot on his proposal for a party congress, but it was suspended after critics claimed the ballot box was "hidden" and unsupervised, accusing Sánchez of vote rigging.[108] This action was said to have cost Sánchez support among his allies and prompted rebels to start procedures to trigger a censure motion against him.[109] This was rejected by Sánchez's supporters controlling the assembly, despite the rebels collecting the signatures of more than half of committee members—thus ensuring Sánchez would have been ousted had the vote been allowed.[110] Amid the turmoil, some people, including Susana Díaz herself, were reported to have broken down in tears,[111] while Sánchez's supporters denounced an attempted assault on Pedro Sánchez by Díaz's deputy, Juan Cornejo.[112]
An agreement was finally reached between the two factions to vote again on Sánchez's congress proposal—this time by a show of hands—linking the outcome of the vote to Sánchez remaining in his post. Pedro Sánchez lost the ballot by 132 to 107, prompting him to resign as PSOE leader.[113][114] Following the vote, Sánchez's critics appointed a caretaker commission to lead the party temporarily until a party congress could be held.[115][116] It was implied that the events of this day may help pave the way for the formation of a new government and put an end to nine months of political deadlock, as the rebels considered an abstention in a potential forthcoming vote on Rajoy's investiture.[13]
Faction | Portrait | Leader | Born | Most recent position | Party support (within federal committee) | Share |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Critics | Susana Díaz | 18 October 1974 (age 46) | Secretary General of the PSOE–A; President of the Regional Government of Andalusia (2013–present) | 132 / 253 | 52.17% | |
Supporters [117][118]
| ||||||
Officialists | Pedro Sánchez | 29 February 1972 (age 49) | Secretary General of the PSOE; Leader of the Opposition (2014–2016) | 107 / 253 | 42.29% | |
Supporters [117][118]
| ||||||
Undeclared | 14 | 5.53% |
Reactions
Members from the People's Party refused to get involved in the PSOE crisis and said they would not "comment on other parties' issues", just calling for the party to "solve its problems soon" so it could put an end to the political deadlock.[119][120] Nonetheless, PP leaders were said to be "incredulous" and "concerned" with "all that was happening within PSOE", worried at the prospect of a party fracture that would leave Podemos as the dominant leftist force in Spanish politics.[121] Foreign Minister José Manuel García-Margallo said that PSOE's situation was "schizophrenic" and that the party could not "afford for a new general election to be held at this time".[122] In contrast, Podemos leaders openly accused PSOE rebels of committing "fraud" by attempting to remove Sánchez through "undemocratic means", with the ultimate goal of ending the deadlock by helping Rajoy to get re-elected.[123][124] Podemos' Secretary General Pablo Iglesias described the PSOE's turmoil as "the most important crisis since the end of the Civil War, in the most important Spanish party of the past century".[1] Leaders from Citizens commented that the PSOE had to "take this opportunity" to "allow for a PP government checked from opposition".[125]
Sánchez's supporters gathered at the PSPV headquarters in Valencia on 29 September to denounce Ximo Puig's support in the revolt against the PSOE leader, with chants of "Coup plotters out from the Socialist Party!" and "Ximo liar" being heard.[126] The PSC announced its support for Sánchez by planning to bring buses from Terrassa and other towns in Catalonia to Madrid in a show of their allegiance to the Secretary General,[127] but this was later suspended after Sánchez's executive appealed to party members' serenity to prevent conflict from escalating further.[128] Nonetheless, party members who gathered outside PSOE's headquarters in Madrid shouted at critics attending the meeting by calling them "traitors" and "coup plotters", as chants against Susana Díaz and in support of Pedro Sánchez were heard.[129]
Reactions to Pedro Sánchez's resignation were mixed. Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias commented that "supporters of a PP government have imposed themselves on PSOE" and called for opponents of the coup to rally behind Podemos as the only remaining leftist alternative in Spain to a Rajoy government. C's leader Albert Rivera praised Susana Díaz's move and called for the PSOE to "help form a government".[130] Sánchez's ouster was reported as being "the most turbulent event" in the party's history,[131][132] with some regarding the whole event as "shameful".[115] Odón Elorza, former San Sebastián mayor and one of those present at the federal committee, stated that party colleagues had become "hopelessly crazy" and accused them of "killing the party". Some remarked that the party had emerged "fatally shattered", with the assembly "ending in the worst way possible".[133] Others commented that PSOE had chosen to "commit suicide" after the "sorry spectacle" it had offered, with PSOE member and former minister Javier Solana commenting of Sánchez's poor election results—cited as one of the motives behind his ejection—that "when they become aware of the damages, they will all prefer 85 deputies".[134][135] Former minister and Sánchez ally Jordi Sevilla said he was leaving the party because he felt "deeply embarrassed" at the whole event.[136]
