La teoría de la herencia dual ( DIT ), también conocida como coevolución gen-cultura o evolución biocultural , [1] se desarrolló en la década de 1960 hasta principios de la de 1980 para explicar cómo el comportamiento humano es producto de dos procesos evolutivos diferentes e interactivos : la evolución genética y la evolución cultural. . Los genes y la cultura interactúan continuamente en un ciclo de retroalimentación, [2]los cambios en los genes pueden conducir a cambios en la cultura que luego pueden influir en la selección genética y viceversa. Una de las afirmaciones centrales de la teoría es que la cultura evoluciona en parte a través de un proceso de selección darwiniano, que los teóricos de la herencia dual a menudo describen por analogía con la evolución genética. [3]
La 'cultura', en este contexto, se define como 'comportamiento socialmente aprendido', y el 'aprendizaje social' se define como copiar comportamientos observados en otros o adquirir comportamientos a través de la enseñanza de otros. La mayor parte del modelado realizado en el campo se basa en la primera dinámica (copia), aunque puede extenderse a la enseñanza. El aprendizaje social en su forma más simple implica la copia ciega de comportamientos de un modelo (alguien observado comportándose), aunque también se entiende que tiene muchos sesgos potenciales , incluido el sesgo de éxito (copiar de aquellos que se percibe que están en mejor situación), sesgo de estado (copiar de aquellos con un estatus más alto), homofilia (copiando a los que son más como nosotros), sesgo conformista (captando de manera desproporcionada los comportamientos que más personas están realizando), etc. Comprender el aprendizaje social es un sistema de replicación de patrones y comprender que hay diferentes tasas de supervivencia para diferentes variantes culturales aprendidas socialmente, esto establece, por definición, una estructura evolutiva: la evolución cultural. [4]
Debido a que la evolución genética se comprende relativamente bien, la mayor parte de DIT examina la evolución cultural y las interacciones entre la evolución cultural y la evolución genética.
Bases teóricas
DIT sostiene que la evolución genética y cultural interactuó en la evolución del Homo sapiens . DIT reconoce que la selección natural de genotipos es un componente importante de la evolución del comportamiento humano y que los rasgos culturales pueden verse limitados por imperativos genéticos. Sin embargo, DIT también reconoce que la evolución genética ha dotado a la especie humana de un proceso evolutivo paralelo de evolución cultural. DIT hace tres afirmaciones principales: [5]
Las capacidades culturales son adaptaciones
La capacidad humana de almacenar y transmitir cultura surgió de mecanismos psicológicos evolucionados genéticamente. Esto implica que en algún momento durante la evolución de la especie humana, un tipo de aprendizaje social que condujo a una evolución cultural acumulativa fue evolutivamente ventajoso.
La cultura evoluciona
Los procesos de aprendizaje social dan lugar a la evolución cultural. Los rasgos culturales se transmiten de manera diferente a los rasgos genéticos y, por lo tanto, dan como resultado diferentes efectos a nivel de población sobre la variación del comportamiento.
Los genes y la cultura evolucionan conjuntamente
Los rasgos culturales alteran los entornos sociales y físicos bajo los cuales opera la selección genética. Por ejemplo, las adopciones culturales de la agricultura y la lechería han provocado, en los seres humanos, la selección genética de los rasgos para digerir el almidón y la lactosa , respectivamente. [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] Como otro ejemplo, es probable que una vez que la cultura se volvió adaptativa, la selección genética provocó un refinamiento de la arquitectura cognitiva que almacena y transmite información cultural. Este refinamiento puede haber influido aún más en la forma en que se almacena la cultura y los sesgos que gobiernan su transmisión.
