A partir de mayo de 1968, se produjo un período de disturbios civiles en toda Francia, que duró unas siete semanas y estuvo marcado por manifestaciones, huelgas generales , así como la ocupación de universidades y fábricas . En el apogeo de los acontecimientos, que desde entonces se conocen como mayo del 68 , la economía de Francia se detuvo. [1] Las protestas llegaron a tal punto que los líderes políticos temieron una guerra civil o una revolución ; el gobierno nacional dejó de funcionar brevemente después de que el presidente Charles de Gaullehuyó en secreto de Francia a Alemania en un momento. Las protestas impulsaron movimientos en todo el mundo, con canciones, graffitis imaginativos, carteles y consignas. [2] [3]
Eventos de mayo de 1968 en Francia | |||
---|---|---|---|
Parte de las protestas de 1968 | |||
Fecha | 2 de mayo - 23 de junio de 1968 (1 mes y 3 semanas) | ||
Localización | |||
Métodos | Ocupaciones , huelgas salvajes , huelgas generales | ||
Resultó en | Elección legislativa instantánea | ||
Partes en el conflicto civil | |||
Figuras de plomo | |||
|
El malestar comenzó con una serie de protestas de ocupación estudiantil contra el capitalismo , el consumismo , el imperialismo estadounidense y las instituciones tradicionales. La fuerte represión policial de los manifestantes llevó a las confederaciones sindicales de Francia a convocar huelgas de solidaridad , que se extendieron mucho más rápido de lo esperado e involucraron a 11 millones de trabajadores, más del 22% de la población total de Francia en ese momento. [1] El movimiento se caracterizó por una disposición salvaje espontánea y descentralizada ; esto creó un contraste y en ocasiones incluso un conflicto interno entre los sindicatos y los partidos de izquierda. [1] Fue la huelga general más grande jamás intentada en Francia, y la primera huelga general salvaje a nivel nacional. [1]
Las ocupaciones estudiantiles y las huelgas generales iniciadas en toda Francia se encontraron con un enérgico enfrentamiento por parte de los administradores universitarios y la policía. Los intentos del gobierno de De Gaulle de sofocar esas huelgas mediante la acción policial solo inflamaron aún más la situación, lo que llevó a batallas callejeras con la policía en el Barrio Latino de París .
Sin embargo, a fines de mayo, el flujo de eventos cambió. Los acuerdos de Grenelle , concluidos el 27 de mayo entre el gobierno, los sindicatos y los empleadores, obtuvieron importantes ganancias salariales para los trabajadores. Una contramanifestación organizada por el partido gaullista el 29 de mayo en el centro de París dio a De Gaulle la confianza necesaria para disolver la Asamblea Nacional y convocar elecciones parlamentarias para el 23 de junio de 1968. La violencia se evaporó casi tan rápido como surgió. Los trabajadores volvieron a sus puestos de trabajo y, cuando se celebraron las elecciones de junio, los gaullistas salieron más fuertes que antes.
Los acontecimientos de mayo de 1968 siguen influyendo en la sociedad francesa. El período se considera un punto de inflexión cultural, social y moral en la historia del país. Alain Geismar —uno de los líderes de la época— afirmó más tarde que el movimiento había triunfado "como revolución social, no política". [4]
Fondo
Clima político
En febrero de 1968, los comunistas franceses y los socialistas franceses formaron una alianza electoral. Los comunistas habían apoyado durante mucho tiempo a los candidatos socialistas en las elecciones, pero en la "Declaración de febrero" los dos partidos acordaron intentar formar un gobierno conjunto para reemplazar al presidente Charles de Gaulle y su Partido Gaullista. [5]
Demostración universitaria
El 22 de marzo, grupos de extrema izquierda, un pequeño número de destacados poetas y músicos y 150 estudiantes ocuparon un edificio de la administración en la Universidad de París en Nanterre y celebraron una reunión en la sala del consejo universitario sobre la discriminación de clases en la sociedad francesa y la burocracia política que controló la financiación de la universidad. La administración de la universidad llamó a la policía, que rodeó la universidad. Tras la publicación de sus deseos, los estudiantes abandonaron el edificio sin ningún problema. Tras este primer registro algunos dirigentes del denominado " Movimiento del 22 de marzo " fueron convocados por el comité disciplinario de la universidad.