- Pranks
Shortly after Pedro Sánchez had been sacked as party leader by the federal committee, while its members were appointing a caretaker team to replace him in the interim, the PSOE was the subject of a prank consisting of a massive pizza delivery. Forum members from both the ForoCoches and La Retaguardia websites had allegedly paid for the prank, with the latter posting a bill for €117 for the delivery on their Twitter account.[137] More pranks were staged over the following days, with several mariachi bands congregating at Ferraz's door to play songs caricaturing the figures of Pedro Sánchez and Susana Díaz.[138][139]
Struggle for opposition leadership
With the rebel faction taking over the party, political relations with Podemos became strained. Susana Díaz's opposition to any kind of pact with Iglesias' party was widely known, and she had blamed Podemos for the eruption of the PSOE crisis. However, Díaz's actions to have her former protege removed—through what was dubbed by some as a "palace coup"—caused a lot of damage to her public reputation,[140] while leaving the party at the mercy of Mariano Rajoy, who subsequently began to push for conditions in exchange for avoiding a third general election.[141][142] After being ousted, Pedro Sánchez hinted at the possibility of standing in the forthcoming party primaries, indicating that the battle for the party's leadership was not over.[143] On 7 October 2016 Pablo Iglesias of Podemos proclaimed himself to be the new Leader of the Opposition, on the basis of his party's strength in Congress—67 seats to PSOE's 84—and his claim that the now leaderless PSOE was poised to become PP's parliamentary partner by abstaining and facilitating PP rule.[144][145]
Eventos subsecuentes
U-turn on investiture
Javier Fernández was appointed to chair the interim managing body that would lead the party in the following months. While stating in a press conference on 3 October that the party remained opposed both to an abstention and a third election, he accepted that one of the two outcomes had to materialize eventually and asserted that "abstaining does not mean supporting Rajoy". However, he acknowledged that such a decision was a matter for a new federal committee and not his caretaker team.[146] Ximo Puig, one of the most prominent critics of Pedro Sánchez and a key figure in his sacking, argued against any PSOE facilitation of a Rajoy government and maintained the party should maintain its previous 'no' stance.[147] Susana Díaz, leader of the party rebellion and favourite to be picked as PSOE's new secretary general in the forthcoming congress, refused to reveal her stance on Rajoy's investiture and called for "leaving the [caretaker] committee to act", lamenting the "international spectacle" of "Saturday's federal committee".[148]
Fernández was aware that a revolt could break out within the party's parliamentary group if the decision—not planned to be submitted to the party's membership[149]—to let Rajoy rule was taken.[150] Substantial tension arose between the different factions within the parliamentary party as the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC)—PSOE sister party in Catalonia—announced its 7 MPs would vote against Rajoy regardless of PSOE's final stance.[151] Fernández replied to PSC's threat by maintaining that the party would not allow its deputies to break party discipline and vote in conscience,[152] while deeming a new election as "the worst solution" for both PSOE and the country.[153] A growing number of PSOE deputies followed the PSC line, refusing to be held accountable for the establishment of a new PP government. This included the Socialist Balearic, Basque and Cantabrian branches,[154][155][156] as well as numerous deputies still loyal to former secretary general Pedro Sánchez—and Sánchez himself, who still kept his seat in Congress.[157] Hoping to reduce the risk of a breakdown in party discipline during the vote for Rajoy's investiture, some PSOE members laid out an alternative plan that called for eleven deputies to either abstain or be absent during the vote, ensuring Rajoy would get elected if he could maintain the parliamentary support obtained during his first investiture attempt.[158][159] Susana Díaz's PSOE–A rejected this manoeuvre and called for all deputies to keep party unity and respect the decision taken in a new federal committee scheduled for 23 October.[160][161] Díaz's deputy, Juan Cornejo, suggested that MPs refusing to "abide by the federal committee's decision"—in the eventuality an abstention to Rajoy was decided—should resign their seats.[162]