DIT también predice que, bajo ciertas situaciones, la evolución cultural puede seleccionar rasgos que son genéticamente desadaptativos. Un ejemplo de esto es la transición demográfica , que describe la caída de las tasas de natalidad en las sociedades industrializadas. Los teóricos de la herencia dual plantean la hipótesis de que la transición demográfica puede ser el resultado de un sesgo de prestigio, donde los individuos que renuncian a la reproducción para ganar más influencia en las sociedades industriales tienen más probabilidades de ser elegidos como modelos culturales. [12] [13]
Vista de la cultura
La gente ha definido la palabra "cultura" para describir un gran conjunto de fenómenos diferentes. [14] [15] Una definición que resume lo que se entiende por "cultura" en DIT es:
La cultura es información socialmente aprendida almacenada en el cerebro de las personas que es capaz de afectar el comportamiento. [16] [17]
Esta visión de la cultura enfatiza el pensamiento poblacional al enfocarse en el proceso por el cual la cultura se genera y se mantiene. También ve la cultura como una propiedad dinámica de los individuos, en oposición a una visión de la cultura como una entidad superorgánica a la que los individuos deben adaptarse. [18] La principal ventaja de esta visión es que conecta los procesos a nivel individual con los resultados a nivel de población. [19]
Influencia genética en la evolución cultural
Los genes afectan la evolución cultural a través de predisposiciones psicológicas sobre el aprendizaje cultural. [20] Los genes codifican gran parte de la información necesaria para formar el cerebro humano. Los genes restringen la estructura del cerebro y, por lo tanto, la capacidad del cerebro para adquirir y almacenar cultura. Los genes también pueden dotar a las personas de ciertos tipos de sesgo de transmisión (que se describen a continuación).
Influencias culturales en la evolución genética
La cultura puede influir profundamente en las frecuencias genéticas de una población.
Persistencia de la lactasa
Uno de los ejemplos más conocidos es la prevalencia del genotipo para la absorción de lactosa adulta en poblaciones humanas, como los europeos del norte y algunas sociedades africanas, con una larga historia de cría de ganado para la producción de leche. Hasta hace unos 7.500 años, [21] la producción de lactasa se detuvo poco después del destete, [22] y en sociedades que no desarrollaron la industria lechera, como los asiáticos orientales y los amerindios, esto sigue siendo cierto hoy en día. [23] [24] En áreas con persistencia de lactasa, se cree que al domesticar animales, una fuente de leche estuvo disponible mientras un adulto y por lo tanto podría ocurrir una fuerte selección para la persistencia de lactasa, [21] [25] en una población escandinava el El coeficiente de selección estimado fue 0.09-0.19. [25] Esto implica que la práctica cultural de criar ganado primero para carne y luego para leche llevó a la selección de rasgos genéticos para la digestión de lactosa . [26] Recientemente, el análisis de la selección natural en el genoma humano sugiere que la civilización ha acelerado el cambio genético en los seres humanos durante los últimos 10.000 años. [27]
Procesamiento de alimentos
La cultura ha provocado cambios en el sistema digestivo humano haciendo que muchos órganos digestivos, como los dientes o el estómago, sean más pequeños de lo esperado para primates de tamaño similar, [28] y se ha atribuido a una de las razones por las que los humanos tienen cerebros tan grandes en comparación con otros grandes simios. [29] [30] Esto se debe al procesamiento de alimentos. Los primeros ejemplos de procesamiento de alimentos incluyen machacar, marinar y, sobre todo, cocinar. Golpear la carne rompe las fibras musculares, lo que quita parte del trabajo de la boca, los dientes y la mandíbula. [31] [32] Marinar emula la acción del estómago con altos niveles de ácido. La cocción descompone parcialmente los alimentos haciéndolos más fáciles de digerir. Los alimentos ingresan al cuerpo de manera efectiva parcialmente digeridos y, como tal, el procesamiento de alimentos reduce el trabajo que tiene que hacer el sistema digestivo. Esto significa que hay una selección para órganos digestivos más pequeños ya que el tejido es energéticamente caro, [28] aquellos con órganos digestivos más pequeños pueden procesar su comida pero a un costo energético menor que aquellos con órganos más grandes. [33] Cocinar es notable porque la energía disponible de los alimentos aumenta cuando se cocinan y esto también significa que se dedica menos tiempo a buscar alimentos. [29] [34] [35]
Humans living on cooked diets spend only a fraction of their day chewing compared to other extant primates living on raw diets. American girls and boys spent on average 8 and 7 percent of their day chewing respectively, compared to chimpanzees who spend more than 6 hours a day chewing.[36] This frees up time which can be used for hunting. A raw diet means hunting is constrained since time spent hunting is time not spent eating and chewing plant material, but cooking reduces the time required to get the day's energy requirements, allowing for more subsistence activities.[37] Digestibility of cooked carbohydrates is approximately on average 30% higher than digestibility of non cooked carbohydrates.[34][38] This increased energy intake, more free time and savings made on tissue used in the digestive system allowed for the selection of genes for larger brain size.