Eventos de mayo
Protestas estudiantiles
Tras meses de conflictos entre estudiantes y autoridades en el campus de Nanterre de la Universidad de París (ahora Universidad de París Nanterre ), la administración cerró la universidad el 2 de mayo de 1968. [6] Estudiantes en el campus de la Sorbona de la Universidad de París (hoy Sorbonne University ) en París se reunió el 3 de mayo para protestar contra el cierre y la amenaza de expulsión de varios estudiantes en Nanterre. [7] El lunes 6 de mayo, el sindicato nacional de estudiantes, la Union Nationale des Étudiants de France (UNEF) —todavía es el mayor sindicato de estudiantes de Francia en la actualidad— y el sindicato de profesores universitarios convocaron una marcha para protestar contra la invasión policial de Sorbona. Más de 20.000 estudiantes, profesores y simpatizantes marcharon hacia la Sorbona, aún encerrada por la policía, que cargó con sus porras en cuanto se acercaron los manifestantes. Mientras la multitud se dispersaba, algunos comenzaron a crear barricadas con lo que tenían a mano, mientras que otros arrojaron adoquines, lo que obligó a la policía a retirarse por un tiempo. Luego, la policía respondió con gases lacrimógenos y cargó contra la multitud nuevamente. Cientos de estudiantes más fueron arrestados.
Los sindicatos de estudiantes de secundaria hablaron en apoyo de los disturbios del 6 de mayo. Al día siguiente, se unieron a los estudiantes, maestros y un número cada vez mayor de trabajadores jóvenes que se reunieron en el Arco de Triunfo para exigir que (1) se retiren todos los cargos penales contra los estudiantes arrestados, (2) la policía abandone la universidad y (3) ) las autoridades reabren Nanterre y Sorbonne.
Escalada de conflicto
Las negociaciones fracasaron y los estudiantes regresaron a sus campus después de un informe falso de que el gobierno había aceptado reabrirlos, solo para descubrir que la policía aún ocupaba las escuelas. Esto llevó a un fervor casi revolucionario entre los estudiantes.
El viernes 10 de mayo, otra gran multitud se congregó en la Rive Gauche . Cuando las Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité nuevamente les impidieron cruzar el río, la multitud volvió a levantar barricadas, que la policía atacó a las 2:15 de la mañana después de que las negociaciones nuevamente fracasaran. El enfrentamiento, que produjo cientos de detenciones y heridos, se prolongó hasta la madrugada del día siguiente. Los hechos se transmitieron por radio a medida que ocurrían y las secuelas se transmitieron por televisión al día siguiente. Se alegó que la policía había participado en los disturbios, a través de agentes provocadores , quemando autos y lanzando cócteles Molotov . [8]
La reacción de mano dura del gobierno provocó una ola de simpatía por los huelguistas. Muchos de los cantantes y poetas más populares de la nación se unieron después de que la brutalidad policial salió a la luz. Los artistas estadounidenses también comenzaron a expresar su apoyo a los huelguistas. Las principales federaciones sindicales de izquierda, la Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) y la Force Ouvrière (CGT-FO), convocaron una huelga general de un día y una manifestación para el lunes 13 de mayo.
Más de un millón de personas marcharon por París ese día; la policía se mantuvo en gran parte fuera de la vista. El primer ministro Georges Pompidou anunció personalmente la liberación de los prisioneros y la reapertura de la Sorbona. Sin embargo, la oleada de huelgas no cedió. En cambio, los manifestantes se volvieron aún más activos.
Cuando reabrió la Sorbona, los estudiantes la ocuparon y la declararon "universidad popular" autónoma. La opinión pública al principio apoyó a los estudiantes, pero rápidamente se volvió contra ellos después de que sus líderes, invitados a aparecer en la televisión nacional, "se comportaron como utopistas irresponsables que querían destruir la 'sociedad de consumo'". [9] No obstante, en las semanas siguientes , se establecieron aproximadamente 401 comités de acción popular en París y en otros lugares para abordar las quejas contra el gobierno y la sociedad francesa, incluido el Comité de Ocupación de la Sorbona .
