El conservadurismo es una filosofía estética , cultural , social y política , que busca promover y preservar las instituciones sociales tradicionales . [1] Los principios centrales del conservadurismo pueden variar en relación con los valores o prácticas tradicionales de la cultura y civilización en la que aparece. En la cultura occidental , los conservadores buscan preservar una variedad de instituciones como la religión organizada , el gobierno parlamentario y los derechos de propiedad . [2] Los partidarios del conservadurismo a menudo se oponenmodernismo y buscar la vuelta a los valores tradicionales. [3] [4]
El primer uso establecido del término en un contexto político se originó en 1818 con François-René de Chateaubriand [5] durante el período de la Restauración borbónica que buscaba hacer retroceder las políticas de la Revolución Francesa . Históricamente asociado con la política de derecha , el término se ha utilizado desde entonces para describir una amplia gama de puntos de vista . No existe un único conjunto de políticas que se consideren conservadoras porque el significado del conservadurismo depende de lo que se considere tradicional en un momento y lugar determinados. El pensamiento conservador ha variado considerablemente a medida que se ha adaptado a las tradiciones y culturas nacionales existentes. [6] Por ejemplo, algunos conservadores abogan por una mayor intervención del gobierno en la economía [7] mientras que otros abogan por un sistema económico de libre mercado más laissez faire . [8] Por lo tanto, los conservadores de diferentes partes del mundo, cada uno con sus respectivas tradiciones, pueden estar en desacuerdo en una amplia gama de temas. Edmund Burke , un político del siglo XVIII que se opuso a la Revolución Francesa, pero apoyó la Revolución Estadounidense , es reconocido como uno de los principales teóricos del conservadurismo en la década de 1790. [9]
Temas
Algunos escritores como Samuel P. Huntington ven el conservadurismo como situacional. Bajo esta definición, se considera que los conservadores defienden las instituciones establecidas de su tiempo. [10] Según Quintin Hogg , presidente del Partido Conservador Británico en 1959: "El conservadurismo no es tanto una filosofía como una actitud, una fuerza constante, que desempeña una función atemporal en el desarrollo de una sociedad libre, y corresponde a un exigencia profunda y permanente de la propia naturaleza humana ". [11] A pesar de la falta de una definición universal, ciertos temas pueden reconocerse como comunes en el pensamiento conservador.
Tradicion
Según Michael Oakeshott , "Ser conservador ... es preferir lo familiar a lo desconocido, preferir lo probado a lo no probado, el hecho al misterio, lo actual a lo posible, lo limitado a lo ilimitado, lo cercano a lo distante. , lo suficiente a lo sobreabundante, lo conveniente a lo perfecto, presente la risa a la dicha utópica ". [12] Tal tradicionalismo puede ser un reflejo de la confianza en métodos probados de organización social, dando "votos a los muertos". [13] Las tradiciones también pueden estar impregnadas de un sentido de identidad. [13]
Jerarquía
En contraste con la definición de conservadurismo basada en la tradición, algunos teóricos políticos como Corey Robin definen el conservadurismo principalmente en términos de una defensa general de la desigualdad social y económica . [14] Desde esta perspectiva, el conservadurismo es menos un intento de defender las instituciones tradicionales y más "una meditación y una interpretación teórica de la experiencia sentida de tener poder, verlo amenazado y tratar de recuperarlo". [15] Por el contrario, algunos conservadores pueden argumentar que buscan menos proteger su propio poder que proteger "derechos inalienables" y promover normas y reglas que creen que deben ser atemporales y eternas, que se aplican a cada ciudadano. [dieciséis]
Realismo
El conservadurismo ha sido llamado una "filosofía de la imperfección humana" por Noël O'Sullivan , reflejando entre sus seguidores una visión negativa de la naturaleza humana y el pesimismo del potencial para mejorarla a través de esquemas 'utópicos'. [17] El "padrino intelectual de la derecha realista", Thomas Hobbes , argumentó que el estado de naturaleza de los humanos era "pobre, desagradable, brutal y breve", que requería una autoridad centralizada. [18] [19]
Formularios
Conservadurismo liberal
El conservadurismo liberal incorpora la visión liberal clásica de una mínima intervención del gobierno en la economía. Las personas deben tener la libertad de participar en el mercado y generar riqueza sin interferencia del gobierno. [20] Sin embargo, no se puede depender completamente de los individuos para que actúen responsablemente en otras esferas de la vida, por lo que los conservadores liberales creen que es necesario un estado fuerte para garantizar la ley y el orden, y se necesitan instituciones sociales para fomentar un sentido del deber y la responsabilidad hacia el nación. [20] El conservadurismo liberal es una variante del conservadurismo que está fuertemente influenciado por las posturas liberales . [21]
Como estos dos últimos términos han tenido diferentes significados a lo largo del tiempo y entre países, el conservadurismo liberal también tiene una amplia variedad de significados. Históricamente, el término a menudo se refería a la combinación de liberalismo económico , que defiende los mercados de laissez-faire , con el conservadurismo clásico, la preocupación por la tradición establecida , el respeto por la autoridad y los valores religiosos. Se contrastaba con el liberalismo clásico , que apoyaba la libertad del individuo tanto en la esfera económica como en la social.
Con el tiempo, la ideología conservadora general en muchos países adoptó argumentos fiscalmente conservadores y el término conservadurismo liberal fue reemplazado por conservadurismo. Este también es el caso en países donde las ideas económicas liberales han sido la tradición, como Estados Unidos, y por lo tanto se consideran conservadoras. En otros países donde los movimientos conservadores liberales han entrado en la corriente política dominante, como Italia y España , los términos liberal y conservador pueden ser sinónimos. La tradición conservadora liberal en los Estados Unidos combina el individualismo económico de los liberales clásicos con una forma de conservadurismo de Burke (que también se ha convertido en parte de la tradición conservadora estadounidense , como en los escritos de Russell Kirk ).
Un significado secundario del término conservadurismo liberal que se ha desarrollado en Europa es una combinación de puntos de vista conservadores más modernos (menos tradicionalistas) con los del liberalismo social . Esto se ha desarrollado como una oposición a las visiones más colectivistas del socialismo . A menudo, esto implica enfatizar los puntos de vista conservadores de la economía de libre mercado y la creencia en la responsabilidad individual, con puntos de vista comunitarios sobre la defensa de los derechos civiles , el ambientalismo y el apoyo a un estado de bienestar limitado . En Europa continental, esto a veces también se traduce al inglés como conservadurismo social.
Conservadurismo libertario
El conservadurismo libertario describe ciertas ideologías políticas de manera más prominente dentro de los Estados Unidos que combinan cuestiones económicas libertarias con aspectos del conservadurismo. Sus cuatro ramas principales son el constitucionalismo , el paleolibertarianismo , el conservadurismo de pequeños gobiernos y el libertarismo cristiano . Generalmente se diferencian de los paleoconservadores en que favorecen una mayor libertad personal y económica .
Agoristas como Samuel Edward Konkin III etiquetaron al conservadurismo libertario de derecha-libertarianismo . [22] [23]
A diferencia de los paleoconservadores, los conservadores libertarios apoyan políticas estrictas de laissez-faire como el libre comercio , la oposición a cualquier banco nacional y la oposición a las regulaciones comerciales . Se oponen con vehemencia a las regulaciones ambientales , el bienestar empresarial , los subsidios y otras áreas de intervención económica.
Muchos conservadores, especialmente en los Estados Unidos, creen que el gobierno no debería desempeñar un papel importante en la regulación de los negocios y la gestión de la economía. Por lo general, se oponen a los esfuerzos para cobrar tasas impositivas altas y redistribuir los ingresos para ayudar a los pobres. Dichos esfuerzos, argumentan, solo sirven para exacerbar el flagelo del desempleo y la pobreza al disminuir la capacidad de las empresas para contratar empleados debido a impuestos más altos.
Conservadurismo fiscal
El conservadurismo fiscal es la filosofía económica de la prudencia en el gasto y la deuda del gobierno. [24] En sus Reflexiones sobre la revolución en Francia , Edmund Burke argumentó que un gobierno no tiene derecho a acumular grandes deudas y luego arrojar la carga sobre el contribuyente:
Es a la propiedad del ciudadano, y no a las demandas del acreedor del Estado, que se prende la fe primera y original de la sociedad civil. El reclamo del ciudadano es anterior en el tiempo, supremo en título, superior en equidad. Las fortunas de los individuos, ya fueran poseídas por adquisición o por descendencia o en virtud de una participación en los bienes de alguna comunidad, no formaban parte de la garantía del acreedor, expresa o implícita ... [El] público, ya sea representado por un monarca o por un senado, no puede prometer nada más que la propiedad pública; y no puede tener patrimonio público excepto en lo que derive de una imposición justa y proporcionada sobre los ciudadanos en general.