Opinion polls conducted after the party crisis showed plummeting support for PSOE, with advocates of abstention arguing that it was no longer Rajoy's post under discussion, but whether he would be elected now or after a third election, expected to result in a landslide win for the PP.[163] Members of the party's caretaker leadership were convinced they would be able to push the abstention choice through in the party's federal committee, but remained afraid this move would likely widen the rift opened within the party.[164] At a meeting of the parliamentary party on 18 October, a majority of PSOE MPs expressed their support for abstention, while calling for "dedramatizing" this choice, but a faction of the party's group remained opposed.[165] In a new convening of the PSOE federal committee on 23 October the party chose by a vote of 139 to 96 to unconditionally allow a Rajoy minority government through an abstention once Congress considered Rajoy's candidacy for a second time.[14][166][167] However, party members clashed on how this decision was to materialize in terms of party discipline after some deputies declared they would not abide by the committee's decision regardless the outcome,[168] with critics to the caretaker commission demanding for the party to allow them to vote in conscience.[169] Javier Fernández, however, rejected this notion and confirmed the PSOE would abstain wholly with each deputy abstaining "literally".[170]
PSOE–PSC rupture
When PSOE voted to abstain in the second round of Rajoy's investiture and allow the formation of a PP minority government, most opponents of this decision agreed to respect the majority opinion within the party and maintain party discipline.[171][172] However, some deputies declared that they intended to vote against Rajoy nonetheless, even in the face of threats of retaliation from the party. Among these were Aragonese Susana Sumelzo, Basque Odon Elorza, independent for Madrid Margarita Robles, as well as the likely opposition of Galician Rocío de Frutos and the two Balearic Islands MPs.[173][174][175] MP for New Canaries Pedro Quevedo—with whom PSOE had agreed an electoral alliance in the Canary Islands for the 2015 and 2016 elections—also announced his intention to vote against Rajoy.[176] Pedro Sánchez's final stance on such a vote remained unclear, with some sources suggesting he would break the party line and others that he would not attend the investiture, in order to avoid having to abstain.[177]
However, the most serious rebellion to the party's directive came from the Socialists' Party of Catalonia, with PSC leader Miquel Iceta signalling his intention to disregard the committee's decision to abstain and maintain a 'no' stance.[178] Members from the party's governing committee stressed that the decision taken by the party's federal committee was binding for all MPs and that if PSC chose to vote otherwise, the relationship between the two parties would have to be reviewed.[179] Some interpreted this to mean that public disobedience from the PSC could result in its expulsion from the parliamentary group as well as from PSOE's governing bodies,[180][181] and even lead to the end of the alliance between the parties, in place since 1978.[182] Eight regional party branches critical of the abstention called on Fernández to authorize only eleven MPs to abstain—the minimum number required for Rajoy's investiture vote to pass—so as to prevent further splits, but he replied that the federal committee's decision was final and that a "minimum abstention" of this kind was not up for discussion.[183][184][185]
By late 24 October, the party's interim leadership predicted that about 15 deputies would rebel and threatened them with outright expulsion from the party, into the unaffiliated grouping in Congress.[186] However, this move backfired when a further group of MPs, opposed to abstention but initially willing to follow the party line, condemned any retaliation against conscience voters and expressed their willingness to join the rebel faction in solidarity with the PSC. By 25 October, with a new investiture hearing scheduled for 26–29 October,[187] a total of 18 deputies were said to be willing to break the party line regardless of the consequences, and a further three were considering it "because of the threats issued by the managing committee's spokespeople"; the expulsion of all these MPs would have left Unidos Podemos as the largest opposition group in Congress.[188] Later that day, the PSC leadership formally agreed on their 'no' position, appealing to PSOE "to accept differences and manage discrepancies" and calling for both parties to "keep walking together" as Iceta sought to prevent the split,[189] but PSOE replied that this decision represented a "unilateral breach" of the relationship between the parties.[190][191]
On 28 October, it was reported that the PSC was exploring the possibility of contesting the next Catalan regional election in alliance with Ada Colau's En Comú Podem, Podemos' "confluence" alliance in Catalonia.[192][193] In response, the PSOE started proceedings for the expulsion of the PSC from its governing bodies, and a review of their relationship, to be triggered after Rajoy's investiture.[194]
Rajoy's investiture and consequences