Huelgas de trabajadores
A mediados de mayo, las manifestaciones se extendieron a las fábricas, aunque las demandas de sus trabajadores diferían significativamente de las de los estudiantes. Una huelga general liderada por el sindicato el 13 de mayo incluyó a 200.000 en una marcha. Las huelgas se extendieron a todos los sectores de la economía francesa, incluidos los empleos estatales, las industrias manufacturera y de servicios, la gestión y la administración. En toda Francia, los estudiantes ocuparon estructuras universitarias y hasta un tercio de la fuerza laboral del país estaba en huelga. [10]
Estas huelgas no fueron lideradas por el movimiento sindical; por el contrario, la CGT trató de contener este estallido espontáneo de militancia canalizándolo hacia una lucha por salarios más altos y otras demandas económicas. Los trabajadores propusieron una agenda más amplia, política y radical, exigiendo la destitución del gobierno y del presidente De Gaulle e intentando, en algunos casos, hacer funcionar sus fábricas. Cuando la dirección sindical negoció un aumento del 35% en el salario mínimo, un aumento del 7% para los demás trabajadores y la mitad del salario normal por el tiempo de huelga con las principales asociaciones de empleadores, los trabajadores que ocupaban sus fábricas se negaron a volver al trabajo. y abucheó a sus líderes sindicales. [11] [12] De hecho, en el movimiento de mayo del 68 hubo mucha "euforia antisindicalista", [13] contra los sindicatos dominantes, la CGT, FO y CFDT, que estaban más dispuestos a comprometerse con los poderes. que sea que promulgue la voluntad de la base. [1]
El 24 de mayo, dos personas murieron a manos de los alborotadores descontrolados. En Lyon, el inspector de policía Rene Lacroix murió cuando fue aplastado por un camión sin conductor enviado a toda velocidad a las líneas policiales por los alborotadores. En París, Phillipe Metherion, de 26 años, fue asesinado a puñaladas durante una discusión entre manifestantes. [14]
Cuando la agitación alcanzó su apogeo a fines de mayo, los principales sindicatos se reunieron con las organizaciones de empleadores y el gobierno francés para producir los acuerdos de Grenelle , que aumentarían el salario mínimo en un 35% y todos los salarios en un 10%, y otorgaron protecciones a los empleados y una reducción del trabajo. día. Los sindicatos se vieron obligados a rechazar el acuerdo, basándose en la oposición de sus miembros, lo que subraya una desconexión en las organizaciones que decían reflejar los intereses de la clase trabajadora. [15]
El sindicato de estudiantes UNEF y el sindicato CFDT realizaron un mitin en el estadio Charléty con cerca de 22.000 asistentes. Su variedad de oradores reflejaba la división entre las facciones estudiantil y comunista. Si bien la manifestación se llevó a cabo en el estadio en parte por seguridad, los mensajes insurreccionales de los oradores fueron disonantes con las comodidades relativas del recinto deportivo. [dieciséis]
Llama a un nuevo gobierno
Los socialistas vieron la oportunidad de actuar como un compromiso entre De Gaulle y los comunistas. El 28 de mayo, François Mitterrand, de la Federación de Izquierda Democrática y Socialista, declaró que "no hay más Estado" y afirmó que estaba dispuesto a formar un nuevo gobierno. Había recibido un sorprendentemente alto 45% de los votos en las elecciones presidenciales de 1965 . El 29 de mayo, Pierre Mendès France también declaró que estaba dispuesto a formar un nuevo gobierno; a diferencia de Mitterrand, estaba dispuesto a incluir a los comunistas. Aunque los socialistas no tenían la capacidad de los comunistas para formar grandes manifestaciones callejeras, tenían más del 20% del apoyo del país. [9] [5]
De Gaulle flees
On the morning of 29 May, de Gaulle postponed the meeting of the Council of Ministers scheduled for that day and secretly removed his personal papers from Élysée Palace. He told his son-in-law Alain de Boissieu, "I do not want to give them a chance to attack the Élysée. It would be regrettable if blood were shed in my personal defense. I have decided to leave: nobody attacks an empty palace." De Gaulle refused Pompidou's request that he dissolve the National Assembly as he believed that their party, the Gaullists, would lose the resulting election. At 11:00 am, he told Pompidou, "I am the past; you are the future; I embrace you."[9]