Despite its benefits, brain tissue requires a large amount of calories, hence a main constraint in selection for larger brains is calorie intake. A greater calorie intake can support greater quantities of brain tissue. This is argued to explain why human brains can be much larger than other apes, since humans are the only ape to engage in food processing.[29] The cooking of food has influenced genes to the extent that, research suggests, humans cannot live without cooking.[39][29] A study on 513 individuals consuming long term raw diets found that as the percentage of their diet which was made up of raw food and/or the length they had been on a diet of raw food increased, their BMI decreased.[39] This is despite access to many non thermal processing, like grinding, pounding or heating to 48 deg. c. (118 deg. F).[39] With approximately 86 billion neurons in the human brain and 60–70 kg body mass, an exclusively raw diet close to that of what extant primates have would be not viable as, when modelled, it is argued that it would require an infeasible level of more than nine hours of feeding everyday.[29] However, this is contested, with alternative modelling showing enough calories could be obtained within 5–6 hours per day.[40] Some scientists and anthropologists point to evidence that brain size in the Homo lineage started to increase well before the advent of cooking due to increased consumption of meat[28][40][41] and that basic food processing (slicing) accounts for the size reduction in organs related to chewing.[42] Cornélio et al. argues that improving cooperative abilities and a varying of diet to more meat and seeds improved foraging and hunting efficiency. It is this that allowed for the brain expansion, independent of cooking which they argue came much later, a consequence from the complex cognition that developed.[40] Yet this is still an example of a cultural shift in diet and the resulting genetic evolution. Further criticism comes from the controversy of the archaeological evidence available. Some claim there is a lack of evidence of fire control when brain sizes first started expanding.[40][43] Wrangham argues that anatomical evidence around the time of the origin of Homo erectus (1.8 million years ago), indicates that the control of fire and hence cooking occurred.[34] At this time, the largest reductions in tooth size in the entirety of human evolution occurred, indicating that softer foods became prevalent in the diet. Also at this time was a narrowing of the pelvis indicating a smaller gut and also there is evidence that there was a loss of the ability to climb which Wrangham argues indicates the control of fire, since sleeping on the ground needs fire to ward off predators.[44] The proposed increases in brain size from food processing will have led to a greater mental capacity for further cultural innovation in food processing which will have increased digestive efficiency further providing more energy for further gains in brain size.[45] This positive feedback loop is argued to have led to the rapid brain size increases seen in the Homo lineage.[46][40]
Mecanismos de evolución cultural
In DIT, the evolution and maintenance of cultures is described by five major mechanisms: natural selection of cultural variants, random variation, cultural drift, guided variation and transmission bias.
Natural selection
Cultural differences among individuals can lead to differential survival of individuals. The patterns of this selective process depend on transmission biases and can result in behavior that is more adaptive to a given environment.
Random variation
Random variation arises from errors in the learning, display or recall of cultural information, and is roughly analogous to the process of mutation in genetic evolution.
Cultural drift
Cultural drift is a process roughly analogous to genetic drift in evolutionary biology.[47][48][49] In cultural drift, the frequency of cultural traits in a population may be subject to random fluctuations due to chance variations in which traits are observed and transmitted (sometimes called "sampling error").[50] These fluctuations might cause cultural variants to disappear from a population. This effect should be especially strong in small populations.[51] A model by Hahn and Bentley shows that cultural drift gives a reasonably good approximation to changes in the popularity of American baby names.[50] Drift processes have also been suggested to explain changes in archaeological pottery and technology patent applications.[49] Changes in the songs of song birds are also thought to arise from drift processes, where distinct dialects in different groups occur due to errors in songbird singing and acquisition by successive generations.[52] Cultural drift is also observed in an early computer model of cultural evolution.[53]
Guided variation
Cultural traits may be gained in a population through the process of individual learning. Once an individual learns a novel trait, it can be transmitted to other members of the population. The process of guided variation depends on an adaptive standard that determines what cultural variants are learned.