Conservadurismo nacional
El conservadurismo nacional es un término político utilizado principalmente en Europa para describir una variante del conservadurismo que se concentra más en los intereses nacionales que el conservadurismo estándar, así como en la defensa de la identidad cultural y étnica, [25] sin ser abiertamente nacionalista ni apoyando un enfoque de extrema derecha . [26] [27] En Europa, los conservadores nacionales suelen ser euroescépticos . [28] [29]
El conservadurismo nacional está fuertemente orientado hacia la familia tradicional y la estabilidad social, así como a favor de limitar la inmigración . Como tales, los conservadores nacionales pueden distinguirse de los conservadores económicos, para quienes las políticas económicas de libre mercado, la desregulación y el conservadurismo fiscal son las principales prioridades. Algunos comentaristas han identificado una brecha creciente entre el conservadurismo nacional y el económico: "[la mayoría de los partidos de la derecha [hoy] están dirigidos por conservadores económicos que, en diversos grados, han marginado a los conservadores sociales, culturales y nacionales". [30] El conservadurismo nacional también está relacionado con el conservadurismo tradicionalista .
Conservadurismo tradicionalista
El conservadurismo tradicionalista es una filosofía política que enfatiza la necesidad de los principios de la ley natural y el orden moral trascendente, la tradición , la jerarquía y la unidad orgánica , el agrarismo , el clasicismo y la alta cultura , así como las esferas de la lealtad que se cruzan. [31] Algunos tradicionalistas han adoptado las etiquetas de " reaccionario " y " contrarrevolucionario ", desafiando el estigma asociado a estos términos desde la Ilustración . Teniendo una visión jerárquica de la sociedad, muchos conservadores tradicionalistas, incluidos unos pocos [ ¿quién? ] Americanos, defiendan la estructura política monárquica como el arreglo social más natural y beneficioso.
Conservadurismo cultural
Los conservadores culturales apoyan la preservación del patrimonio de una nación o de una cultura compartida que no está definida por fronteras nacionales. [32] La cultura compartida puede ser tan divergente como la cultura occidental o la cultura china . En los Estados Unidos, el término "conservador cultural" puede implicar una posición conservadora en la guerra cultural . Los conservadores culturales se aferran a las formas tradicionales de pensar incluso frente a un cambio monumental. Creen firmemente en los valores tradicionales y la política tradicional y, a menudo, tienen un sentido urgente de nacionalismo.
Conservadurismo social
El conservadurismo social es distinto del conservadurismo cultural, aunque existen algunas coincidencias. Los conservadores sociales pueden creer que la sociedad se construye sobre una frágil red de relaciones que deben mantenerse a través del deber, los valores tradicionales y las instituciones establecidas; [33] y que el gobierno tiene la función de fomentar o hacer cumplir los valores o comportamientos tradicionales. Un conservador social quiere preservar la moralidad tradicional y las costumbres sociales, a menudo oponiéndose a lo que considera políticas radicales o ingeniería social . El cambio social generalmente se considera sospechoso.
Los conservadores sociales de hoy generalmente favorecen la posición antiaborto en la controversia del aborto y se oponen a la investigación con células madre embrionarias humanas (particularmente si se financia con fondos públicos); oponerse tanto a la eugenesia como al mejoramiento humano ( transhumanismo ) mientras apoya el bioconservadurismo ; [34] apoyan una definición tradicional de matrimonio como un hombre y una mujer; ver el modelo de familia nuclear como unidad fundamental de la sociedad; oponerse a la expansión del matrimonio civil y la adopción de niños a parejas del mismo sexo ; promover la moral pública y los valores familiares tradicionales ; oponerse al ateísmo , [35] especialmente el ateísmo militante, el secularismo y la separación de la Iglesia y el Estado ; [36] [37] [38] apoyan la prohibición de las drogas , la prostitución y la eutanasia ; y apoyan la censura de la pornografía y lo que consideran obscenidad o indecencia .
Conservadurismo religioso
El conservadurismo religioso aplica principalmente las enseñanzas de religiones particulares a la política: a veces simplemente proclamando el valor de esas enseñanzas; en otras ocasiones, al hacer que esas enseñanzas influyan en las leyes. [39]
En la mayoría de las democracias, el conservadurismo político busca defender las estructuras familiares tradicionales y los valores sociales. Los conservadores religiosos generalmente se oponen al aborto, el comportamiento LGBT (o, en ciertos casos, la identidad), el uso de drogas [40] y la actividad sexual fuera del matrimonio. En algunos casos, los valores conservadores se basan en creencias religiosas y los conservadores buscan aumentar el papel de la religión en la vida pública. [41]
Conservadurismo paternalista
El conservadurismo paternalista es una rama del conservadurismo que refleja la creencia de que las sociedades existen y se desarrollan orgánicamente y que los miembros dentro de ellas tienen obligaciones entre sí. [42] Se hace especial hincapié en la obligación paternalista de los privilegiados y ricos hacia los sectores más pobres de la sociedad . Dado que es consistente con principios como el organicismo , la jerarquía y el deber , puede verse como una consecuencia del conservadurismo tradicional . Los conservadores paternos no apoyan ni al individuo ni al estado en principio, sino que están preparados para apoyar o recomendar un equilibrio entre los dos dependiendo de lo que sea más práctico. [43] Los conservadores paternalistas históricamente favorecen una visión más aristocrática (a diferencia del conservadurismo tradicionalista más monárquico) y están ideológicamente relacionados con los Altos Conservadores . [ cita requerida ]
En tiempos más contemporáneos, sus defensores enfatizan la importancia de una red de seguridad social para hacer frente a la pobreza , el apoyo a la redistribución limitada de la riqueza junto con la regulación gubernamental de los mercados en interés tanto de los consumidores como de los productores. [44] El conservadurismo paternalista surgió por primera vez como una ideología distinta en el Reino Unido bajo el Toryism " One Nation " del primer ministro Benjamin Disraeli . [44] [45] Ha habido una variedad de gobiernos conservadores de una sola nación. En el Reino Unido, los primeros ministros Disraeli, Stanley Baldwin , Neville Chamberlain , Winston Churchill , Harold Macmillan [46] y Boris Johnson fueron o son conservadores de una sola nación.
En Alemania , durante el siglo XIX, el canciller alemán Otto von Bismarck adoptó políticas de seguro obligatorio organizado por el estado para los trabajadores contra enfermedad, accidente, incapacidad y vejez. El canciller Leo von Caprivi promovió una agenda conservadora llamada "Nuevo curso". [47]
Conservadurismo progresista
En Estados Unidos, Theodore Roosevelt ha sido la principal figura identificada con el conservadurismo progresista como tradición política. Roosevelt declaró que él "siempre había creído que el progresismo sabio y el conservadurismo sabio van de la mano". [48] La administración republicana del presidente William Howard Taft fue un conservador progresista y se describió a sí mismo como "un creyente en el conservadurismo progresista" [48] y el presidente Dwight D. Eisenhower se declaró un defensor del "conservadurismo progresista". [49]
En Canadá , una variedad de gobiernos conservadores han sido parte de la tradición roja , y el antiguo partido conservador principal de Canadá fue nombrado Partido Conservador Progresista de Canadá de 1942 a 2003. [50] En Canadá, los Primeros Ministros Arthur Meighen , RB Bennett , John Diefenbaker , Joe Clark , Brian Mulroney , y Kim Campbell condujeron gobiernos federales rojas toria. [50]
Conservadurismo autoritario
El conservadurismo autoritario o conservadurismo reaccionario [51] [52] [53] se refiere a regímenes autocráticos que centran su ideología en el nacionalismo conservador , en lugar del nacionalismo étnico , aunque pueden existir ciertos componentes raciales como el antisemitismo . [54] Los movimientos conservadores autoritarios muestran una fuerte devoción hacia la religión, la tradición y la cultura, al mismo tiempo que expresan un nacionalismo ferviente similar a otros movimientos nacionalistas de extrema derecha. Ejemplos de líderes conservadores autoritarios incluyen a António de Oliveira Salazar [55] y Engelbert Dollfuss . [56] Los movimientos conservadores autoritarios fueron prominentes en la misma época que el fascismo , con el que a veces chocaba. Aunque ambas ideologías compartían valores fundamentales como el nacionalismo y tenían enemigos comunes como el comunismo y el materialismo , no obstante, existía un contraste entre la naturaleza tradicionalista del conservadurismo autoritario y la naturaleza revolucionaria, palingenética y populista del fascismo, por lo que era común para los regímenes conservadores autoritarios. para suprimir el aumento de fascistas y nacionalsocialistas movimientos . [57] La hostilidad entre las dos ideologías se destaca por la lucha por el poder de los nacionalsocialistas en Austria, que estuvo marcada por el asesinato de Engelbert Dollfuss .