The government announced that de Gaulle was going to his country home in Colombey-les-Deux-Églises before returning the next day, and rumors spread that he would prepare his resignation speech there. The presidential helicopter did not arrive in Colombey, however, and de Gaulle had told no one in the government where he was going. For more than six hours the world did not know where the French president was.[17] The canceling of the ministerial meeting, and the president's mysterious disappearance, stunned the French,[9] including Pompidou, who shouted, "He has fled the country!"[18]
Government collapse
With de Gaulle's closest advisors stating that they did not know what the president intended, Pompidou scheduled a tentative appearance on television at 8 p.m.[17] The national government had effectively ceased to function. Édouard Balladur later wrote that as prime minister, Pompidou "by himself was the whole government" as most officials were "an incoherent group of confabulators" who believed that revolution would soon occur. A friend of the prime minister offered him a weapon, saying, "You will need it"; Pompidou advised him to go home. One official reportedly began burning documents, while another asked an aide how far they could flee by automobile should revolutionaries seize fuel supplies. Withdrawing money from banks became difficult, gasoline for private automobiles was unavailable, and some people tried to obtain private planes or fake national identity cards.[9]
Pompidou unsuccessfully requested that military radar be used to follow de Gaulle's two helicopters, but soon learned that he had gone to the headquarters of the French Forces in Germany, in Baden-Baden, to meet General Jacques Massu. Massu persuaded the discouraged de Gaulle to return to France; now knowing that he had the military's support, de Gaulle rescheduled the meeting of the Council of Ministers for the next day, 30 May,[9] and returned to Colombey by 6:00 pm[17] His wife Yvonne gave the family jewels to their son and daughter-in-law—who stayed in Baden for a few more days—for safekeeping, however, indicating that the de Gaulles still considered Germany a possible refuge. Massu kept as a state secret de Gaulle's loss of confidence until others disclosed it in 1982; until then most observers believed that his disappearance was intended to remind the French people of what they might lose. Although the disappearance was real and not intended as motivation, it indeed had such an effect on France.[9]
Revolution prevented
On 30 May, 400,000 to 500,000 protesters (many more than the 50,000 the police were expecting) led by the CGT marched through Paris, chanting: "Adieu, de Gaulle!" ("Farewell, de Gaulle!"). Maurice Grimaud, head of the Paris police, played a key role in avoiding revolution by both speaking to and spying on the revolutionaries, and by carefully avoiding the use of force. While Communist leaders later denied that they had planned an armed uprising, and extreme militants only comprised 2% of the populace, they had overestimated de Gaulle's strength as shown by his escape to Germany.[9] (One scholar, otherwise skeptical of the French Communists' willingness to maintain democracy after forming a government, has claimed that the "moderate, nonviolent and essentially antirevolutionary" Communists opposed revolution because they sincerely believed that the party must come to power through legal elections, not armed conflict that might provoke harsh repression from political opponents.)[5]
Not knowing that the Communists did not intend to seize power, officials prepared to position police forces at the Élysée with orders to shoot if necessary. That it did not also guard Paris City Hall despite reports of that being the Communists' target was evidence of governmental chaos.[17] The Communist movement was largely centered around the Paris metropolitan area, and not elsewhere. Had the rebellion occupied key public buildings in Paris, the government would have had to use force to retake them. The resulting casualties could have incited a revolution, with the military moving from the provinces to retake Paris as in 1871. Minister of Defence Pierre Messmer and Chief of the Defence Staff Michel Fourquet prepared for such an action, and Pompidou had ordered tanks to Issy-les-Moulineaux.[9] While the military was free of revolutionary sentiment, using an army mostly of conscripts the same age as the revolutionaries would have been very dangerous for the government.[5][17] A survey taken immediately after the crisis found that 20% of Frenchmen would have supported a revolution, 23% would have opposed it, and 57% would have avoided physical participation in the conflict. 33% would have fought a military intervention, while only 5% would have supported it and a majority of the country would have avoided any action.[9]