Biased transmission
Understanding the different ways that culture traits can be transmitted between individuals has been an important part of DIT research since the 1970s.[54][55] Transmission biases occur when some cultural variants are favored over others during the process of cultural transmission.[56] Boyd and Richerson (1985)[56] defined and analytically modeled a number of possible transmission biases. The list of biases has been refined over the years, especially by Henrich and McElreath.[57]
Content bias
Content biases result from situations where some aspect of a cultural variant's content makes them more likely to be adopted.[58] Content biases can result from genetic preferences, preferences determined by existing cultural traits, or a combination of the two. For example, food preferences can result from genetic preferences for sugary or fatty foods and socially-learned eating practices and taboos.[58] Content biases are sometimes called "direct biases."[56]
Context bias
Context biases result from individuals using clues about the social structure of their population to determine what cultural variants to adopt. This determination is made without reference to the content of the variant. There are two major categories of context biases: model-based biases, and frequency-dependent biases.
Model-based biases
Model-based biases result when an individual is biased to choose a particular "cultural model" to imitate. There are four major categories of model-based biases: prestige bias, skill bias, success bias, and similarity bias.[5][59] A "prestige bias" results when individuals are more likely to imitate cultural models that are seen as having more prestige. A measure of prestige could be the amount of deference shown to a potential cultural model by other individuals. A "skill bias" results when individuals can directly observe different cultural models performing a learned skill and are more likely to imitate cultural models that perform better at the specific skill. A "success bias" results from individuals preferentially imitating cultural models that they determine are most generally successful (as opposed to successful at a specific skill as in the skill bias.) A "similarity bias" results when individuals are more likely to imitate cultural models that are perceived as being similar to the individual based on specific traits.
Frequency-dependent biases
Frequency-dependent biases result when an individual is biased to choose particular cultural variants based on their perceived frequency in the population. The most explored frequency-dependent bias is the "conformity bias." Conformity biases result when individuals attempt to copy the mean or the mode cultural variant in the population. Another possible frequency dependent bias is the "rarity bias." The rarity bias results when individuals preferentially choose cultural variants that are less common in the population. The rarity bias is also sometimes called a "nonconformist" or "anti-conformist" bias.
Aprendizaje social y evolución cultural acumulativa
In DIT, the evolution of culture is dependent on the evolution of social learning. Analytic models show that social learning becomes evolutionarily beneficial when the environment changes with enough frequency that genetic inheritance can not track the changes, but not fast enough that individual learning is more efficient.[60] For environments that have very little variability, social learning is not needed since genes can adapt fast enough to the changes that occur, and innate behaviour is able to deal with the constant environment.[61] In fast changing environments cultural learning would not be useful because what the previous generation knew is now outdated and will provide no benefit in the changed environment, and hence individual learning is more beneficial. It is only in the moderately changing environment where cultural learning becomes useful since each generation shares a mostly similar environment but genes have insufficient time to change to changes in the environment.[62] While other species have social learning, and thus some level of culture, only humans, some birds and chimpanzees are known to have cumulative culture.[63] Boyd and Richerson argue that the evolution of cumulative culture depends on observational learning and is uncommon in other species because it is ineffective when it is rare in a population. They propose that the environmental changes occurring in the Pleistocene may have provided the right environmental conditions.[62] Michael Tomasello argues that cumulative cultural evolution results from a ratchet effect that began when humans developed the cognitive architecture to understand others as mental agents.[64] Furthermore, Tomasello proposed in the 80s that there are some disparities between the observational learning mechanisms found in humans and great apes - which go some way to explain the observable difference between great ape traditions and human types of culture (see Emulation (observational learning)).