El sociólogo Seymour Martin Lipset ha examinado la base de clase de la política de extrema derecha en la era 1920-1960. El Reporta:
Los movimientos conservadores o extremistas de derecha han surgido en diferentes períodos de la historia moderna, desde los horthyitas en Hungría, el Partido Social Cristiano de Dollfuss en Austria , Der Stahlhelm y otros nacionalistas en la Alemania anterior a Hitler, y Salazar en Portugal , hasta 1966 Los movimientos gaullistas y los monárquicos en la Francia e Italia contemporáneas. Los extremistas de derecha son conservadores, no revolucionarios. Buscan cambiar las instituciones políticas para preservar o restaurar las culturales y económicas, mientras que los extremistas del centro y la izquierda buscan utilizar medios políticos para la revolución cultural y social. El ideal del extremista de derecha no es un gobernante totalitario, sino un monarca o un tradicionalista que actúa como tal. Muchos de estos movimientos en España, Austria, Hungría, Alemania e Italia han sido explícitamente monárquicos ... Los partidarios de estos movimientos difieren de los de los centristas, tienden a ser más ricos y más religiosos, lo que es más importante en términos de un potencial de apoyo masivo. [58]
Historia
History of conservative thought
In Great Britain, the Tory movement during the Restoration period (1660–1688) was a precursor to conservatism. Toryism supported a hierarchical society with a monarch who ruled by divine right. However, Tories differ from conservatives in that they opposed the idea that sovereignty derived from the people and rejected the authority of parliament and freedom of religion. Robert Filmer's Patriarcha: or the Natural Power of Kings (published posthumously in 1680, but written before the English Civil War of 1642–1651) became accepted as the statement of their doctrine. However, the Glorious Revolution of 1688 destroyed this principle to some degree by establishing a constitutional government in England, leading to the hegemony of the Tory-opposed Whig ideology. Faced with defeat, the Tories reformed their movement. They adopted more conservative positions, such as holding that sovereignty was vested in the three estates of Crown, Lords, and Commons[59] rather than solely in the Crown. Richard Hooker (1554–1600), Marquess of Halifax (1633–1695) and David Hume (1711-1776) were proto-conservatives of the period. Halifax promoted pragmatism in government whilst Hume argued against political rationalism and utopianism.[60][61]
Edmund Burke (1729–1797) has been widely regarded as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism.[62][63] Burke served as the private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham and as official pamphleteer to the Rockingham branch of the Whig party.[64] Together with the Tories, they were the conservatives in the late 18th century United Kingdom.[65] Burke's views were a mixture of conservatism and republicanism. He supported the American Revolution of 1775–1783 but abhorred the violence of the French Revolution (1789–1799). He accepted the conservative ideals of private property and the economics of Adam Smith (1723–1790), but thought that economics should remain subordinate to the conservative social ethic, that capitalism should be subordinate to the medieval social tradition and that the business class should be subordinate to aristocracy.[citation needed] He insisted on standards of honor derived from the medieval aristocratic tradition and saw the aristocracy as the nation's natural leaders.[66] That meant limits on the powers of the Crown, since he found the institutions of Parliament to be better informed than commissions appointed by the executive. He favored an established church, but allowed for a degree of religious toleration.[67] Burke ultimately justified the social order on the basis of tradition: tradition represented the wisdom of the species and he valued community and social harmony over social reforms.[68]
Another form of conservatism developed in France in parallel to conservatism in Britain. It was influenced by Counter-Enlightenment works by men such as Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) and Louis de Bonald (1754-1840). Many continental conservatives do not support separation of church and state, with most supporting state recognition of and cooperation with the Catholic Church, such as had existed in France before the Revolution. Conservatives were also early to embrace nationalism, which was previously associated with liberalism and the Revolution in France.[69] Another early French conservative, François-René de Chateaubriand (1768-1848), espoused a romantic opposition to modernity, contrasting its emptiness with the 'full heart' of traditional faith and loyalty.[70] Elsewhere on the continent, German thinkers Justus Möser (1720-1794) and Friedrich von Gentz (1764-1832) criticized the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen that came of the Revolution.[71] Opposition was also expressed by August Wilhelm Rehberg (1757-1836), Adam Müller (1779-1829) and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1771-1830), the latter inspiring both left and right-wing followers.[72]
Both Burke and Maistre were critical of pure democracy in general, though their reasons differed.[73] Maistre was pessimistic about humans being able to follow rules, while Burke was skeptical about humans' innate ability to make rules.[74] For Maistre, rules had a divine origin, while Burke believed they arose from custom.[75] The lack of custom for Burke, and the lack of divine guidance for Maistre, meant that people would act in terrible ways.[76] Both also believed that liberty of the wrong kindled to bewilderment and political breakdown.[77] Their ideas would together flow into a stream of anti-rationalist conservatism, but would still stay separate.[78] Whereas Burke was more open to argumentation and disagreement, Maistre wanted authority and obedience, leading to a more illiberal strain of thought.[79]
History of conservative parties and movements
Conservative political parties vary widely from country to country in the goals they wish to achieve. Both conservative and liberal parties tend to favor private ownership of property, in opposition to communist, socialist and green parties, which favor communal ownership or laws requiring social responsibility on the part of property owners. Where conservatives and liberals differ is primarily on social issues. Conservatives tend to reject behavior that does not conform to some social norm. Modern conservative parties often define themselves by their opposition to liberal or labor parties. The United States usage of the term "conservative" is unique to that country.[80]
In Italy, which was united by liberals and radicals (Risorgimento), liberals, not conservatives, emerged as the party of the right.[81] In the Netherlands, conservatives merged into a new Christian democratic party in 1980.[82] In Austria, Germany, Portugal and Spain, conservatism was transformed into and incorporated into fascism or the far-right.[83] In 1940, all Japanese parties were merged into a single fascist party. Following the war, Japanese conservatives briefly returned to politics, but were largely purged from public office.[84]
Conservative elites have long dominated Latin American nations. Mostly, this has been achieved through control of and support for civil institutions, the church and the armed forces, rather than through party politics. Typically, the church was exempt from taxes and its employees immune from civil prosecution. Where national conservative parties were weak or non-existent, conservatives were more likely to rely on military dictatorship as a preferred form of government. However, in some nations where the elites were able to mobilize popular support for conservative parties, longer periods of political stability were achieved. Chile, Colombia and Venezuela are examples of nations that developed strong conservative parties. Argentina, Brazil, El Salvador and Peru are examples of nations where this did not occur.[85] The Conservative Party of Venezuela disappeared following the Federal Wars of 1858–1863.[86] Chile's conservative party, the National Party, disbanded in 1973 following a military coup and did not re-emerge as a political force following the subsequent return to democracy.[87] Louis Hartz explained conservatism in Quebec and Latin America as a result of their settlement as feudal societies.[88] The American conservative writer Russell Kirk provided the opinion that conservatism had been brought to the United States and interpreted the American Revolution as a "conservative revolution".[89]
Historic conservatism in different countries
Although political conservatism developed in most countries, most countries did not have conservative parties. Many conservatives parties disappeared as the reasons for there existence disappeared. Below are listed the historic conservative parties that survive today.