Election called
At 2:30 p.m. on 30 May, Pompidou persuaded de Gaulle to dissolve the National Assembly and call a new election by threatening to resign. At 4:30 pm, de Gaulle broadcast his own refusal to resign. He announced an election, scheduled for 23 June, and ordered workers to return to work, threatening to institute a state of emergency if they did not. The government had leaked to the media that the army was outside Paris. Immediately after the speech, about 800,000 supporters marched through the Champs-Élysées waving the national flag; the Gaullists had planned the rally for several days, which attracted a crowd of diverse ages, occupations, and politics. The Communists agreed to the election, and the threat of revolution was over.[9][17][19]
Secuelas
Protest suppression and elections
From that point, the revolutionary feeling of the students and workers faded away. Workers gradually returned to work or were ousted from their plants by the police. The national student union called off street demonstrations. The government banned a number of leftist organizations. The police retook the Sorbonne on 16 June. Contrary to de Gaulle's fears, his party won the greatest victory in French parliamentary history in the legislative election held in June, taking 353 of 486 seats versus the Communists' 34 and the Socialists' 57.[9] The February Declaration and its promise to include Communists in government likely hurt the Socialists in the election. Their opponents cited the example of the Czechoslovak National Front government of 1945, which led to a Communist takeover of the country in 1948. Socialist voters were divided; in a February 1968 survey a majority had favored allying with the Communists, but 44% believed that Communists would attempt to seize power once in government. (30% of Communist voters agreed.)[5]
On Bastille Day, there were resurgent street demonstrations in the Latin Quarter, led by socialist students, leftists and communists wearing red arm-bands and anarchists wearing black arm-bands. The Paris police and the Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité harshly responded starting around 10 pm and continuing through the night, on the streets, in police vans, at police stations, and in hospitals where many wounded were taken. There was, as a result, much bloodshed among students and tourists there for the evening's festivities. No charges were filed against police or demonstrators, but the governments of Britain and West Germany filed formal protests, including for the indecent assault of two English schoolgirls by police in a police station.
National feelings
Despite the size of de Gaulle's triumph, it was not a personal one. The post-crisis survey showed that a majority of the country saw de Gaulle as too old, too self-centered, too authoritarian, too conservative, and too anti-American. As the April 1969 referendum would show, the country was ready for "Gaullism without de Gaulle".[9]
Legado
May 1968 is an important reference point in French politics, representing for some the possibility of liberation and for others the dangers of anarchy.[4] For some, May 1968 meant the end of traditional collective action and the beginning of a new era to be dominated mainly by the so-called new social movements.[20]
Someone who took part in or supported this period of unrest is referred to as soixante-huitard (literally a "68-er") — a term, derived from the French for "68", which has also entered the English language.
Lemas y graffiti
Several examples:[21]
- Il est interdit d'interdire ("It is forbidden to forbid").[22]
- Jouissez sans entraves ("Enjoy without hindrance").[22]
- Élections, piège à con ("Elections, a trap for idiots").[23]
- CRS = SS.[24]
- Je suis Marxiste—tendance Groucho. ("I'm a Marxist—of the Groucho persuasion.")[25]
- Marx, Mao, Marcuse![26][27][28] Also known as "3M".[29]
- Cela nous concerne tous. ("This concerns all of us.")
- Soyez réalistes, demandez l'impossible. ("Be realistic, demand the impossible.")[30]
- "When the National Assembly becomes a bourgeois theater, all the bourgeois theaters should be turned into national assemblies." (Written above the entrance of the occupied Odéon Theater)[31]
- Sous les pavés, la plage! ("Under the paving stones, the beach.")