Selección de grupos culturales
Although group selection is commonly thought to be nonexistent or unimportant in genetic evolution,[65][66][67] DIT predicts that, due to the nature of cultural inheritance, it may be an important force in cultural evolution. Group selection occurs in cultural evolution because conformist biases make it difficult for novel cultural traits to spread through a population (see above section on transmission biases). Conformist bias also helps maintain variation between groups. These two properties, rare in genetic transmission, are necessary for group selection to operate.[68] Based on an earlier model by Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman,[69] Boyd and Richerson show that conformist biases are almost inevitable when traits spread through social learning,[70] implying that group selection is common in cultural evolution. Analysis of small groups in New Guinea imply that cultural group selection might be a good explanation for slowly changing aspects of social structure, but not for rapidly changing fads.[71] The ability of cultural evolution to maintain intergroup diversity is what allows for the study of cultural phylogenetics.[72]
Desarrollo historico
The idea that human cultures undergo a similar evolutionary process as genetic evolution goes back at least to Darwin.[73] In the 1960s, Donald T. Campbell published some of the first theoretical work that adapted principles of evolutionary theory to the evolution of cultures.[74] In 1976, two developments in cultural evolutionary theory set the stage for DIT. In that year Richard Dawkins's The Selfish Gene introduced ideas of cultural evolution to a popular audience. Although one of the best-selling science books of all time, because of its lack of mathematical rigor, it had little effect on the development of DIT. Also in 1976, geneticists Marcus Feldman and Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza published the first dynamic models of gene–culture coevolution.[75] These models were to form the basis for subsequent work on DIT, heralded by the publication of three seminal books in the 1980s.
The first was Charles Lumsden and E.O. Wilson's Genes, Mind and Culture.[76] This book outlined a series of mathematical models of how genetic evolution might favor the selection of cultural traits and how cultural traits might, in turn, affect the speed of genetic evolution. While it was the first book published describing how genes and culture might coevolve, it had relatively little effect on the further development of DIT.[77] Some critics felt that their models depended too heavily on genetic mechanisms at the expense of cultural mechanisms.[78] Controversy surrounding Wilson's sociobiological theories may also have decreased the lasting effect of this book.[77]
The second 1981 book was Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman's Cultural Transmission and Evolution: A Quantitative Approach.[48] Borrowing heavily from population genetics and epidemiology, this book built a mathematical theory concerning the spread of cultural traits. It describes the evolutionary implications of vertical transmission, passing cultural traits from parents to offspring; oblique transmission, passing cultural traits from any member of an older generation to a younger generation; and horizontal transmission, passing traits between members of the same population.
The next significant DIT publication was Robert Boyd and Peter Richerson's 1985 Culture and the Evolutionary Process.[56] This book presents the now-standard mathematical models of the evolution of social learning under different environmental conditions, the population effects of social learning, various forces of selection on cultural learning rules, different forms of biased transmission and their population-level effects, and conflicts between cultural and genetic evolution. The book's conclusion also outlined areas for future research that are still relevant today.[79]
Investigaciones actuales y futuras
In their 1985 book, Boyd and Richerson outlined an agenda for future DIT research. This agenda, outlined below, called for the development of both theoretical models and empirical research. DIT has since built a rich tradition of theoretical models over the past two decades.[80] However, there has not been a comparable level of empirical work.
In a 2006 interview Harvard biologist E. O. Wilson expressed disappointment at the little attention afforded to DIT:
"...for some reason I haven't fully fathomed, this most promising frontier of scientific research has attracted very few people and very little effort."[81]
Kevin Laland and Gillian Ruth Brown attribute this lack of attention to DIT's heavy reliance on formal modeling.