Belgium
Having its roots in the conservative Catholic Party, the Christian People's Party retained a conservative edge through the twentieth century, supporting the king in the Royal Question, supporting nuclear family as the cornerstone of society, defending Christian education, and opposing euthanasia. The Christian People's Party dominated politics in post-war Belgium. In 1999, the party's support collapsed, and it became the country's fifth-largest party.[90][91][92] Currently, the N-VA (nieuw-vlaamse alliantie/New Flemish Alliance) is the largest party in Belgium.[93]
Canada
Canada's conservatives had their roots in the Tory loyalists who left America after the American Revolution. They developed in the socio-economic and political cleavages that existed during the first three decades of the 19th century and had the support of the business, professional and established Church (Anglican) elites in Ontario and to a lesser extent in Quebec. Holding a monopoly over administrative and judicial offices, they were called the "Family Compact" in Ontario and the "Chateau Clique" in Quebec. John A. Macdonald's successful leadership of the movement to confederate the provinces and his subsequent tenure as prime minister for most of the late 19th century rested on his ability to bring together the English-speaking Protestant oligarchy and the ultramontane Catholic hierarchy of Quebec and to keep them united in a conservative coalition.[94]
The conservatives combined pro-market liberalism and Toryism. They generally supported an activist government and state intervention in the marketplace and their policies were marked by noblesse oblige, a paternalistic responsibility of the elites for the less well-off.[95] From 1942, the party was known as the Progressive Conservatives until 2003, when the national party merged with the Canadian Alliance to form the Conservative Party of Canada.[96]
The conservative and autonomist Union Nationale, led by Maurice Duplessis, governed the province of Quebec in periods from 1936 to 1960 and in a close alliance with the Catholic Church, small rural elites, farmers and business elites. This period, known by liberals as the Great Darkness, ended with the Quiet Revolution and the party went into terminal decline.[97] By the end of the 1960s, the political debate in Quebec centered around the question of independence, opposing the social democratic and sovereignist Parti Québécois and the centrist and federalist Quebec Liberal Party, therefore marginalizing the conservative movement. Most French Canadian conservatives rallied either the Quebec Liberal Party or the Parti Québécois, while some of them still tried to offer an autonomist third-way with what was left of the Union Nationale or the more populists Ralliement créditiste du Québec and Parti national populaire, but by the 1981 provincial election politically organized conservatism had been obliterated in Quebec. It slowly started to revive at the 1994 provincial election with the Action démocratique du Québec, who served as Official opposition in the National Assembly from 2007 to 2008, before its merger with François Legault's Coalition Avenir Québec in 2012, that took power in 2018.
The modern Conservative Party of Canada has rebranded conservatism and under the leadership of Stephen Harper, the Conservative Party added more conservative policies.
Colombia
The Colombian Conservative Party, founded in 1849, traces its origins to opponents of General Francisco de Paula Santander's 1833–1837 administration. While the term "liberal" had been used to describe all political forces in Colombia, the conservatives began describing themselves as "conservative liberals" and their opponents as "red liberals". From the 1860s until the present, the party has supported strong central government; supported the Catholic Church, especially its role as protector of the sanctity of the family; and opposed separation of church and state. Its policies include the legal equality of all men, the citizen's right to own property and opposition to dictatorship. It has usually been Colombia's second largest party, with the Colombian Liberal Party being the largest.[98]
Denmark
Founded in 1915, the Conservative People's Party of Denmark. was the successor of Højre (literally "Right"). The conservative party led the government coalition from 1982 to 1993. The party was a junior partner in coalition with the Liberals from 2001 to 2011.[99] The party is preceded by 11 years by the Young Conservatives (KU), today the youth movement of the party. The party suffered a major defeat in the parliamentary elections of September 2011 in which the party lost more than half of its seat and also lost governmental power. A liberal cultural policy dominated during the post-war period. However, by the 1990s, disagreements regarding immigrants from entirely different cultures ignited a conservative backlash.[100]
Finland
The conservative party in Finland is the National Coalition Party (in Finnish Kansallinen Kokoomus, Kok). The party was founded in 1918 when several monarchist parties united. Although in the past the party was right-wing, today it is a moderate liberal conservative party. While the party advocates economic liberalism, it is committed to the social market economy.[101]
France
Conservatism in France focused on the rejection of the secularism of the French Revolution, support for the role of the Catholic Church and the restoration of the monarchy.[102] The monarchist cause was on the verge of victory in the 1870s, but then collapsed because the proposed king refused to fly the tri-colored flag.[103] Religious tensions heightened in the 1890–1910 era, but moderated after the spirit of unity in fighting the First World War.[104] An extreme form of conservatism characterized the Vichy regime of 1940–1944 with heightened antisemitism, opposition to individualism, emphasis on family life and national direction of the economy.[105]
Following the Second World War, conservatives in France supported Gaullist groups and have been nationalistic and emphasized tradition, order and the regeneration of France.[106] Gaullists held divergent views on social issues. The number of conservative groups, their lack of stability and their tendency to be identified with local issues defy simple categorization. Conservatism has been the major political force in France since the Second World War.[107] Unusually, post-war French conservatism was formed around the personality of a leader, Charles de Gaulle; and did not draw on traditional French conservatism, but on the Bonapartism tradition.[108] Gaullism in France continues under The Republicans (formerly Union for a Popular Movement), which was previously led by Nicolas Sarkozy, a conservative figure in France.[109] The word "conservative" itself is a term of abuse in France.[110]
Greece
The main inter-war conservative party was called the People's Party (PP), which supported constitutional monarchy and opposed the republican Liberal Party. Both it and the Liberal party were suppressed by the authoritarian, arch-conservative and royalist 4th of August Regime of Ioannis Metaxas in 1936–1941. The PP was able to re-group after the Second World War as part of a United Nationalist Front which achieved power campaigning on a simple anticommunist, ultranationalist platform during the Greek Civil War (1946–1949). However, the vote received by the PP declined during the so-called "Centrist Interlude" in 1950–1952. In 1952, Marshal Alexandros Papagos created the Greek Rally as an umbrella for the right-wing forces. The Greek Rally came to power in 1952 and remained the leading party in Greece until 1963—after Papagos' death in 1955 reformed as the National Radical Union under Konstantinos Karamanlis. Right-wing governments backed by the palace and the army overthrew the Centre Union government in 1965 and governed the country until the establishment of the far-right Greek junta (1967–1974). After the regime's collapse in August 1974, Karamanlis returned from exile to lead the government and founded the New Democracy party. The new conservative party had four objectives: to confront Turkish expansionism in Cyprus, to reestablish and solidify democratic rule, to give the country a strong government and to make a powerful moderate party a force in Greek politics.[111]
The Independent Greeks, a newly formed political party in Greece, has also supported conservatism, particularly national and religious conservatism. The Founding Declaration of the Independent Greeks strongly emphasises in the preservation of the Greek state and its sovereignty, the Greek people and the Greek Orthodox Church.[112]
Iceland
Founded in 1924 as the Conservative Party, Iceland's Independence Party adopted its current name in 1929 after the merger with the Liberal Party. From the beginning, they have been the largest vote-winning party, averaging around 40%. They combined liberalism and conservatism, supported nationalization of infrastructure and opposed class conflict. While mostly in opposition during the 1930s, they embraced economic liberalism, but accepted the welfare state after the war and participated in governments supportive of state intervention and protectionism. Unlike other Scandanivian conservative (and liberal) parties, it has always had a large working-class following.[113] After the financial crisis in 2008, the party has sunk to a lower support level around 20–25%.
Italy
After World War II, in Italy the conservative parties were mainly represented by the Christian Democracy (DC) party, which government form the foundation of the Republic until the party's dissolution in 1994. Officially, DC refused the ideology of conservatism, but in many aspects, for example family values, it was a typical social conservative party.
In 1994, the media tycoon and entrepreneur Silvio Berlusconi founded the liberal conservative party Forza Italia (FI). Berlusconi won three elections in 1994, 2001 and 2008, governing the country for almost ten years as Prime Minister. Forza Italia formed a coalition with right-wing regional party Lega Nord while in government.
Besides FI, now the conservative ideas are mainly expressed by the New Centre-Right party led by Angelino Alfano, Berlusconi formed a new party, which is a rebirth of Forza Italia, thuds founding a new conservative movement. Alfano served as Minister of Foreign Affairs. After the 2018 election, Lega Nord and the Five Star Movement formed the current right-wing populist government.
Luxembourg
Luxembourg's major conservative party, the Christian Social People's Party (CSV or PCS), was formed as the Party of the Right in 1914 and adopted its present name in 1945. It was consistently the largest political party in Luxembourg, and dominated politics throughout the 20th century.[114]
Norway
The Conservative Party of Norway (Norwegian: Høyre, literally "right") was formed by the old upper class of state officials and wealthy merchants to fight the populist democracy of the Liberal Party, but lost power in 1884, when parliamentarian government was first practised. It formed its first government under parliamentarism in 1889 and continued to alternate in power with the Liberals until the 1930s, when Labour became the dominant political party. It has elements both of paternalism, stressing the responsibilities of the state, and of economic liberalism. It first returned to power in the 1960s.[115] During Kåre Willoch's premiership in the 1980s, much emphasis was laid on liberalizing the credit and housing market, and abolishing the NRK TV and radio monopoly, while supporting law and order in criminal justice and traditional norms in education[116]
Sweden
Sweden's conservative party, the Moderate Party, was formed in 1904, two years after the founding of the Liberal Party.[117] The party emphasizes tax reductions, deregulation of private enterprise and privatization of schools, hospitals, and kindergartens.[118]
Switzerland
There are a number of conservative parties in Switzerland's parliament, the Federal Assembly. These include the largest, the Swiss People's Party (SVP),[119] the Christian Democratic People's Party (CVP)[120] and the Conservative Democratic Party of Switzerland (BDP),[121] which is a splinter of the SVP created in the aftermath to the election of Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf as Federal Council.[121] The right-wing parties have a majority in the Federal Assembly.