- "I love you!!! Oh, say it with paving stones!!!"[32]
- "Read Reich and act accordingly!" (University of Frankfurt; similar Reichian slogans were scrawled on the walls of the Sorbonne, and in Berlin students threw copies of Reich's The Mass Psychology of Fascism (1933) at the police).[33]
- Travailleurs la lutte continue[;] constituez-vous en comité de base. ("Workers[,] the fight continues; form a basic committee.")[34][35] or simply La lutte continue ("The struggle continues")[35]
En la cultura popular
Cinema
- The François Truffaut film Baisers volés (1968) (in English: "Stolen Kisses"), takes place in Paris during the time of the riots and while not an overtly political film, there are passing references to and images of the demonstrations.[36]
- The André Cayatte film Mourir d'aimer (1971) (in English: "To die of love") is strongly based on the true story of Gabrielle Russier (1937–1969), a classics teacher (played by Annie Girardot) who committed suicide after being sentenced for having had an affair with one of her students during the events of May 68.
- The Jean-Luc Godard film Tout Va Bien (1972) examines the continuing class struggle within French society in the aftermath of May 68.[37]
- The Jean Eustache film The Mother and the Whore (1973), winner of the Cannes Grand Prix, references the events of May 1968 and explores the aftermath of the social movement.[38]
- The Claude Chabrol film Nada (1974) is based symbolically on the events of May 1968.
- The Diane Kurys film Cocktail Molotov (1980) tells the story of a group of French friends heading toward Israel when they hear of the May events and decide to return to Paris.
- The Louis Malle film May Fools (1990) is a satiric depiction of the effect of French revolutionary fervor of May 1968 on small-town bourgeoisie.
- The Bernardo Bertolucci film The Dreamers (2003), based on the novel The Holy Innocents by Gilbert Adair, tells the story of an American university student in Paris during the protests.
- The Philippe Garrel film Regular Lovers (2005) is about a group of young people participating in the Latin Quarter of Paris barricades and how they continue their life one year after.
- In the spy-spoof, OSS 117: Lost in Rio, the lead character Hubert ironically chides the hippie students, saying, 'It's 1968. There will be no revolution. Get a haircut.'
- The Oliver Assayas film Something in the Air (2012) tells the story of a young painter and his friends who bring the revolution to their local school and have to deal with the legal and existential consequences.
- Le Redoutable (2017) – bio-pic of Jean-Luc Godard, covering the 1968 riots/Cannes festival etc.
- CQ a 2001 film set in Paris of 1969, about the making of a science-fiction film, Dragonfly, shows the director discovering his starring actress during 1968 demonstrations. During Dragonfly, set in the "future" Paris of 2001, the "1968 troubles" are explicitly mentioned.
- Film director Wes Anderson is set to release his 10th film The French Dispatch in 2021. The film stars Timothée Chalamet, Bill Murray, Frances McDormand, Benicio del Toro, Adrien Brody and Tilda Swinton. The film follows 3 storylines, one of which follows McDormand's character reporting about the protests.
Music
- Many writings of French anarchist singer-songwriter Léo Ferré were inspired by those events. Songs directly related to May 1968 are: "L'Été 68", "Comme une fille" (1969), "Paris je ne t'aime plus" (1970), "La Violence et l'Ennui" (1971), "Il n'y a plus rien" (1973), "La Nostalgie" (1979).