"In many ways the most complex and potentially rewarding of all approaches, [DIT], with its multiple processes and cerebral onslaught of sigmas and deltas, may appear too abstract to all but the most enthusiastic reader. Until such a time as the theoretical hieroglyphics can be translated into a respectable empirical science most observers will remain immune to its message."[82]
Economist Herbert Gintis disagrees with this critique, citing empirical work as well as more recent work using techniques from behavioral economics.[83] These behavioral economic techniques have been adapted to test predictions of cultural evolutionary models in laboratory settings[84][85][86] as well as studying differences in cooperation in fifteen small-scale societies in the field.[87]
Since one of the goals of DIT is to explain the distribution of human cultural traits, ethnographic and ethnologic techniques may also be useful for testing hypothesis stemming from DIT. Although findings from traditional ethnologic studies have been used to buttress DIT arguments,[88][89] thus far there have been little ethnographic fieldwork designed to explicitly test these hypotheses.[71][87][90]
Herb Gintis has named DIT one of the two major conceptual theories with potential for unifying the behavioral sciences, including economics, biology, anthropology, sociology, psychology and political science. Because it addresses both the genetic and cultural components of human inheritance, Gintis sees DIT models as providing the best explanations for the ultimate cause of human behavior and the best paradigm for integrating those disciplines with evolutionary theory.[91] In a review of competing evolutionary perspectives on human behavior, Laland and Brown see DIT as the best candidate for uniting the other evolutionary perspectives under one theoretical umbrella.[92]
Relación con otros campos
Sociology and cultural anthropology
Two major topics of study in both sociology and cultural anthropology are human cultures and cultural variation. However, Dual Inheritance theorists charge that both disciplines too often treat culture as a static superorganic entity that dictates human behavior.[93][94] Cultures are defined by a suite of common traits shared by a large group of people. DIT theorists argue that this doesn't sufficiently explain variation in cultural traits at the individual level. By contrast, DIT models human culture at the individual level and views culture as the result of a dynamic evolutionary process at the population level.[93][95]
Human sociobiology and evolutionary psychology
Evolutionary psychologists study the evolved architecture of the human mind. They see it as composed of many different programs that process information, each with assumptions and procedures that were specialized by natural selection to solve a different adaptive problem faced by our hunter-gatherer ancestors (e.g., choosing mates, hunting, avoiding predators, cooperating, using aggression).[96] These evolved programs contain content-rich assumptions about how the world and other people work. As ideas are passed from mind to mind, they are changed by these evolved inference systems (much like messages get changed in a game of telephone). But the changes are not random. Evolved programs add and subtract information, reshaping the ideas in ways that make them more "intuitive", more memorable, and more attention-grabbing. In other words, "memes" (ideas) are not like genes. Genes are copied faithfully as they are replicated, but ideas are not. It’s not just that ideas mutate every once in awhile, like genes do. Ideas are transformed every time they are passed from mind to mind, because the sender's message is being interpreted by evolved inference systems in the receiver.[97][98] There is no necessary contradiction between evolutionary psychology and DIT, but evolutionary psychologists argue that the psychology implicit in many DIT models is too simple; evolved programs have a rich inferential structure not captured by the idea of a "content bias". They also argue that some of the phenomena DIT models attribute to cultural evolution are cases of "evoked culture"—situations in which different evolved programs are activated in different places, in response to cues in the environment.[99]
Human sociobiologists try to understand how maximizing genetic fitness, in either the modern era or past environments, can explain human behavior. When faced with a trait that seems maladaptive, some sociobiologists try to determine how the trait actually increases genetic fitness (maybe through kin selection or by speculating about early evolutionary environments). Dual inheritance theorists, in contrast, will consider a variety of genetic and cultural processes in addition to natural selection on genes.
Human behavioral ecology
Human behavioral ecology (HBE) and DIT have a similar relationship to what ecology and evolutionary biology have in the biological sciences. HBE is more concerned about ecological process and DIT more focused on historical process.[100] One difference is that human behavioral ecologists often assume that culture is a system that produces the most adaptive outcome in a given environment. This implies that similar behavioral traditions should be found in similar environments. However, this is not always the case. A study of African cultures showed that cultural history was a better predictor of cultural traits than local ecological conditions.[101]
Memetics
Memetics, which comes from the meme idea described in Dawkins's The Selfish Gene, is similar to DIT in that it treats culture as an evolutionary process that is distinct from genetic transmission. However, there are some philosophical differences between memetics and DIT.[102] One difference is that memetics' focus is on the selection potential of discrete replicators (memes), where DIT allows for transmission of both non-replicators and non-discrete cultural variants. DIT does not assume that replicators are necessary for cumulative adaptive evolution. DIT also more strongly emphasizes the role of genetic inheritance in shaping the capacity for cultural evolution. But perhaps the biggest difference is a difference in academic lineage. Memetics as a label is more influential in popular culture than in academia. Critics of memetics argue that it is lacking in empirical support or is conceptually ill-founded, and question whether there is hope for the memetic research program succeeding. Proponents point out that many cultural traits are discrete, and that many existing models of cultural inheritance assume discrete cultural units, and hence involve memes.[103]
Deficiencias y críticas
Psychologist Liane Gabora has criticised DIT.[104][105][106] She argues that use of the term ‘dual inheritance’ to refer to not just traits that are transmitted by way of a self-assembly code (as in genetic evolution) but also traits that are not transmitted by way of a self-assembly code (as in cultural evolution) is misleading, because this second use does not capture the algorithmic structure that makes an inheritance system require a particular kind of mathematical framework.[107]
Other criticisms of the effort to frame culture in Darwinian terms have been leveled by Richard Lewontin,[108] Niles Eldredge,[109] and Stuart Kauffman.[110]
Ver también
- Nature versus nurture – Debate regarding biology vs. sociology
- Adaptive bias – Theory of bias in human reasoning
- Cultural selection theory – The study of cultural change modelled on theories of evolutionary biology
- Memetics – Study of self-replicating units of culture
- Sociocultural evolution – Evolution of societies
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- ^ a b Soltis, J.; Boyd, R.; Richerson, P. J. (1995). "Can group-functional behaviors evolve by cultural group selection? An empirical test" (PDF). Current Anthropology. 36 (3): 473–494. doi:10.1086/204381. S2CID 43998139.
