El neoestalinismo (en ruso : Неосталинизм ) es la promoción de puntos de vista positivos sobre el papel de Joseph Stalin en la historia, el restablecimiento parcial de las políticas de Stalin sobre ciertos temas y la nostalgia por el período de Stalin . El neostalinismo se superpone significativamente con el neosoviético y la nostalgia soviética . Se han dado varias definiciones del término a lo largo de los años.
Definiciones
Según el historiador Roy Medvedev , el término describe la rehabilitación de Joseph Stalin, la identificación con él y el sistema político asociado, la nostalgia por el período estalinista en la historia de Rusia, la restauración de las políticas estalinistas y un regreso al terror administrativo del período estalinista evitando algunos de los peores excesos. [1]
Según el exsecretario general del Partido Comunista de la Unión Soviética, Mikhail Gorbachev , el término se refiere a un estado estalinista moderado sin represiones a gran escala , pero con persecución de opositores políticos y control total de todas las actividades políticas en el país. [2] [3]
El trotskista estadounidense Hal Draper usó "neoestalinismo" en 1948 para referirse a una nueva ideología política: un nuevo desarrollo en la política soviética, que definió como una tendencia reaccionaria cuyo comienzo se asoció con el período del Frente Popular de mediados de la década de 1930, escribiendo : "Los ideólogos del neostalinismo no son más que los zarcillos lanzados por los fenómenos - fascismo y estalinismo - que perfilan la forma social y política de un neobarbarismo". [4]
El filósofo Frederick Copleston retrata al neostalinismo como un " énfasis eslavófilo en Rusia y su historia", diciendo que "lo que se llama neostalinismo no es exclusivamente una expresión de un deseo de controlar, dominar, reprimir y arrastrar; también es la expresión del deseo de que Rusia, al hacer uso de la ciencia y la tecnología occidentales, evite la contaminación por actitudes 'degeneradas' occidentales y siga su propio camino ". [5]
El geógrafo político Denis JB Shaw considera a la Unión Soviética como neostalinista hasta el período de transición al capitalismo posterior a 1985. Identificó al neoestalinismo como un sistema político con economía planificada y un complejo militar-industrial altamente desarrollado . [6]
Durante la década de 1960, la Agencia Central de Inteligencia (CIA) distinguió entre estalinismo y neostalinismo en que "los líderes soviéticos no han vuelto a los dos extremos del gobierno de Stalin: la dictadura unipersonal y el terror de masas. La política merece la etiqueta de 'neoestalinista' en lugar de estalinista ". [7]
Katerina Clark, describiendo una corriente anti-Khrushchev, pro-Stalin en el mundo literario soviético durante la década de 1960, describió el trabajo de los escritores "neo-estalinistas" como una remonta a "la era de Stalin y sus líderes [...] como una época de unidad, gobierno fuerte y honor nacional ". [8]
En cuanto al estalinismo y el antiestalinismo
En su monografía Reconsiderando el estalinismo , el historiador Henry Reichman discute perspectivas diferentes y en evolución sobre el uso del término "estalinismo", diciendo que "en el uso académico, 'estalinismo' describe aquí un movimiento, allí un sistema económico, político o social, en otros lugares un tipo de práctica política o sistema de creencias ". Hace referencia al trabajo del historiador Stephen Cohen que reevalúa la historia soviética después de Stalin como una "tensión continua entre el reformismo antiestalinista y el conservadurismo neostalinista", y observa que tal caracterización requiere una definición "coherente" del estalinismo, cuyas características esenciales Cohen deja sin definir. [9]
Países supuestos neostalinistas
El régimen de Rumania bajo Nicolae Ceaușescu (1965-1989) ha sido clasificado por historiadores y politólogos como neoestalinista. [10]
El líder albanés Enver Hoxha se describió a sí mismo como neo-estalinista, ya que su ideología, el hoxhaísmo, también tiene algunos elementos estalinistas. [11] Después de la muerte de Stalin, Hoxha denunció al sucesor de Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev, y lo acusó de revisionismo que hizo que Albania se retirara del pacto de Varsovia .