- Claude Nougaro's song "Paris Mai" (1969).[39]
- The imaginary Italian clerk described by Fabrizio de André in his album Storia di un impiegato, is inspired to build a bomb set to explode in front of the Italian parliament by listening to reports of the May events in France, drawn by the perceived dullness and repetitivity of his life compared to the revolutionary developments unfolding in France.[40]
- The Refused song entitled "Protest Song '68" is about the May 1968 protests.[41]
- The Stone Roses's song "Bye Bye Badman", from their eponymous album, is about the riots. The album's cover has the tricolore and lemons on the front (which were used to nullify the effects of tear gas).[42]
- The music video for the David Holmes song "I Heard Wonders" is based entirely on the May 1968 protests and alludes to the influence of the Situationist International on the movement.[43]
- The Rolling Stones wrote the lyrics to the song "Street Fighting Man" (set to music of an unreleased song they had already written which had different lyrics) in reference to the May 1968 protests from their perspective, living in a "sleepy London town". The melody of the song was inspired by French police car sirens.[44]
- Vangelis released an album in France and Greece entitled Fais que ton rêve soit plus long que la nuit ("May you make your dreams longer than the night"), which was about the Paris student riots in 1968. The album contains sounds from the demonstrations, songs, and a news report.[45]
- Ismael Serrano's song "Papá cuéntame otra vez" ("Papa, tell me again") references the May 1968 events: "Papa, tell me once again that beautiful story, of gendarmes and fascists and long-haired students; and sweet urban war in flared trousers, and songs of the Rolling stones, and girls in miniskirts."[46]
- Caetano Veloso's song "É Proibido Proibir" takes its title from the May 1968 graffiti of the same name and was a protest song against the military regime that assumed power in Brazil in April 1964.[47]
- Many of the slogans from the May 1968 riots were included in Luciano Berio's seminal work Sinfonia.
- The band Orchid references the events of May 68 as well as Debord in their song "Victory Is Ours".
- The 1975's song "Love It If We Made It" makes reference to the Atelier Populaire's book made to support the events, 'Beauty Is in the Street'.
Literature
- The 1971 novel The Merry Month of May by James Jones tells a story of (fictional) American expatriates caught up in Paris during the events.
- The Holy Innocents is a 1988 novel by Gilbert Adair with a climactic finale on the streets of 1968 Paris. The novel was adapted for the screen as The Dreamers (2003).
Art
- The painting May 1968, by Spanish painter Joan Miró, was inspired by the events in May 1968 in France.
Ver también
- First Quarter Storm
- 1989 Tiananmen Square protests
- 2005 anti-Japanese demonstrations
- 2005 civil unrest in France
- 2006 youth protests in France
- Anarchism in France
- Autonomism
- Beauty Is in the Street, a 2011 book of posters from May 1968
- Council for Maintaining the Occupations
- Enragés
- On the Poverty of Student Life
- Protests of 1968
- Report on the Construction of Situations
- Situationist International
- Socialisme ou Barbarie
- Sorbonne Occupation Committee
- Taksim Gezi Park protests
- 1973 Thai popular uprising, Thailand
- Thammasat University massacre, Thailand
- Black May (1992), Thailand
- 2006 Thai coup d'état
- 2008 Thai political crisis
- 2010 Thai political protests, Thailand
- 2014 Thai coup d'état
- 2020 Thai protests
- 1962 Burmese coup d'état
- 1962 Rangoon University protests
- U Thant funeral crisis
- 8888 Uprising
- Saffron Revolution
- 2020–21 Belarusian protests
- Yellow Vests Movement
- Sunflower Student Movement, Taiwan, East Asia, Asia
Referencias
- ^ a b c d e "Situationist International Online".
- ^ "Mai 68 – 40 ans déjà". Archived from the original on 25 November 2016. Retrieved 28 May 2014.
- ^ DeRoo, Rebecca J. (2014). The Museum Establishment and Contemporary Art: The Politics of Artistic Display in France after 1968. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107656918.
- ^ a b Erlanger, Steven (29 April 2008). "May 1968 – a watershed in French life". New York Times. Retrieved 31 August 2012.
- ^ a b c d e Mendel, Arthur P. (January 1969). "Why the French Communists Stopped the Revolution". The Review of Politics. 31 (1): 3–27. doi:10.1017/s0034670500008913. JSTOR 1406452.
- ^ Rotman, pp. 10–11; Damamme, Gobille, Matonti & Pudal, ed., p. 190.
- ^ Damamme, Gobille, Matonti & Pudal, ed., p. 190.
- ^ "Michel Rocard". Le Monde.fr. Archived from the original on 22 October 2007. Retrieved 21 April 2007.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Dogan, Mattei (1984). "How Civil War Was Avoided in France". International Political Science Review. 5 (3): 245–277. doi:10.1177/019251218400500304. JSTOR 1600894. S2CID 144698270.