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- ^ Marwick, Ben (2005). "What Can Archaeology Do With Boyd and Richerson's Cultural Evolutionary Program?". Review of Archaeology. 26 (2): 30–40. hdl:1885/44496.
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- ^ Herb Gintis Amazon.com review: https://www.amazon.com/review/product/0198508840/
- ^ McElreath, R., M. Lubell, P. J. Richerson, T. M. Waring, W. Baum, E. Edsten, C. Efferson, and B. Paciotti. 2005. Applying formal models to the laboratory study of social learning: The effect of task difficulty and environmental fluctuation. Evolution and Human Behavior 26: 483-508.
- ^ Efferson, C.; R. Lalive; P. J. Richerson; R. McElreath; M. Lubell (2008). "Conformists and mavericks: the empirics of frequency-dependent cultural transmission". Evolution and Human Behavior. 29 (1): 56–64. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.606.1789. doi:10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2007.08.003.
- ^ Baum, W. M.; Richerson, P. J.; Efferson, C. M.; Paciotti, B. M. (2004). "Cultural evolution in laboratory micro-societies including traditions of rule-giving and rule-following" (PDF). Evolution and Human Behavior. 25 (5): 305–326. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.404.8710. doi:10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2004.05.003.
- ^ a b Henrich, J., R. Boyd, S. Bowles, C. Camerer, E. Fehr, H. Gintis (Eds). 2004. Foundations of Human Sociality: Economic Experiments and Ethnographic Evidence from Fifteen Small-Scale Societies Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- ^ Cavalli-Sfornza, L. L. and M. Feldman. 1981. Cultural Transmission and Evolution: A Quantitative Approach. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
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- ^ McElreath, R (2004). "Social learning and the maintenance of cultural variation: An evolutionary model and data from East Africa" (PDF). American Anthropologist. 106 (2): 308–321. doi:10.1525/aa.2004.106.2.308. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2007-07-17. Retrieved 2008-03-27.
- ^ Gintis, H (2006). "A framework for the integration of the behavioral sciences" (PDF). Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 30 (1): 1–61. doi:10.1017/s0140525x07000581. PMID 17475022. S2CID 18887154.
- ^ Laland, K. N. and G. R. Brown. 2002. Sense & Nonsense: Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Behavior. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 287-319.
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- ^ Gintis, H (2007). "A framework for the unification of the behavioral sciences" (PDF). Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 30 (1): 1–61. doi:10.1017/s0140525x07000581. PMID 17475022. S2CID 18887154.
- ^ Richerson, P. J. and R. Boyd. 2005. Not By Genes Alone: How Culture Transformed Human Evolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pg. 5-8
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Otras lecturas
Books
- Lumsden, C. J. and E. O. Wilson. 1981. Genes, Mind, and Culture: The Coevolutionary Process. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
- Cavalli-Sforza, L. L. and M. Feldman. 1981. Cultural Transmission and Evolution: A Quantitative Approach. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
- Boyd, R. and P. J. Richerson. 1985. Culture and the Evolutionary Process. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Durham, W. H. 1991. Coevolution: Genes, Culture and Human Diversity. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-1537-8
- Tomasello, M. 1999. The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press.