El régimen de Khalq en Afganistán (abril de 1978 - diciembre de 1979) ha sido descrito como neoestalinista. Sus políticas conmocionaron al país y contribuyeron al inicio de la guerra afgano-soviética . [12]
Corea del Norte también ha sido descrita por fuentes occidentales como un estado neoestalinista, [13] que adoptó un marxismo-leninismo modificado en el Juche como la ideología oficial en la década de 1970, con referencias al marxismo-leninismo totalmente descartadas de la constitución estatal revisada en 1992. [14]
Algunos grupos socialistas como la Alianza Trotskista por la Libertad de los Trabajadores describen a la China moderna como "neo-estalinista". [15]
A finales de los 20 y principios del siglo 21 , Turkmenistán 's Niyazov régimen no comunista se considera a veces una neostalinista, [16] [17] especialmente en relación con su culto a la personalidad . [18] El régimen autoritario no comunista de Islam Karimov en Uzbekistán de 1989 a 2016 también ha sido descrito como "neoestalinista". [19] [20]
Unión Soviética
En febrero de 1956, el líder soviético Nikita Khrushchev denunció el culto a la personalidad que rodeaba a su predecesor Joseph Stalin y condenó los crímenes cometidos durante la Gran Purga . Jruschov pronunció su discurso de cuatro horas, " Sobre el culto a la personalidad y sus consecuencias ", condenando al régimen de Stalin. El historiador Robert V. Daniels sostiene que "el neoestalinismo prevaleció políticamente durante más de un cuarto de siglo después de que el propio Stalin abandonara la escena". [21] Siguiendo la comprensión trotskista de las políticas de Stalin como una desviación del camino del marxismo-leninismo, George Novack describió la política de Khrushchev como guiada por una "línea neo-estalinista", su principio es que "las fuerzas socialistas pueden conquistar toda oposición incluso en los centros imperialistas, no por el ejemplo del poder de clase interno, sino por el poder externo del ejemplo soviético ", [22] explicando como tal:
Las innovaciones de Jruschov en el XX Congreso [...] hicieron oficial la doctrina de las prácticas revisionistas de Stalin [mientras] el nuevo programa descarta la concepción leninista del imperialismo y sus correspondientes políticas revolucionarias de lucha de clases. [23]
Las transmisiones estadounidenses en Europa a finales de la década de 1950 describieron una lucha política entre los "viejos estalinistas" y "el neo-estalinista Khrushchev". [24] [25] [26]
En octubre de 1964, Khrushchev fue reemplazado por Leonid Brezhnev , quien permaneció en el cargo hasta su muerte en noviembre de 1982. Durante su reinado, las controversias de Stalin fueron minimizadas. Andrés Laiapea conecta esto con "el exilio de muchos disidentes , especialmente Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn ", [27] aunque mientras Laiapea escribe que "[l] a rehabilitación de Stalin fue de la mano con el establecimiento de un culto a la personalidad en torno a Brezhnev". [27] El sociólogo político Viktor Zaslavsky caracteriza el período de Brezhnev como uno de "compromiso neoestalinista", ya que los elementos esenciales de la atmósfera política asociada con Stalin se mantuvieron sin un culto a la personalidad. [28] Según Alexander Dubček , "[e] l advenimiento del régimen de Brezhnev anunció el advenimiento del neoestalinismo, y las medidas tomadas contra Checoslovaquia en 1968 fueron la consolidación final de las fuerzas neoestalinistas en la Unión Soviética, Polonia, Hungría y otros países ". [29] Brezhnev describió la línea política china como "neo-estalinista". [30] El politólogo estadounidense Seweryn Bialer ha descrito la política soviética como un giro hacia el neostalinismo después de la muerte de Brezhnev. [31]
Después de que Mikhail Gorbachev asumiera el cargo en marzo de 1985, introdujo la política de glasnost en las discusiones públicas para liberalizar el sistema soviético. En seis años, la Unión Soviética se vino abajo . Aún así, Gorbachov admitió en 2000 que "[e] incluso ahora en Rusia tenemos el mismo problema. No es tan fácil renunciar a la herencia que recibimos del estalinismo y el neoestalinismo, cuando las personas se convirtieron en engranajes de la rueda , y los que estaban en el poder tomaban todas las decisiones por ellos ". [32] Algunas fuentes occidentales han descrito las políticas internas de Gorbachov como neostalinistas. [33] [34] [35]
Rusia postsoviética
En 2016, el politólogo Thomas Sherlock sostiene que Rusia ha retrocedido un poco en sus políticas neoestalinistas:
- El Kremlin no está dispuesto a desarrollar e imponer a la sociedad narrativas históricas que promuevan el chovinismo, el hipernacionalismo y la restalinización. Aunque tal agenda tiene cierto apoyo entre las élites en el poder y en la sociedad, permanece subordinada. [...] En cambio, el régimen ahora está extendiendo su apoyo a una [...] evaluación crítica de la era soviética, incluido el estalinismo. Esta crítica emergente del pasado soviético sirve a una serie de objetivos importantes del liderazgo, incluido el volver a comprometerse con Occidente. Con este fin, el Kremlin aprobó recientemente nuevos libros de texto de historia que critican el pasado soviético, así como un importante programa que conmemora a las víctimas de las represiones soviéticas. [36]
Vistas públicas
A partir de 2008, más de la mitad de los rusos ven a Stalin positivamente y muchos apoyan la restauración de sus monumentos, ya sea desmantelados por líderes o destruidos por rusos en disturbios durante la disolución de la Unión Soviética en 1991. [37] [38] Según el centro de votación Levada, las marcas de popularidad de Stalin se han triplicado entre los rusos en los últimos veinte años y la tendencia se ha acelerado desde que Vladimir Putin llegó al poder. [39]
En abril de 2019, una encuesta del centro Levada reveló que más del 50% de los rusos veían a Stalin de manera positiva, la más alta jamás registrada. [ cita requerida ]
Según Andrew Osborn , las estatuas de Stalin "han comenzado a reaparecer" y se ha abierto un museo en su honor en Volgogrado (ex Stalingrado). [39] Steve Gutterman de Associated Press citó a Vladimir Lavrov (subdirector del Instituto de Historia Rusa de Moscú ) diciendo que unas diez estatuas de Stalin han sido restauradas o erigidas en Rusia en los últimos años. [40] En diciembre de 2013, Putin describió a Stalin como nada peor que el "astuto" dictador militar inglés del siglo XVII Oliver Cromwell . [41]
School education
In June 2007, Russian President Vladimir Putin organized a conference for history teachers to promote a high school teachers manual called A Modern History of Russia: 1945–2006: A Manual for History Teachers, which according to Irina Flige (office director of human rights organization Memorial) portrays Stalin as a cruel yet successful leader who "acted rationally". She claims it justifies Stalin's terror as an "instrument of development".[42][43] Putin said at the conference that the new manual will "help instill young people with a sense of pride in Russia" and he argued that Stalin's purges pale in comparison to the United States' atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. At a memorial for Stalin's victims, Putin said that while Russians should "keep alive the memory of tragedies of the past, we should focus on all that is best in the country".[44]
The official policy of the Russian Federation is that teachers and schools are free to choose history textbooks from the list of the admitted ones, which includes a total of forty-eight history text books for grade school and twenty-four history textbooks by various authors for high school.[45][46]
In September 2009, the Education Ministry of Russia announced that Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago, a book once banned in the Soviet Union for the detailed account on the system of prison camps, became required reading for Russian high-school students. Prior to that, Russian students studied Solzhenitsyn's short story Matryonin dvor and his novella One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, an account of a single day in the life of a gulag prisoner.[47][48]
History studies
In 2009, it was reported that the Russian government was drawing up plans to criminalize statements and acts that deny the Soviet Union's victory over fascism in World War II or its role in liberating Eastern Europe.[49] In May 2009, President Dmitry Medvedev described the Soviet Union during the war as "our country" and set up the Historical Truth Commission to act against what the Kremlin terms falsifications of Russian history.[49][50][51]
On 3 July 2009, Russia's delegation at the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe's (OSCE) annual parliamentary meeting stormed out after a resolution was passed equating the roles of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in starting World War II, drafted by delegates from Lithuania and Slovenia.[citation needed] The resolution called for a day of remembrance for victims of both Stalinism and Nazism to be marked every 23 August, the date in 1939 when Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of neutrality with a secret protocol that divided parts of Central and Eastern Europe between their spheres of influence.