The second Mariano Rajoy's investiture session started on 26 October at 18:00 UTC. Antonio Hernando, PSOE's spokesperson in Congress and speaking on behalf of the party after Sánchez's dismissal, justified their impending abstention by citing the country's need for a government after months of deadlock. Hernando reiterated that his party still did not trust Rajoy, promising to provide a strong opposition to his policies regardless.[195] Hernando's speech did not convince neither those unwilling to abstain[196] nor Pedro Sánchez himself, who hours before the second and final round of voting announced his resignation as an MP—to avoid either abstaining and break his own electoral pledges or setting a bad precedent of a former PSOE leader breaking party discipline—while hinting at the possibility of standing in a future party leadership election.[197] Finally, 15 PSOE MPs chose to break the party line and vote against Rajoy in spite of the possible consequences threatened by the party's interim leadership.[198] Right after government formation, in an exclusive interview for laSexta's Salvados news show, Pedro Sánchez publicly accused his party's apparatus—led by Susana Díaz—and "financial powers", including El País media outlet, of having coerced him into avoiding a left-wing pact with Podemos and nationalist parties throughout the entire government formation process, revealing they triggered the internal revolt within PSOE to oust him once he considered a serious attempt at forming such a government and after repeatedly opposing to allow a PP government to form.[199][200]
Throughout the ensuing weeks, the party proceeded to marginalize and "punish" critics in a number of ways. As an immediate consequence, disciplinary procedures were filed against those MPs breaking vote discipline, expected to lead to fines up to €600.[201][202] Subsequently, a reorganization of the parliamentary group resulted in most rebels being either expelled from the party's parliamentary leadership or degraded in the different parliamentary committees.[203] This affected even some MPs respecting the party line—deputies but also senators, who had no vote in the investiture—that, nonetheless, were critical of the managing committee's direction.[204] This move further aggravated internal differences, being dubbed by those affected as "a shame", "revenge" and "marginalization" for "staying loyal to Sánchez until the end".[205] Meanwhile, the crisis with the PSC remained severe. Members from both parties favoured avoiding a total break up, but PSOE leaders strongly argued for "reviewing" their mutual relationship protocol, in effect since 1978.[206] As both parties set themselves a timetable of two months to review their alliance, the PSOE's managing committee reportedly started preparations to exclude the PSC from the incoming PSOE Federal Congress.[207] This could have the effect of depriving PSC's grassroots members—widely expected to oppose any candidate endorsed by the interim PSOE leadership—of their vote in a foreseeable PSOE primary election to elect a new party leader,[208] easening a possible Susana Díaz's candidacy to the post.[209]
Referencias
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- ^ "Sáenz de Santamaría, sobre la crisis del PSOE: "El Gobierno no puede comentar asuntos de otros partidos"". Europa Press (in Spanish). 28 September 2016.
- ^ "Las tres razones por las que la crisis del PSOE preocupa, y mucho, en el PP". El Confidencial (in Spanish). 30 September 2016.
- ^ "Margallo cree que el PSOE "no está en el mejor momento" para ir a unas elecciones". Expansión (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
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- ^ "Protesta en Blanqueries: "¡Fuera golpistas del partido socialista!"". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 29 September 2016.
- ^ "Autobuses para apoyar a Pedro Sánchez, la nueva iniciativa del PSC de Tarrasa". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 29 September 2016.
- ^ "El PSC de Terrassa suspende su movilización en apoyo de Sánchez en Ferraz". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 30 September 2016.
- ^ "Críticos del PSOE son recibidos en Ferraz con gritos de "traidores" y "golpistas"". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
- ^ "Podemos aprovecha para capitalizar la salida de Sánchez". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
- ^ "Así fue como Susana Díaz derribó a Pedro Sánchez en las horas más convulsas del PSOE". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
- ^ "Las 12 horas que decidieron la caída de Pedro Sánchez". El País (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
- ^ ""Locos sin remedio", "muerto" y "roto", así han calificado varios integrantes del PSOE en el Comité Federal". Antena 3 (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
- ^ "Xavier Sardà: "No sólo ha caído Pedro Sánchez. El PSOE se ha suicidado de una forma irreversible"". laSexta (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ "Spain's Socialist leader Pedro Sánchez resigns". Politico (in Spanish). 1 October 2016.
- ^ "Jordi Sevilla renuncia a seguir trabajando para el PSOE". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE, 'troleado': hacen un pedido masivo de pizzas con destino Ferraz". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ ""Con votos o sin ellos Sánchez es el rey", "Susanita de mi corazón"… Unos mariachis apaciguan la tensión en Ferraz". laSexta (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "Tras las pizzas, Forocoches vuelve a 'trolear' al PSOE y envía a unos mariachis a Ferraz". El Español (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "No gana Susana Díaz, gana Mariano Rajoy". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ "El PP pedirá al PSOE garantías de gobernabilidad". El Mundo (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE teme a Rajoy: "Ojalá podamos abstenernos"". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Sánchez se va... pero puede volver". La Vanguardia (in Spanish). 2 October 2016.