The Swiss People's Party (SVP or UDC) was formed from the 1971 merger of the Party of Farmers, Traders and Citizens, formed in 1917 and the smaller Swiss Democratic Party, formed in 1942. The SVP emphasized agricultural policy and was strong among farmers in German-speaking Protestant areas. As Switzerland considered closer relations with the European Union in the 1990s, the SVP adopted a more militant protectionist and isolationist stance. This stance has allowed it to expand into German-speaking Catholic mountainous areas.[122] The Anti-Defamation League, a non-Swiss lobby group based in the United States has accused them of manipulating issues such as immigration, Swiss neutrality and welfare benefits, awakening antisemitism and racism.[123] The Council of Europe has called the SVP "extreme right", although some scholars dispute this classification. For instance, Hans-Georg Betz describes it as "populist radical right".[124] The SVP is the largest party since 2003.
United Kingdom
According to historian James Sack, English conservatives celebrate Edmund Burke who was Irish, as their intellectual father.[125] Burke was affiliated with the Whig Party which eventually became the Liberal Party, but the modern Conservative Party is generally thought to derive from the Tory party and the MPs of the modern conservative party are still frequently referred to as Tories.
Shortly after Burke's death in 1797, conservatism revived as a mainstream political force as the Whigs suffered a series of internal divisions. This new generation of conservatives derived their politics not from Burke, but from his predecessor, the Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751), who was a Jacobite and traditional Tory, lacking Burke's sympathies for Whiggish policies such as Catholic emancipation and American independence (famously attacked by Samuel Johnson in "Taxation No Tyranny"). In the first half of the 19th century, many newspapers, magazines, and journals promoted loyalist or right-wing attitudes in religion, politics and international affairs. Burke was seldom mentioned, but William Pitt the Younger (1759–1806) became a conspicuous hero. The most prominent journals included The Quarterly Review, founded in 1809 as a counterweight to the Whigs' Edinburgh Review and the even more conservative Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine. Sack finds that the Quarterly Review promoted a balanced Canningite toryism as it was neutral on Catholic emancipation and only mildly critical of Nonconformist Dissent; it opposed slavery and supported the current poor laws; and it was "aggressively imperialist". The high-church clergy of the Church of England read the Orthodox Churchman's Magazine which was equally hostile to Jewish, Catholic, Jacobin, Methodist and Unitarian spokesmen. Anchoring the ultra Tories, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine stood firmly against Catholic emancipation and favoured slavery, cheap money, mercantilism, the Navigation Acts and the Holy Alliance.[126]
Conservatism evolved after 1820, embracing free trade in 1846 and a commitment to democracy, especially under Disraeli. The effect was to significantly strengthen conservatism as a grassroots political force. Conservatism no longer was the philosophical defense of the landed aristocracy, but had been refreshed into redefining its commitment to the ideals of order, both secular and religious, expanding imperialism, strengthened monarchy and a more generous vision of the welfare state as opposed to the punitive vision of the Whigs and liberals.[127] As early as 1835, Disraeli attacked the Whigs and utilitarians as slavishly devoted to an industrial oligarchy, while he described his fellow Tories as the only "really democratic party of England" and devoted to the interests of the whole people.[128] Nevertheless, inside the party there was a tension between the growing numbers of wealthy businessmen on the one side and the aristocracy and rural gentry on the other.[129] The aristocracy gained strength as businessmen discovered they could use their wealth to buy a peerage and a country estate.
Although conservatives opposed attempts to allow greater representation of the middle class in parliament, they conceded that electoral reform could not be reversed and promised to support further reforms so long as they did not erode the institutions of church and state. These new principles were presented in the Tamworth Manifesto of 1834, which historians regard as the basic statement of the beliefs of the new Conservative Party.[130]
Some conservatives lamented the passing of a pastoral world where the ethos of noblesse oblige had promoted respect from the lower classes. They saw the Anglican Church and the aristocracy as balances against commercial wealth.[131] They worked toward legislation for improved working conditions and urban housing.[132] This viewpoint would later be called Tory democracy.[133] However, since Burke, there has always been tension between traditional aristocratic conservatism and the wealthy business class.[134]
In 1834, Tory Prime Minister Robert Peel issued the Tamworth Manifesto in which he pledged to endorse moderate political reform. This marked the beginning of the transformation of British conservatism from High Tory reactionism towards a more modern form based on "conservation". The party became known as the Conservative Party as a result, a name it has retained to this day. However, Peel would also be the root of a split in the party between the traditional Tories (led by the Earl of Derby and Benjamin Disraeli) and the "Peelites" (led first by Peel himself, then by the Earl of Aberdeen). The split occurred in 1846 over the issue of free trade, which Peel supported, versus protectionism, supported by Derby. The majority of the party sided with Derby whilst about a third split away, eventually merging with the Whigs and the radicals to form the Liberal Party. Despite the split, the mainstream Conservative Party accepted the doctrine of free trade in 1852.
In the second half of the 19th century, the Liberal Party faced political schisms, especially over Irish Home Rule. Leader William Gladstone (himself a former Peelite) sought to give Ireland a degree of autonomy, a move that elements in both the left and right-wings of his party opposed. These split off to become the Liberal Unionists (led by Joseph Chamberlain), forming a coalition with the Conservatives before merging with them in 1912. The Liberal Unionist influence dragged the Conservative Party towards the left as Conservative governments passing a number of progressive reforms at the turn of the 20th century. By the late 19th century, the traditional business supporters of the Liberal Party had joined the Conservatives, making them the party of business and commerce.[135]
After a period of Liberal dominance before the First World War, the Conservatives gradually became more influential in government, regaining full control of the cabinet in 1922. In the inter-war period, conservatism was the major ideology in Britain[136][137][138] as the Liberal Party vied with the Labour Party for control of the left. After the Second World War, the first Labour government (1945–1951) under Clement Attlee embarked on a program of nationalization of industry and the promotion of social welfare. The Conservatives generally accepted those policies until the 1980s.
In the 1980s, the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, guided by neoliberal economics, reversed many of Labour's programmes.[139] The Conservative Party also adopt soft eurosceptic politics, and oppose Federal Europe. Other conservative political parties, such as the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP, founded in 1993), Northern Ireland's Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP, founded in 1971), began to appear, although they have yet to make any significant impact at Westminster (as of 2014[update], the DUP comprises the largest political party in the ruling coalition in the Northern Ireland Assembly), and from 2017 to 2019 the DUP provided support for the Conservative minority government.
Modern conservatism in different countries
Many sources refer to any political parties on the right of the political spectrum as conservative despite having no connection with historical conservatism. In most cases, these parties do not use the term conservative in their name or self-identify as conservative. Below is a partial list of such political parties.
Australia
The Liberal Party of Australia adheres to the principles of social conservatism and liberal conservatism.[140] It is liberal in the sense of economics. Other conservative parties are the National Party of Australia, a sister party of the Liberals, Family First Party, Democratic Labor Party, Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party, Australian Conservatives, and the Katter's Australian Party.
The second largest party in the country is the Australian Labor Party and its dominant faction is Labor Right, a socially conservative element. Australia undertook significant economic reform under the Labor Party in the mid-1980s. Consequently, issues like protectionism, welfare reform, privatization and deregulation are no longer debated in the political space as they are in Europe or North America. Moser and Catley explain: "In America, 'liberal' means left-of-center, and it is a pejorative term when used by conservatives in adversarial political debate. In Australia, of course, the conservatives are in the Liberal Party".[141] Jupp points out that, "[the] decline in English influences on Australian reformism and radicalism, and appropriation of the symbols of Empire by conservatives continued under the Liberal Party leadership of Sir Robert Menzies, which lasted until 1966".[142]
Brazil
Conservatism in Brazil originates from the cultural and historical tradition of Brazil, whose cultural roots are Luso-Iberian and Roman Catholic.[143] Brazilian conservatism from the 20th century on includes names such as Gerardo Melo Mourão and Otto Maria Carpeaux in literature; Oliveira Lima and Oliveira Torres in historiography; Sobral Pinto and Miguel Reale in law; Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira and Father Paulo Ricardo[144] in the Catholic Church; Roberto Campos and Mario Henrique Simonsen in economics; Carlos Lacerda[145] in the political arena; and Olavo de Carvalho in philosophy.[146] Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, Patriota, Progressistas, Social Christian Party and Social Liberal Party are the conservative parties in Brazil.