Konstantin Kosachev, head of the foreign relations committee of Russia's lower house of parliament, called the resolution "nothing but an attempt to rewrite the history of World War II". Alexander Kozlovsky, the head of the Russian delegation, called the resolution an "insulting anti-Russian attack" and added that "[t]hose who place Nazism and Stalinism on the same level forget that it is the Stalin-era Soviet Union that made the biggest sacrifices and the biggest contribution to liberating Europe from fascism".[52][53] Only eight out of 385 assembly members voted against the resolution.[54]
Kurskaya station controversy
At the end of August a gilded slogan, a fragment of the Soviet national anthem was re-inscribed at the Moscow Metro's Kursky station beneath eight socialist realist statues, reading: "Stalin reared us on loyalty to the people. He inspired us to labour and heroism". The slogan had been removed in the 1950s during Nikita Khrushchev's period of de-Stalinization. Another restored slogan reads: "For the Motherland! For Stalin!".
Restoring the slogans was ordered by the head of the metro Dmitry Gayev. He explained his decision with restoring the historic view of the station: "My attitude towards this story is simple: this inscription was at the station Kurskaya since its foundation, and it will stay there".[55]
The chairman of a human rights group Memorial Arseny Roginsky stated: "This is the fruit of creeping re-Stalinization and [...] they [the authorities] want to use his name as a symbol of a powerful authoritarian state which the whole world is afraid of". Other human rights organizations and survivors of Stalin's repressions called for the decorations to be removed in a letter to Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov.[39][55]
Mikhail Shvydkoy, the special representative of the President of Russia for the international cultural exchange, responded to the controversy:
In my opinion, the question whether such inscriptions should exist in the Moscow underground is not the question in the competence of neither the Mayor of Moscow, nor even the head of the Moscow underground. One can't take decisions that may break the society that's heated up and politicized even without that. It seems to me, that the presence of the lines about Stalin in the hall of the metro station Kurskaya is the question that should become the matter of discussion for the city denizens.[55]
Shvydkoy commented that what Stalin did in respect of the Soviet and in particular Russian people cannot be justified and he does not even deserve a neutral attitude, much less praise. However, he said "it's necessary to remember your own butchers" and without that memory they can "grow among us again". Shvydkoy said that the question is that the society must remember that "Stalin is a tyrant". While the inscription in the Metro should merely be read correctly, "read with the certain attitude to Stalin's personality".[55]
Shvydkoy also commented that if the hall of the station Kurskaya is a monument of architecture and culture, the inscription must be left because "to knock down inscriptions is vandalism".[55]
Opinions
Scholar Dmitri Furman, director of the Commonwealth of Independent States Research Center at the Russian Academy's of Sciences Institute of Europe, sees the Russian regime's neo-Stalinism as a "non-ideological Stalinism" that "seeks control for the sake of control, not for the sake of world revolution".[56]
In 2005, Communist politician Gennady Zyuganov said that Russia "should once again render honor to Stalin for his role in building socialism and saving human civilization from the Nazi plague".[57] Zyuganov has said "Great Stalin does not need rehabilitation" and has proposed changing the name of Volgograd back to Stalingrad.[58] In 2010, the Communist leader stated: "Today [...] the greatness of Stalin's era is self-evident even to his most furious haters... We liberated the whole world!".[59]
In 2008, Dmitry Puchkov accused the authorities of raising a wave of anti-Stalin propaganda to distract the attention of the population from topical troubles. In a December 2008 interview, he was asked a question: "Dmitry Yurievich, what do you think, is the new wave of 'unveiling the horrors of Stalinism' on the TV related to the approaching consequences of the crisis or is it merely another [mental] exacerbation?". He replied: "The wave is being raised to distract opinion of the population from the up-to-date troubles. You don't have to think of your pension, you don't have to think of the education, what matters are the horrors of Stalinism".[60]
Russian writer Sergey Kara-Murza believes that there is a trend to demonize Russia that is common not only in Poland, Ukraine and the Czech Republic, but in Russia as well. He contends that it is a good business and that it was a good business previously to demonize the Soviet Union:
Why do we need to take offense against Poles, if we in our country have the same (and for us — sufficiently more dangerous and hazardous) cohort of pundits, philosophers, historians who enjoy the maximal favourable regime set by the state and do the same things as Poles do? [61]
Ver también
- Grover Furr
- Ludo Martens
- On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences
- Neo-Sovietism
- Soviet patriotism
- Nostalgia for the Soviet Union
- Tankie, a pejorative term for pro-Soviet communists
Referencias
- ^ Ferdinand Joseph Maria Feldbrugge, "Samizdat and political dissent in the Soviet Union", Brill, 1975, pg. 30, [1]
- ^ Osborn, Andrew (21 February 2006). "Outrage at revision of Stalin's legacy". The New Zealand Herald. The Independent. Retrieved 28 October 2011.