- Shennan, S. J. 2002. Genes, Memes and Human History: Darwinian Archaeology and Cultural Evolution. London: Thames and Hudson.
- Laland, K. N. and G. R. Brown. 2002. Sense & Nonsense: Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Behavior. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Boyd, R. and P. J. Richerson. 2005. The Origin and Evolution of Cultures. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Richerson, P. J. and R. Boyd. 2005. Not By Genes Alone: How Culture Transformed Human Evolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Henrich, J. 2015. The Secret of Our Success. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Reviews
- Smith, E. A. 1999. Three styles in the evolutionary analysis of human behavior. In L. Cronk, N. Chagnon, and W. Irons, (Eds.) Adaptation and Human Behavior: An Anthropological Perspective New York: Aldine de Gruyter.
- Henrich, J.; McElreath, R. (2003). "The evolution of cultural evolution" (PDF). Evolutionary Anthropology. 12 (3): 123–135. doi:10.1002/evan.10110. S2CID 14302229. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-04-07. Retrieved 2008-03-27.
- Mesoudi, A.; Whiten, A.; Laland, K. N. (2006). "Towards a unified science of cultural evolution" (PDF). Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 29 (4): 329–383. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.612.2415. doi:10.1017/s0140525x06009083. PMID 17094820. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-12-16. Retrieved 2008-03-27.
- Gintis, H (2006). "A framework for the integration of the behavioral sciences" (PDF). Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 30 (1): 1–61. doi:10.1017/s0140525x07000581. PMID 17475022. S2CID 18887154.
- Bentley, R.A., C. Lipo, H.D.G. Maschner and B. Marler 2007. Darwinian Archaeologies. In R.A. Bentley, H.D.G. Maschner & C. Chippendale (Eds.) Handbook of Archaeological Theories. Lanham (MD): AltaMira Press.
- McElreath, R. & Henrich, J. 2007. Modeling cultural evolution. In R. Dunbar and L. Barrett, (Eds.), Oxford Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- McElreath, R. & Henrich, J. 2007. Dual inheritance theory: the evolution of human cultural capacities and cultural evolution. In R. Dunbar and L. Barrett, (Eds.), Oxford Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Sterelny, Kim (2002). Review Genes, Memes and Human History (PDF). Stephen Shennan. London: Thames and Hudson. p. 304.
- Laland, K.N.; Odling-Smee, J.; Myles, S. (2010). "How culture shaped the human genome: bringing genetics and the human sciences together". Nature Reviews Genetics. 11 (2): 137–148. doi:10.1038/nrg2734. PMID 20084086. S2CID 10287878.
Journal articles
- R. Boyd; P. J. Richerson. P. Carruthers; S. Stich; S. Laurence (eds.). "Culture, Adaptation, and Innateness" (PDF). The Innate Mind: Culture and Cognition.
- P. J. Richerson; R. Boyd (2001). "Built for Speed, Not for Comfort: Darwinian Theory and Human Culture" (PDF). History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences. 23 (23): 425–465. PMID 12472064.
enlaces externos
Current DIT researchers
- Rob Boyd, Department of Anthropology, UCLA
- Marcus Feldman, Department of Biological Sciences, Stanford
- Joe Henrich, Departments of Psychology and Economics, University of British Columbia
- Richard McElreath, Anthropology Department, UC Davis
- Peter J. Richerson, Department of Environmental Science and Policy, UC Davis
Related researchers
- Liane Gabora, Department of Psychology, University of British Columbia
- Russell Gray Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Jena, Germany
- Herb Gintis, Emeritus Professor of Economics, University of Massachusetts & Santa Fe Institute
- Kevin Laland, School of Biology, University of St. Andrews
- Ruth Mace, Department of Anthropology, University College London
- Alex Mesoudi Human Biological and Cultural Evolution Group, University of Exeter, UK
- Michael Tomasello, Department of Developmental and Comparative Psychology, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
- Peter Turchin Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of Connecticut
- Mark Collard, Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University, and Department of Archaeology, University of Aberdeen