- ^ "Iglesias se proclama líder de la oposición y defiende un Podemos "militante"". infoLibre (in Spanish). 7 October 2016.
- ^ "Pablo Iglesias: "El PSOE ha renunciado y nos ha entregado la oposición al PP"". El Mundo (in Spanish). 7 October 2016.
- ^ "El presidente de la gestora del PSOE: "Una abstención no es lo mismo que un apoyo"". La Vanguardia (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "Ximo Puig: "Ahora no se dan las circunstancias para apoyar a Rajoy"". El Mundo (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "Susana Díaz pide "dejar actuar" a la gestora y cree que "ahora no toca" hablar de la investidura". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE no consultará a las bases si deja gobernar a Mariano Rajoy". El Mundo (in Spanish). 4 October 2016.
- ^ "La mayoría del Grupo Socialista apoya evitar elecciones ante el silencio de los sanchistas". El Confidencial (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSC resiste en su 'no es no' a Rajoy ante los titubeos del PSOE". El Periódico de Catalunya (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "Javier Fernández cierra la puerta a que haya libertad de voto en una investidura de Rajoy". La Voz de Galicia (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "Javier Fernández asume que "la peor de las soluciones" para el PSOE y para España es ir a elecciones". Europa Press (in Spanish). 3 October 2016.
- ^ "Francina Armengol avisa a Fernández de que el PSOE balear defenderá el 'no' al PP". infoLibre (in Spanish). 12 October 2016.
- ^ "Los socialistas vascos defenderán el 'no' a Rajoy en el próximo Comité Federal del PSOE". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 17 October 2016.
- ^ "La federación cántabra del PSOE se suma al 'no' a Rajoy". Cadena SER (in Spanish). 17 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Sánchez medita entregar su acta de diputado si el PSOE le fuerza a abstenerse ante Rajoy". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 16 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE baraja una 'abstención mínima' de 11 diputados". Cinco Días (in Spanish). 7 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE ve más cerca la ausencia de 11 diputados que la abstención total". EcoDiario.es (in Spanish). 15 October 2016.
- ^ "Díaz exige el compromiso de todos los diputados en la abstención del PSOE". La Vanguardia (in Spanish). 15 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE andaluz defiende la abstención ante la investidura de Rajoy". El País (in Spanish). 17 October 2016.
- ^ "El número 2 del PSOE de Andalucía respalda por primera vez la abstención a Mariano Rajoy". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 17 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE, ante el dilema definitivo: Rajoy ¿presidente ahora o dentro de 55 días?". teinteresa.es (in Spanish). 17 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE sacará adelante la abstención a Rajoy pero con un partido dividido". El País (in Spanish). 16 October 2016.
- ^ "Los partidarios de la abstención se imponen en el grupo parlamentario socialista". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 18 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE aprueba una abstención incondicional para que Rajoy sea presidente". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 23 October 2016.
- ^ "Spain's Political Impasse Ends as Socialist Party Clears Way for Rajoy's Re-election". The Wall Street Journal. 23 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE se abstendrá en la investidura de Rajoy tras un comité que vuelve a evidenciar la división en el partido". RTVE (in Spanish). 23 October 2016.
- ^ "Los críticos del PSOE reclaman que se pueda votar 'no' sin represalias". El Mundo (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Javier Fernández confirma que la abstención para investir a Rajoy será en bloque". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Luena afirma que no romperá la disciplina de voto del PSOE, pero mantiene su 'no' a Rajoy". Europa Press (in Spanish). 18 October 2016.
- ^ "Los líderes socialistas partidarios del 'no' a Rajoy, cada vez más cerca de la abstención". laSexta (in Spanish). 18 October 2016.
- ^ "Los diputados rebeldes que desobedecerán al Comité y votarán 'no' a Rajoy". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 23 October 2016.
- ^ "Armengol, sobre si acatarán la decisión del Comité: "Los socialistas de Baleares seguiremos siendo coherentes"". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 23 October 2016.
- ^ "Los apóstoles del no a Rajoy: Margarita Robles, Sumelzo, Odón Elorza... y los del PSC". El Confidencial (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Quevedo: "Nueva Canarias deja claro a Rajoy que no comparte sus políticas"". laSexta (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Quevedo: "Nueva Canarias deja claro a Rajoy que no comparte sus políticas"". El Periódico de Catalunya (in Spanish). 23 October 2016.