- ^ For example, Katerine Clark defines Neo-Stalinism as praising "the Stalin era and its leaders... as a time of unity, strong rule and national honor", see The Soviet Novel: History as Ritual, By Katerina Clark, Indiana University Press, 2000, ISBN 0-253-33703-8, ISBN 978-0-253-33703-0, page 236 [2].
- ^ Draper, Hal. "Hal Draper: The Neo-Stalinist Type (1948)". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 16 February 2018.
- ^ Copleston, Frederick, S.J. A History of Philosophy: Russian Philosophy. Continuum International Publishing Group, 2003. ISBN 0-8264-6904-3, ISBN 978-0-8264-6904-5. P. 403.
- ^ Shaw identifies as features of the "political geography" of "neo-Stalinism" the following criteria:
- 1. A well-developed core-periphery structure, reflecting marked differences in levels of economic development and living standards. This is in part the product of a tendency towards "incrementalism" – seeking to gain economies by allocating a considerable proportion of resources to those regions which have benefited most from previous investment...
- 2. The inbuilt conservatism of the system and the bias towards heavy industry [ensuring] the continuing importance of traditional industrial regions with "smokestack" industries, such as the Donetsk-Dnepr region of eastern Ukraine and the Urals.
- 3. "Extensive" (ie, resource-demanding) rather than "intensive" (resource-saving) development, leading to waste of resources and environmental deterioration in the core, growing dependence of the core on the resources of the periphery and pressure to develop the latter in the cheapest and often most short-sighted manner.
- 4. Administration of the economy by sectors and tendencies towards 'narrow departmentalism' [leading] to the development of a series of ministerial "empires" lacking interlinkages, reducing the scope for scale economies, encouraging excessive transportation and leading to the economic overspecialization of many cities and regions, especially peripheral ones...
- 5. The relative neglect of agriculture, transportation, consumer welfare and numerous services...
- 6. A well-developed hierarchy of well-being in the settlement structure, whereby, in general terms, the best endowed settlements were the biggest ones with major administrative and political functions...conditions [deteriorating] as they became smaller.
- 7. The development of regional economies...greatly influenced by the 'military-industrial complex' with the progress of individual cities, groups of cities and even entire regions (including peripheral ones) very much bound up with the needs of the military machine.
- 8. Continental and inward-looking development induced by the longstanding tendency towards economic autarky. Isolation from the world economy...Only from the 1960s were autarkic tendencies modified, encouraging further economic development along land frontiers, on coasts and at ports., see Shaw, Denis J.B. Russia in the Modern World: A New Geography. Wiley-Blackwell, 1999. ISBN 0-631-18134-2, ISBN 978-0-631-18134-7. Pp. 81–84.
- ^ "NEO-STALINISM: WRITING HISTORY AND MAKING POLICY – CIA document". www.faqs.org.
- ^ Clark, Katerina. The Soviet Novel: History as Ritual Indiana University Press, 2000, ISBN 0-253-33703-8, ISBN 978-0-253-33703-0, page 236 [3].
- ^ Reichman, Henry. "Reconsidering 'Stalinism'. Theory and Society Volume 17, Number 1. Springer Netherlands. January 1988. Pp. 57–89.
- ^ Stalinism und Neo-Stalinism in Romania. In: Southeastern Europe in the 19. und 20. century. Foreign ways– own ways (= Berliner Jahrbuch für osteuropäische Geschichte. Bd. 2). Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1994, ISBN 3-05-002590-5, S. 87–102.