Germany
Conservatism developed alongside nationalism in Germany, culminating in Germany's victory over France in the Franco-Prussian War, the creation of the unified German Empire in 1871 and the simultaneous rise of Otto von Bismarck on the European political stage. Bismarck's "balance of power" model maintained peace in Europe for decades at the end of the 19th century. His "revolutionary conservatism" was a conservative state-building strategy designed to make ordinary Germans—not just the Junker elite—more loyal to state and emperor, he created the modern welfare state in Germany in the 1880s. According to Kees van Kersbergen and Barbara Vis, his strategy was:
[G]ranting social rights to enhance the integration of a hierarchical society, to forge a bond between workers and the state so as to strengthen the latter, to maintain traditional relations of authority between social and status groups, and to provide a countervailing power against the modernist forces of liberalism and socialism.[147]
Bismarck also enacted universal male suffrage in the new German Empire in 1871.[148] He became a great hero to German conservatives, who erected many monuments to his memory after he left office in 1890.[149]
With the rise of Nazism in 1933, agrarian movements faded and was supplanted by a more command-based economy and forced social integration. Though Adolf Hitler succeeded in garnering the support of many German industrialists, prominent traditionalists openly and secretly opposed his policies of euthanasia, genocide and attacks on organized religion, including Claus von Stauffenberg, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Henning von Tresckow, Bishop Clemens August Graf von Galen and the monarchist Carl Friedrich Goerdeler.
More recently, the work of conservative Christian Democratic Union leader and Chancellor Helmut Kohl helped bring about German reunification, along with the closer European integration in the form of the Maastricht Treaty.
Today, German conservatism is often associated with politicians such as Chancellor Angela Merkel, whose tenure has been marked by attempts to save the common European currency (Euro) from demise. The German conservatives are divided under Merkel due to the refugee crisis in Germany and many conservatives in the CDU/CSU oppose the refugee and migrant policies developed under Merkel.[150]
India
In India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Narendra Modi, represent conservative politics. The BJP is the largest right-wing conservative party in the world. It promotes cultural nationalism, Hindu Nationalism, an aggressive foreign policy against Pakistan and a conservative social and fiscal policy.[151]
Russia
Under Vladimir Putin, the dominant leader since 1999, Russia has promoted explicitly conservative policies in social, cultural and political matters, both at home and abroad. Putin has attacked globalism and economic liberalism. Russian conservatism is unique in some respects as it supports Economic intervention with a mixed economy, with a strong nationalist sentiment and social conservatism with its views being largely populist. Russian conservatism as a result opposes libertarian ideals such as the aforementioned concept of economic liberalism found in other conservative movements around the world. Putin has as a result promoted new think tanks that bring together like-minded intellectuals and writers. For example, the Izborsky Club, founded in 2012 by Aleksandr Prokhanov, stresses Russian nationalism, the restoration of Russia's historical greatness and systematic opposition to liberal ideas and policies.[152] Vladislav Surkov, a senior government official, has been one of the key ideologists during Putin's presidency.[153]
In cultural and social affairs, Putin has collaborated closely with the Russian Orthodox Church. Mark Woods provides specific examples of how the Church under Patriarch Kirill of Moscow has backed the expansion of Russian power into Crimea and eastern Ukraine.[154] More broadly, The New York Times reports in September 2016 how that Church's policy prescriptions support the Kremlin's appeal to social conservatives:[155]
"A fervent foe of homosexuality and any attempt to put individual rights above those of family, community, or nation, the Russian Orthodox Church helps project Russia as the natural ally of all those who pine for a more secure, illiberal world free from the tradition-crushing rush of globalization, multiculturalism, and women's and gay rights."
— Andrew Higgins (The New York Times: In Expanding Russian Influence, Faith Combines With Firepower)
South Korea
South Korea's major conservative party, the People Power Party (South Korea), has changed its form throughout its history. First it was the Democratic-Liberal Party(민주자유당, Minju Ja-yudang) and its first head was Roh Tae-woo who was the first President of the Sixth Republic of South Korea. Democratic-Liberal Party was founded by the merging of Roh Tae-woo's Democratic Justice Party, Kim Young Sam's Reunification Democratic Party and Kim Jong-pil's New Democratic Republican Party. And again through election its second leader, Kim Young-sam, became the fourteenth President of Korea. When the conservative party was beaten by the opposition party in the general election, it changed its form again to follow the party members' demand for reforms. It became the New Korean Party, but it changed again one year later since the President Kim Young-sam was blamed by the citizen for the International Monetary Fund.[clarification needed] It changed its name to Grand National Party (GNP). Since the late Kim Dae-jung assumed the presidency in 1998, GNP had been the opposition party until Lee Myung-bak won the presidential election of 2007.
United States
The meaning of "conservatism" in the United States has little in common with the way the word is used elsewhere. As Ribuffo (2011) notes, "what Americans now call conservatism much of the world calls liberalism or neoliberalism".[156] American conservatism is a broad system of political beliefs in the United States that is characterized by respect for American traditions, support for Judeo-Christian values, economic liberalism, anti-communism and a defense of Western culture. Liberty within the bounds of conformity to conservatism is a core value, with a particular emphasis on strengthening the free market, limiting the size and scope of government and opposition to high taxes and government or labor union encroachment on the entrepreneur.
In early American politics, it was the Democratic party practicing 'conservatism' in its attempts to maintain the social and economic institution of slavery. Democratic president Andrew Johnson, as one commonly known example, was considered a Conservative.[157] "The Democrats were often called conservative and embraced that label. Many of them were conservative in the sense that they wanted things to be like they were in the past, especially as far as race was concerned."[158][159] In 1892, Democrat Grover Cleveland won the election on a conservative platform, that argued for maintaining the gold standard, reducing tariffs, and supporting a laisse faire approach to government intervention.[160] Since the 1950s, conservatism in the United States has been chiefly associated with the Republican Party. However, during the era of segregation, many Southern Democrats were conservatives and they played a key role in the conservative coalition that largely controlled domestic policy in Congress from 1937 to 1963.[161] The conservative Democrats continued to have influence in the US politics until 1994's Republican Revolution, when the American South shifted from solid Democrat to solid Republican, while maintaining its conservative values.
The major conservative party in the United States today is the Republican Party, also known as the GOP (Grand Old Party). Modern American conservatives consider individual liberty, as long as it conforms to conservative values, small government, deregulation of the government, economic liberalism, and free trade, as the fundamental trait of democracy, which contrasts with modern American liberals, who generally place a greater value on social equality and social justice.[162][163] Other major priorities within American conservatism include support for the traditional family, law and order, the right to bear arms, Christian values, anti-communism and a defense of "Western civilization from the challenges of modernist culture and totalitarian governments".[164] Economic conservatives and libertarians favor small government, low taxes, limited regulation and free enterprise. Some social conservatives see traditional social values threatened by secularism, so they support school prayer and oppose abortion and homosexuality.[165] Neoconservatives want to expand American ideals throughout the world and show a strong support for Israel.[166] Paleoconservatives, in opposition to multiculturalism, press for restrictions on immigration.[167] Most US conservatives prefer Republicans over Democrats and most factions favor a strong foreign policy and a strong military. The conservative movement of the 1950s attempted to bring together these divergent strands, stressing the need for unity to prevent the spread of "godless communism", which Reagan later labeled an "evil empire".[168][169] During the Reagan administration, conservatives also supported the so-called "Reagan Doctrine" under which the US as part of a Cold War strategy provided military and other support to guerrilla insurgencies that were fighting governments identified as socialist or communist. The Reagan administration also adopted neoliberalism and trickle-down economics, as well as Reaganomics, which made for economic growth in the 1980s, fueled by trillion-dollar deficits.
Other modern conservative positions include opposition to big government and opposition to environmentalism.[170] On average, American conservatives desire tougher foreign policies than liberals do.[171] Economic liberalism, deregulation and social conservatism are major principles of the Republican Party.