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Fuentes
- Damamme, Dominique; Gobille, Boris; Matonti, Frédérique; Pudal, Bernard, eds. (2008). Mai-juin 68 (in French). Éditions de l'Atelier. ISBN 978-2708239760.
- Rotman, Patrick (2008). Mai 68 raconté à ceux qui ne l'ont pas vécu (in French). Seuil. ISBN 978-2021127089.
Otras lecturas
- Abidor, Mitchell. May Made Me. An Oral History of the 1968 Uprising in France (interviews).
- Adair, Gilbert. The Holy Innocents (novel).
- Bourg, Julian. From Revolution to Ethics: May 1968 and Contemporary French Thought.
- Casevecchie, Janine. MAI 68 en photos:, Collection Roger-Viollet, Editions du Chene – Hachette Livre, 2008.
- Castoriadis, Cornelius with Claude Lefort and Edgar Morin. Mai 1968: la brèche.
- Cliff, Tony and Birchall, Ian. France – the struggle goes on. Full text at marxists.org
- Cohn-Bendit, Daniel. Obsolete Communism: The Left-Wing Alternative.
- Dark Star Collective. Beneath the Paving Stones: Situationists and the Beach, May 68.
- DeRoo, Rebecca J. The Museum Establishment and Contemporary Art: The Politics of Artistic Display in France after 1968.
- Feenberg, Andrew and Jim Freedman. When Poetry Ruled the Streets.
- Ferlinghetti, Lawrence. Love in the Days of Rage (novel).
- Gregoire, Roger and Perlman, Fredy. Worker-Student Action Committees: France May '68. PDF of the text
- Harman, Chris. The Fire Last Time: 1968 and After. London: Bookmarks, 1988.
- Jones, James. The Merry Month of May (novel).
- Knabb, Ken. Situationist International Anthology Full text at bopsecrets.org.
- Kurlansky, Mark. 1968: The Year That Rocked The World.
- Marcus, Greil. Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the 20th Century.
- Emile Perreau-Saussine, "Liquider mai 68?", in Les droites en France (1789–2008), CNRS Editions, 2008, p. 61–68, PDF
- Plant, Sadie. The Most Radical Gesture: The Situationist International in a Postmodern Age.
- Quattrochi, Angelo; Nairn, Tom (1998). The Beginning of the End. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1859842904.
- Ross, Kristin. May '68 and its Afterlives.
- Schwarz, Peter. '1968: The general strike and the student revolt in France'. 28 May 2008. Retrieved 12 June 1010. World Socialist Web Site.
- Seale, Patrick and Maureen McConville. Red Flag/Black Flag: French Revolution 1968.
- Seidman, Michael. The Imaginary Revolution: Parisian Students and Workers in 1968 (Berghahn, 2004).
- Singer, Daniel. Prelude To Revolution: France In May 1968.
- Staricco, Juan Ignacio. The French May and the Shift of Paradigm of Collective Action.
- Touraine, Alain. The May Movement: Revolt and Reform.
- The Atelier Popularie. Beauty Is in the Street: A Visual Record of the May 68 Uprising.
enlaces externos
Archival collections
- Guide to the Paris Student Revolt Collection. Special Collections and Archives, The UC Irvine Libraries, Irvine, California.
- Paris 1968 Posters Digital Collections | Victoria University Library in the University of Toronto
- Paris 1968 Documents Digital Collections | Victoria University Library in the University of Toronto
- Paris, Posters of a Revolution Collection Special Collections | Victoria University Library in the University of Toronto
- May Events Archive of Documents
- Paris May–June 1968 Archive at marxists.org
Others
- May 1968: 40 Years Later, City Journal, Spring 2008
- Maurice Brinton, Paris May 1968
- Chris Reynolds, May 68: A Contested History, Sens Public
- Marking the French Social Revolution of 1968, an NPR audio report
- Barricades of May ’68 Still Divide the French New York Times