- ^ Library of Congress Country Studies
- ^ "Obituary: Babrak Karmal". 6 December 1996. Retrieved 16 February 2018.
- ^ "Working, Russel. "An Open Door to North Korea". Business Week, June 4, 2001".
- ^ By Sŭng-hŭm Kil, Soong Hoom Kil, Chung-in Moon. Understanding Korean Politics: An Introduction. SUNY Press, 2001. ISBN 0-7914-4889-4, ISBN 978-0-7914-4889-2, p. 275.
- ^ "Workers' Liberty #58 – Where is neo-Stalinist China going? October 1999". archive.workersliberty.org.
- ^ Radio Free Europe, Czech Republic, 2005
- ^ Freedom House, United States, 2006
- ^ The Independent, United Kingdom, 2006
- ^ Juergensmeyer, Mark. The Oxford Handbook of Global Religions. Oxford University Press US, 2006. ISBN 0-19-513798-1, ISBN 978-0-19-513798-9. P. 460.
- ^ Thornton, William H. New world empire: civil Islam, Terrorism, and the Making of Neoglobalism. Rowman & Littlefield, 2005. ISBN 0-7425-2941-X, ISBN 978-0-7425-2941-0. P. 134.
- ^ Daniels, Robert Vincent. The Rise and Fall of Communism in Russia. Yale University Press, 2007 ISBN 0-300-10649-1, ISBN 978-0-300-10649-7 P. 339.
- ^ Novack, George. International Socialist Review, New York, Volume 22, No. 3, Fall 1961. Pp. 107–114. Marxists Internet Archive. 2005.
- ^ "From Lenin to Khrushchev". www.marxists.org.
- ^ "Khrushchev's Neo-Stalinism". Archived 2011-07-17 at the Wayback Machine Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute (RFE/RL RI): Box-Folder-Report 55-1-222. The Open Society. Retrieved 11 May 2009.
- ^ "The Specter of Suslov". Archived 2011-07-17 at the Wayback Machine Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute (RFE/RL RI): Box-Folder-Report 55-1-296. The Open Society. Retrieved 11 May 2009.
- ^ "Khrushchev and the Presidium (VIII)".[permanent dead link] Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute (RFE/RL RI): Box-Folder-Report 56-3-307. The Open Society. Retrieved 11 May 2009.
- ^ a b Laiapea, Andres. "Putin's Neo-Stalinism in Historical Perspective". American Chronicle. 26 February 2007. Retrieved 11 May 2009.
- ^ Sakwa, Richard. Soviet Politics in Perspective. Routledge, 1998. ISBN 0-415-07153-4, ISBN 978-0-415-07153-6, P. 66.
- ^ Alexander Dubcek Recollections of the Crisis: Events Surrounding the Cierna nad Tisou Negotiations Archived 2007-03-14 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Simonov, Vladimir. "Who are Russia's Enemies?" Russian News and Information Agency Novosti. 21 June 2005. EN.RIAN.ru. Retrieved 11 May 2009.
- ^ Eberstadt, Nick. The Poverty of Communism. Transaction Publishers, 1990. ISBN 0-88738-817-5, ISBN 978-0-88738-817-0. P. 85.
- ^ "Mikhail Gorbachev Interview – page 3 / 3 – Academy of Achievement". Archived from the original on 11 November 2016. Retrieved 16 February 2018.
- ^ Tsypkin, Mikhail. "Moscow's Gorbachev: A New Leader in the Old Mold": Backgrounder #451 – August 29, 1985. The Heritage Foundation.
- ^ Åslund, Anders. How Russia Became a Market Economy. Brookings Institution Press, 1995, ISBN 0-8157-0425-9, ISBN 978-0-8157-0425-6. P. 29.
- ^ Pilon, Juliana Geran. "The Crisis of Marxist Ideology in Eastern Europe". National Review. 7 April 1989. ArticleArchies. Retrieved 9 August 2009.
- ^ Thomas Sherlock, "Russian politics and the Soviet past: Reassessing Stalin and Stalinism under Vladimir Putin" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30#1 (2016) pp 1–15 (2016)
- ^ Mikhail Pozdnyaev, Novye Izvestia. "The Glamorous Tyrant: The Cult of Stalin Experiences a Rebirth". Archived 11 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Сегодня исполняется 55 лет со дня смерти Сталина".