The Tea Party movement, founded in 2009, had proven a large outlet for populist American conservative ideas. Their stated goals included rigorous adherence to the US constitution, lower taxes, and opposition to a growing role for the federal government in health care. Electorally, it was considered a key force in Republicans reclaiming control of the US House of Representatives in 2010.[172][173][174]
Psicología
Following the Second World War, psychologists conducted research into the different motives and tendencies that account for ideological differences between left and right. The early studies focused on conservatives, beginning with Theodor W. Adorno's The Authoritarian Personality (1950) based on the F-scale personality test. This book has been heavily criticized on theoretical and methodological grounds, but some of its findings[clarification needed] have been confirmed by further empirical research.[175]
In 1973, British psychologist Glenn Wilson published an influential book providing evidence that a general factor underlying conservative beliefs is "fear of uncertainty."[176] A meta-analysis of research literature by Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway in 2003 found that many factors, such as intolerance of ambiguity and need for cognitive closure, contribute to the degree of one's political conservatism and its manifestations in decision-making.[175][177] A study by Kathleen Maclay stated these traits "might be associated with such generally valued characteristics as personal commitment and unwavering loyalty". The research also suggested that while most people are resistant to change, liberals are more tolerant of it.[178]
According to psychologist Bob Altemeyer, individuals who are politically conservative tend to rank high in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on his RWA scale.[179] This finding was echoed by Adorno. A study done on Israeli and Palestinian students in Israel found that RWA scores of right-wing party supporters were significantly higher than those of left-wing party supporters.[180] However, a 2005 study by H. Michael Crowson and colleagues suggested a moderate gap between RWA and other conservative positions, stating that their "results indicated that conservatism is not synonymous with RWA".[181]
Psychologist Felicia Pratto and her colleagues have found evidence to support the idea that a high social dominance orientation (SDO) is strongly correlated with conservative political views and opposition to social engineering to promote equality,[182] though Pratto's findings have been highly controversial[citation needed] as Pratto and her colleagues found that high SDO scores were highly correlated with measures of prejudice. However, David J. Schneider argued for a more complex relationships between the three factors, writing that "correlations between prejudice and political conservative are reduced virtually to zero when controls for SDO are instituted, suggesting that the conservatism–prejudice link is caused by SDO".[183] Conservative political theorist Kenneth Minogue criticized Pratto's work, saying: "It is characteristic of the conservative temperament to value established identities, to praise habit and to respect prejudice, not because it is irrational, but because such things anchor the darting impulses of human beings in solidities of custom which we do not often begin to value until we are already losing them. Radicalism often generates youth movements, while conservatism is a condition found among the mature, who have discovered what it is in life they most value".[184]
A 1996 study on the relationship between racism and conservatism found that the correlation was stronger among more educated individuals, though "anti-Black affect had essentially no relationship with political conservatism at any level of educational or intellectual sophistication". They also found that the correlation between racism and conservatism could be entirely accounted for by their mutual relationship with social dominance orientation.[185]
In his 2008 book, Gross National Happiness, Arthur C. Brooks presents the finding that conservatives are roughly twice as happy as liberals.[186] A 2008 study demonstrates that conservatives tend to be happier than liberals because of their tendency to justify the current state of affairs and because they're less bothered by inequalities in society.[187] In fact, as income inequality increases, this difference in relative happiness increases because conservatives, more so than liberals, possess an ideological buffer against the negative hedonic effects of economic inequality.[187]
A 2009 study found that conservatism and cognitive ability are negatively correlated. It found that conservatism has a negative correlation with SAT, Vocabulary, and Analogy test scores, measures of education (such as gross enrollment in primary, secondary, and tertiary levels), and performance on math and reading assignments from the PISA. It also found that conservatism correlates with components of the Failed States Index and "several other measures of economic and political development of nations."[188] Nonetheless, in a Brazilian sample, the highest IQs were found among centre-rightists and centrists, even after correcting for gender, age, education and income.[189]
Ver también
- Conservatism in Australia
- Conservatism in Canada
- Conservatism in Hong Kong
- Conservatism in India
- Conservatism in New Zealand
- Conservatism in North America
- Conservatism in Pakistan
- Conservatism in Russia
- Conservatism in South Korea
- Conservatism in Taiwan
- Conservatism in the United States
- Black conservatism
- Fiscal conservatism
- Liberal conservatism
- Libertarian conservatism
- National conservatism
- Social conservatism
- Traditionalist conservatism
Referencias
- ^ Hamilton, Andrew (2019). "Conservatism". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
- ^ Heywood 2012, p. 69.
- ^ McLean, Iain; McMillan, Alistair (2009). "Conservatism". Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. "Sometimes [conservatism] has been outright opposition, based on an existing model of society that is considered right for all time. It can take a 'reactionary' form, harking back to, and attempting to reconstruct, forms of society which existed in an earlier period". ISBN 978-0-19-920516-5.
- ^ "Conservatism (political philosophy)". Britannica.com. Retrieved November 1, 2009.
- ^ Jerry Z. Muller, ed. (1997). Conservatism: An Anthology of Social and Political Thought from David Hume to the Present. Princeton U.P. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-691-03711-0.
Terms related to 'conservative' first found their way into political discourse in the title of the French weekly journal, Le Conservateur, founded in 1818 by François-René de Chateaubriand with the aid of Louis de Bonald.
- ^ Heywood 2012, p. 66.
- ^ Vincent 2009, p. 79.
- ^ Vincent 2009, p. 78.
- ^ Frank O'Gorman (2003). Edmund Burke: His Political Philosophy. Routledge. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-415-32684-1.
- ^ Winthrop and Lovell, pp. 163–166
- ^ Quintin Hogg Baron Hailsham of St. Marylebone (1959). The Conservative Case. Penguin Books.
- ^ Oakeshott, Michael (1962). Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays. London: Methuen. pp. 168–196.
- ^ a b Heywood 2017, p. 66.
- ^ Robin, Corey (January 8, 2012). "The Conservative Mind". The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved December 23, 2016.
- ^ Henning Finseraas, "What if Robin Hood is a social conservative? How the political response to increasing inequality depends on party polarization." Socio-Economic Review 8.2 (2010): 283-306.
- ^ Rooksby, Ed (July 15, 2012). "What does conservatism stand for?". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved December 23, 2016.
- ^ Heywood 2017, p. 67.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
To Hobbes, the intellectual godfather of the “realist” right for whom security was the highest social value, authorities were needed as sovereign arbiters to stop people’s inborn competitiveness from running out of control.
- ^ "Chapter XIII.: Of the Natural Condition of Mankind As Concerning Their Felicity, and Misery.". Leviathan.
- ^ a b McAnulla 2006, p. 71.
- ^ Grigsby, Ellen (2008). Analyzing Politics. Cengage Learning. pp. 108–109, 112, 347. ISBN 978-0-495-50112-1.
- ^ "New Libertarian Manifesto" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on February 23, 2012.
- ^ "Interview With Samuel Edward Konkin III". www.spaz.org.
- ^ Freeman, Robert M. (1999). Correctional Organization and Management: Public Policy Challenges, Behavior, and Structure. Elsevier. p. 109. ISBN 978-0-7506-9897-9.
- ^ Mandal, V.C. (2007). Dictionary Of Public Administration. Sarup & Sons. p. 306. ISBN 978-81-7625-784-8.
National conservatism -inpublisher:icon.
- ^ Wilson, Jason (August 23, 2016). "'A sense that white identity is under attack': making sense of the alt-right". The Guardian. Retrieved September 7, 2016.
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- ^ Frohnen, Bruce, Jeremy Beer, and Jeffrey O. Nelson, ed. (2006) American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, pp. 870–875
- ^ Seaton, James (1996). Cultural Conservatism, Political Liberalism: From Criticism to Cultural Studies. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-10645-5.
- ^ Heywood 2017, p. 69.
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- ^ "No, I don't know that atheists should be considered as citizens, nor should they be considered patriots. This is one nation under God." President George H. W. Bush, "Positive Atheism (since 1995) Join the Struggle Against Anti-Atheist Bigotry!". Archived from the original on February 28, 2009. Retrieved February 27, 2009.
- ^ The World & I.: Volume 1, Issue 5 (1986). The World & I.: Volume 1, Issue 5. Washington Times Corp. Retrieved August 19, 2011.
militant atheism was incompatible with conservatism
- ^ Peter Davies; Derek Lynch (2002). The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-21494-0. Retrieved August 19, 2011.
In addition, conservative Christians often endorsed far-right remines as the lesser of two evils, especially when confronted with militant atheism in the USSR.
- ^ Peter L. Berger; Grace Davie; Effie Fokas (2008). Religious America, Secular Europe?: A Theme and Variations. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7546-6011-8. Retrieved August 19, 2011.
If anything the reverse is true: moral conservatives continue to oppose secular liberals on a wide range of issues.
- ^ Andersen, Margaret L., Taylor, Howard Francis. Sociology: Understanding a Diverse Society Cengage Learning, 4th Ed. (2005), pp. 469–470. ISBN 978-0-534-61716-5
- ^ "So Christians do not approve of the taking of illegal drugs, including most recreational drugs, especially those which can alter the mind and make people incapable of praying or being alert to God". Archived from the original on October 20, 2017.
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- ^ Heywood 2013, p. 34.