- ^ "Miquel Iceta asegura que el PSC "desobedecerá" a la abstención aunque cambie la relación con el PSOE". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "La gestora del PSOE amenaza con revisar su relación con el PSC si no se abstiene ante Rajoy". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE amenaza con echar al PSC de sus órganos de dirección". El Mundo (in Spanish). 20 October 2016.
- ^ "Los barones y la vieja guardia del PSOE amenazan al PSC para que se abstenga ante Rajoy". El Español (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Los barones del PSOE amenazan al PSC con el divorcio". La Vanguardia (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Ocho dirigentes regionales socialistas piden no imponer la abstención en bloque". El País (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Choque de barones en el PSOE por la abstención en bloque y la presión al PSC". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "Javier Fernández rechaza debatir con los barones sobre una abstención mínima". El Periódico de Catalunya (in Spanish). 24 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE avisa de que echará al Grupo Mixto a los diputados que voten 'no' en la investidura de Rajoy". El Mundo (in Spanish). 25 October 2016.
- ^ "Mariano Rajoy será investido presidente el sábado". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 25 October 2016.
- ^ "Crece el número de diputados del PSOE que podrían votar 'no' a Rajoy". El Mundo (in Spanish). 25 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSC ratifica su 'no' a Rajoy y sus siete diputados romperán la disciplina de voto del PSOE". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 25 October 2016.
- ^ "La gestora del PSOE advierte al PSC de que su 'no' a Rajoy supone una "ruptura unilateral"". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 25 October 2016.
- ^ "La gestora del PSOE advierte que la decisión del PSC de votar 'no' a Rajoy supone "una ruptura unilateral" con el partido". Antena 3 (in Spanish). 25 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSC quiere ir a las autonómicas con el partido de Colau". El País (in Spanish). 28 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSC propone una "alianza" electoral con Colau y Podemos". El Mundo (in Spanish). 28 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE perfila la salida del PSC de sus órganos de gobierno". El Periódico de Catalunya (in Spanish). 28 October 2016.
- ^ "Antonio Hernando justifica que el PSOE haga presidente a Rajoy: "Hoy España nos necesita"". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 27 October 2016.
- ^ "Diputados afines a Sánchez ven una "humillación" que Iglesias ya lidere la oposición". Europa Press (in Spanish). 27 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Sánchez dimite como diputado y anuncia que se lanza a recuperar el PSOE". El Mundo (in Spanish). 29 October 2016.
- ^ "Rajoy, investido presidente gracias a la abstención de todos los diputados del PSOE excepto 15". El Mundo (in Spanish). 29 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Sánchez acusa a los poderes financieros y al grupo Prisa de presionar para mantener a Rajoy". eldiario.es (in Spanish). 30 October 2016.
- ^ "Pedro Sánchez carga contra el Ibex y pide que el PSOE trate a Podemos "de tú a tú"". El Mundo (in Spanish). 30 October 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE expedienta a los 15 diputados que ignoraron la orden de abstención". El País (in Spanish). 31 October 2016.
- ^ "Los 15 diputados díscolos del PSOE se enfrentan a una multa de 600 euros y un posible relevo esta semana". EcoDiario.es (in Spanish). 12 November 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE degrada a cinco diputadas y aplaca al PSC para zanjar la crisis de los díscolos". 20 minutos (in Spanish). 17 November 2016.
- ^ "El PSOE castiga a los parlamentarios más próximos a Pedro Sánchez y salva a Margarita Robles". El Mundo (in Spanish). 17 November 2016.
- ^ "Los castigos de la Gestora vuelven a abrir la grave crisis del PSOE". El Mundo (in Spanish). 18 November 2016.
- ^ "PSOE y PSC crean una comisión para revisar sus relaciones y sus diferencias políticas, con un plazo de dos meses". Europa Press (in Spanish). 14 November 2016.
- ^ "La 'última bala' contra el PSC: la gestora del PSOE prepara un Comité Federal para apartarlo de las primarias". EcoDiario.es (in Spanish). 17 November 2016.
- ^ "La gestora quiere que los militantes del PSC voten al candidato a la Moncloa pero no al secretario general del PSOE". infoLibre (in Spanish). 15 November 2016.
- ^ "Los partidarios de Susana Díaz quieren que su candidatura sea la única en el congreso". El Confidencial (in Spanish). 19 November 2016.