- ^ a b c Andrew Osborn, "Josef Stalin 'returns' to Moscow metro", Telegraph, 05 September 2009, [4]
- ^ "Re-Stalinization of Moscow subway sparks debate". WaPo. October 27, 2009.
- ^ "Putin Says Stalin No Worse Than 'Cunning' Oliver Cromwell".
- ^ Stalin's new status in Russia, By Richard Galpin, BBC News, Moscow
- ^ "Activists Denounce Stalin in Station" 28 August 2009 By Kristina Mikulova Moscow Times
- ^ Stalin Back in Vogue as Putin Endorses History-Book Nostalgia by Henry Meyer, Bloomberg.com, 29 November 2007
- ^ History textbooks, Russian Ministry of Education. (in Russian)
- ^ List of admitted school text-books, 2007 (in Russian)
- ^ 'Gulag' book, once banned, is now required reading Associated Press Retrieved on September 10, 2009
- ^ The Gulag Archipelago was included to the school program, Izvestia, September 9th.
- ^ a b Wendle, John (8 May 2009). "Russia Moves to Ban Criticism of WWII Win". Time. Retrieved 6 June 2009.
- ^ "Russia panel to 'protect history'". BBC. 2009-05-19. Retrieved 2009-08-06.
- ^ Andrew Osborne, "Medvedev Creates History Commission", Wall Street Journal, [5]
- ^ http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/1010/42/379276.htm
- ^ Russia scolds OSCE for equating Hitler and Stalin Retrieved on July 25, 2009
- ^ "Resolution on Stalin riles Russia". BBC News. July 3, 2009.
- ^ a b c d e Human rights defenders called Luzhkov to remove from the Metro the notes about Stalin, Kommersant, September 8, 2009.
- ^ "Zakharovich, Yuri. "Can the U.S.-Russian Alliance Last?" TIME. 21 Dec. 2001".
- ^ "Opinion & Reviews – Wall Street Journal". www.opinionjournal.com. Retrieved 16 February 2018.
- ^ Fiery Counterrevolutionaries Archived 2011-11-03 at the Wayback Machine, Kommersant, April 18, 2005.
- ^ Liberals rap Kremlin as Stalin is worshipped, Reuters, March 5, 2010.
- ^ Short questions and answers, by Dmitry Puchkov.
- ^ The satanization of the modern Russia is ongoing, same way as it happened with the Soviet Union, Sergey Kara-Murza, 24 September 2009 (in Russian)
Otras lecturas
- Khapaeva, Dina. "Triumphant memory of the perpetrators: Putin's politics of re-Stalinization." Communist & Post-Communist Studies (March 2016), pp 61–73. celebrations of Stalin's memory in Russia today. online
- Khapaeva, Dina. "Historical memory in post-Soviet Gothic society." Social Research (2009): 359–394. online
- Sherlock, Thomas. "Russian politics and the Soviet past: Reassessing Stalin and Stalinism under Vladimir Putin." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49.1 (2016): 45–59. online
- Torbakov, Igor. "History, Memory and National Identity: Understanding the politics of history and memory wars in post-Soviet lands." Demokratizatsiya 19.3 (2011): 209+ online
- Tumarkin, Maria M. "The Long Life of Stalinism: Reflections on the Aftermath of Totalitarianism and Social Memory." Journal of social history 44.4 (2011): 1047–1061.
enlaces externos
- Agence France-Presse, 2015. Stalin portraits emerge in heart of Ukraine's rebel-held territory. 19 October The Guardian.
- Russian history in the classroom
- Stalin's Return Time Magazine, 1970
- Moscow: Stalin 2.0 – video report by Global Post
- The rehabilitation of Stalin – an ideological cornerstone of the new Kremlin politics World Socialist Web Site, 2000
- Russian historians denounce re-Stalinization Eurasia Daily Monitor, 2005
- Russia: Nostalgia For USSR Increases By Victor Yasmann, RFE/RL, December 21, 2006
- Outrage at revision of Stalin's legacy, by Andrew Osborn, 21 February 2006
- Russia: Gorbachev Speaks About Democracy, Authoritarianism, RFE/RL, 1 March 2006