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- ^ John Alden Nichols. Germany after Bismarck, the Caprivi era, 1890–1894: Issue 5. Harvard University Press, 1958. p. 260
- ^ a b Jonathan Lurie. William Howard Taft: The Travails of a Progressive Conservative. New York, New York, US: Cambridge University Press, 2012. p.196
- ^ Günter Bischof. "Eisenhower, the Judiciary, and Desegregation" by Stanley I. Kutler, Eisenhower: a centenary assessment. p. 98
- ^ a b Hugh Segal. The Right Balance. Victoria, British Columbia, Canada: Douglas & McIntyre, 2011. pp. 113–148
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- ^ Lewis, David. Illusions of Grandeur: Mosley, Fascism, and British Society, 1931-81. Manchester University Press. p. 218.
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- ^ Seymour M. Lipset, "Social Stratification and 'Right-Wing Extremism'" British Journal of Sociology 10#4 (1959), pp. 346-382 on-line
- ^ Eccleshall 1990, pp. ix, 21
- ^ Muller, Jerry Z., ed. (1997). Conservatism: an anthology of social and political thought from David Hume to the present. Princeton University Press.
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- ^ Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction. Third Edition. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 74.
- ^ F. P. Lock, Edmund Burke. Volume II: 1784–1797 (Clarendon Press, 2006), p. 585.
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- ^ M. Morton Auerbach. The Conservative Illusion. Columbia University Press (1959). p. 33.
- ^ Auerbach (1959). The Conservative Illusion. pp. 37–40.
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- ^ Auerbach (1959). The Conservative Illusion. p. 41.
- ^ ams, Ian Political Ideology Today (2nd edition), Manchester University Press, 2002, p. 46
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Little of that, though fascinating, would have won Chateaubriand a place in the story of conservatism had he not he passed down to it a repertoire of disavowal for the “empty world” of liberal modernity and a counterpart trust in the “full heart” of faith and loyalty. Chateaubriand was a Romantic among conservatism’s anti-rationalist forerunners.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Gentz did not mock the Declaration of the Rights of Man in the satirical manner of Justus Möser (1720–94), the north-Saxon critic of market society and Enlightenment princely reform. Nor did Gentz fault the declaration, as Burke had done, for misunderstanding the character of rights. Gentz instead subjected the declaration to an article-by-article critique (1793) for errors of drafting and logic
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Less well-known thinkers who influenced later German conservatives were against revolution from the outset. August Rehberg (1757–1836) was a German Burkean and scholar from Hanover who took the Revolution to be antihistorical . . . Müller’s hopes for preserving Germany’s legally privileged classes, its old “estates,” and restoring an imagined premodern unity struck Gentz as out of touch . . . The Revolution took a wrong turn, left history’s “rational” march for freedom, and slipped into violent unreason. The Terror, on that understanding, was a contingent horror, as a little part of intelligible human history, Hegel wrote, as “chopping the head off a cabbage.” . . . After his death, Hegel’s heritage divided like the French assembly into right and left.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Neither Burke nor Maistre believed that people in general were capable of self-government, though for different reasons.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Maistre took a bleak view of unregenerate humanity. It could never be relied on to keep the rules and it needed harsh discipline and submissive faith together with the threat of swift punishment. . . .The trouble with trusting people to govern themselves lay for Burke not in their inability to keep rules but in their incapacity to make rules.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Whether the rules of society came from a divine source, as Maistre insisted, or from custom, as Burke held
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
It was plain to Burke that, once freed from custom and good sense, people were capable of the worst follies and crimes. Maistre thought the same once people were freed from God and his earthly ministers..
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
For both, mistaken liberty led morally to bewilderment, politically to revolution, breakdown, and counterrevolution.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Maistre’s and Burke’s ideas ran side by side into the tradition of conservative thought that was later labelled anti-rationalist. They did not merge.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
regard, Burke was more open. In politics, he allowed for faction, argument, and disagreement. He spoke loudly against disrupters who sought to leap out of the frame of common assumptions that made argument possible. . . Maistre, by contrast, wanted from political authority and obedience. His anti-rationalist legacy passed to authoritarian, illiberal conservatism.
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In the developed world neoliberalism is often coupled with Thatcherism [...].
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propounds and extends the ideology of cultural nationalism
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...conservative southern Democrats viewed warily the potential of New Deal programs to threaten the region's economic dependence on cheap labor while stirring the democratic ambitions of the disfranchised and undermining white supremacy.
- ^ Gregory L. Schneider, The Conservative Century: From Reaction to Revolution "The label (conservatism) is in frequent use and has come to stand for a skepticism, at times an outright hostility, toward government social policies; a muscular foreign policy combined with a patriotic nationalism; a defense of traditional Christian religious values; and support for the free market economic system.", "Within the conservative disposition in America, there are inherent contradictions between supporters of social order and tradition and supporters of individual freedom.", (2009) pp. 4–9, 136
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Social conservatives focus on moral or values issues, such as abortion, marriage, school prayer, and judicial appointments.
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Against accusations of being pre-modern or even anti-modern in outlook, paleoconservatives press for restrictions on immigration, a rollback of multicultural programmes, the decentralization of the federal polity, the restoration of controls upon free trade, a greater emphasis upon economic nationalism and isolationism in the conduct of American foreign policy, and a generally revanchist outlook upon a social order in need of recovering old lines of distinction and in particular the assignment of roles in accordance with traditional categories of gender, ethnicity, and race.
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Post-war conservatives set about creating their own synthesis of free-market capitalism, Christian morality, and the global struggle against Communism
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- Heywood, Andrew (2017). Political Ideologies: An Introduction. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-137-60604-4.
- Heywood, Andrew (2013). Politics. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-137-27244-7.
- Lacey, Robert J. (2016). Pragmatic Conservatism: Edmund Burke and His American Heirs. Springer. ISBN 978-1-349-94903-8.
- McAnulla, Stuart (2006). British Politics: A Critical Introduction. A&C Black. ISBN 978-0-8264-6155-1.
- Osterling, Jorge P. Democracy in Colombia: Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1989 ISBN 0-88738-229-0, 978-0-88738-229-1.
- Vincent, Andrew (2009). Modern Political Ideologies. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-4443-1105-1.
- Winthrop, Norman and Lovell, David W. "Varieties of Conservative Theory". In Winthrop, Norman. Liberal Democratic Theory and Its Critics. Beckenham, Kent: Croom Helm Ltd., 1983 ISBN 0-7099-2766-5, 978-0-7099-2766-2.
Otras lecturas
- Blee, Kathleen M. and Sandra McGee Deutsch, eds. Women of the Right: Comparisons and Interplay Across Borders (Penn State University Press; 2012) 312 pages; scholarly essays giving a global perspective on women in right-wing politics.
- Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-Century Europe. 1990.
- Carey, George (2008). "Conservatism". In Hamowy, Ronald (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage; Cato Institute. pp. 93–95. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n61. ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4. LCCN 2008009151. OCLC 750831024.
- Crowson, N. J. Facing Fascism: The Conservative Party and the European Dictators, 1935–1940. 1997.
- Crunden, Robert Morse. The Superfluous Men: Critics of American Culture, 1900–1945. 1999.
- Dalrymple, Theodore. Our Culture, What's Left of It: The Mandarins and the Masses. 2005.
- Fryer, Russell G. Recent Conservative Political Thought: American Perspectives. 1979.
- Gottfried, Paul E. The Conservative Movement. 1993.
- Nugent, Neill. The British Right: Conservative and Right Wing Politics in Britain. 1977.
- Sunić, Tomislav. Against Democracy and Equality: The European New Right. 2011.
- Honderich, Ted. Conservatism. 1990.
- Kirk, Russell. The Conservative Mind. 2001.
- Bacchetta, Paola. Right-Wing Women: From Conservatives to Extremists Around the World. 2002.
- Nisbet, Robert. Conservatism: Dream and Reality. 2001.
- O'Sullivan, Noel. Conservatism. 1976.
- Scruton, Roger. The Meaning of Conservatism. 1980.
- Woodwards, E.L. Three Studies In European Conservatism. Mettenich: Guizot: The Catholic Church In The Nineteenth Century (1923) online
Primary sources
- Schneider, Gregory L. ed. Conservatism in America Since 1930: A Reader. 2003.
- Witonski, Peter, ed. The Wisdom of Conservatism. (4 vol. Arlington House; 1971). 2396 pages; worldwide sources.
enlaces externos
- Conservatism an article by Encyclopædia Britannica.
- Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). "Conservatism". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
- Conservatism at Curlie
- Conservatism. Kieron O'Hara. Reaktion Books. 2011 (reviewed in The Montreal Review).