Tradicionalmente, las mujeres de Hong Kong se han situado en el contexto de la familia y la sociedad chinas , en las que se las trata de la misma forma que las mujeres del continente o las mujeres taiwanesas . [1] Sin embargo, existen diferencias culturales entre los ciudadanos de China continental y los ciudadanos de Hong Kong. Durante el período colonial británico , el surgimiento de la cultura occidental (es decir, la " occidentalización ") creó una mezcla de la cultura tradicional china y los valores occidentales. Esto creó una cultura única de Hong Kong . Junto con el rápido desarrollo económico y social de Hong Kong desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ha habido una mejora significativa en la condición social de la mujer. Sin embargo, la estructura social predominantemente masculina aún persiste en algunos aspectos de la vida de las mujeres.
Durante las últimas tres décadas, las mujeres en Hong Kong se han vuelto más independientes financieramente, asertivas y centradas en su carrera. Esto puede hacerlas más prominentes en comparación con las mujeres de otros países del sudeste asiático . [2] Con el aumento del número de mujeres en puestos profesionales y de gestión en las últimas décadas, especialmente desde la promulgación de leyes contra la discriminación desde mediados de la década de 1990, los términos "mujer fuerte" o " supermujeres " se están utilizando para describir a las mujeres. En Hong Kong. [2]
Desigualdad de género
Los datos estadísticos del censo nacional de Hong Kong de 2006 muestran que el número de mujeres en Hong Kong está aumentando, mientras que el número de hombres en Hong Kong está disminuyendo. [3] La cifra de mujeres solteras de Hong Kong que viven solas aumentó al 43,8 por ciento en comparación con 2001, [3] con 103.938 en 1996, 127.001 en 2001 y 182.648 en 2006. La proporción de género entre hombres y mujeres en 2006 era de 1.000 hembras por cada 912 machos; en 2016 había aumentado a 1000 mujeres por cada 852 hombres. [4] Se espera que se deteriore aún más para 2036 (1000 mujeres por cada 763 hombres). [3] El aumento de mujeres solteras en Hong Kong es significativo porque está demostrado que los patrones de empleo de las mujeres solteras son similares a los de los hombres. [5]
Educación
Véase también Economía de Hong Kong y Educación en Hong Kong .
La implementación de la educación universal obligatoria en 1971, seguida de una extensión a nueve años en 1978, dio lugar a un mayor número de élites femeninas. [1] [6] La transformación del entorno social en Hong Kong también contribuyó al aumento de la educación de las mujeres. Históricamente, las familias que no tenían suficiente dinero para enviar tanto a su hijo como a su hija a la escuela optaban por educar al hijo en lugar de a la hija. [7] Tras el crecimiento económico en la década de 1960, Hong Kong se ha convertido en una sociedad rica con un cambio significativo en la población. [8] La tasa de natalidad en Hong Kong disminuyó constantemente del 16,8% en 1981 al 8,6% en 2014. [9] Muestra que la estructura de la familia nuclear que cría solo a uno o dos niños en una familia es común, por lo tanto, las niñas pueden recibir una mejor educación. debido a los recursos más concentrados dentro de la familia. [8]
Según el informe de Hong Kong Annual Digest of Statistics del Departamento de Censos y Estadísticas de Hong Kong , se ha observado una tendencia de universalismo para niños y niñas desde la década de 1970. La tasa de matriculación de las niñas, en general, ha sido más alta que la de los niños desde los años ochenta. [6] La brecha entre la matriculación de hombres y mujeres en la educación postsecundaria se ha reducido, y las estudiantes superan en número a los estudiantes varones que ingresan a los programas financiados por el Comité de Becas Universitarias (UGC) en las últimas décadas. [10] El porcentaje de estudiantes mujeres y hombres matriculados en programas financiados por UGC fue del 53,7% y el 46,3% respectivamente en 2014, que es bastante diferente del 32,9% y el 67,1% respectivamente en 1987. [8] [10]
Sin embargo, cuando se enfoca específicamente en programas de posgrado de investigación, se han registrado más estudiantes varones, en gran parte debido al hecho de que los programas están relacionados en gran medida con ciencias, tecnología, ingeniería y matemáticas ( STEM ). [10] Las personas en Hong Kong tienen un sesgo de género en los campos STEM, percibiendo a las mujeres como menos capaces de dominar el conocimiento STEM y seguir carreras relacionadas. [11] La mitad de las adolescentes en Hong Kong se desanimó de centrarse en las matemáticas y las ciencias durante la escuela secundaria, lo que llevó a su autoconcepto disminuido en STEM. [11] Por lo tanto, la proporción de sexos de los estudiantes matriculados en programas de ingeniería y tecnología financiados por UGC es un desequilibrio, del 29,5% para las mujeres y del 70,5% para los hombres en 2016. [4] La situación no ha mejorado mucho desde 1996, que había 14,1% para mujeres y 85,9% para hombres. [8]
Logro de carrera
Video externo | |
---|---|
Apple Daily - Las mujeres casadas de Hong Kong quieren trabajar video de YouTube |
Las mujeres estaban en la fuerza laboral desde la década de 1920, pero la pequeña población a menudo tuvo que luchar por la igualdad de los derechos laborales. [12] Con el cambio de la economía de Hong Kong de la industria manufacturera en la década de 1980 a la industria de servicios , existe una creciente demanda de trabajadores administrativos . Por tanto, existen abundantes oportunidades laborales tanto para hombres como para mujeres. [2] Las mujeres pueden disfrutar del empleo en Hong Kong , que poseen derechos como la protección de la maternidad y la licencia por enfermedad. Sin embargo, las mujeres de Hong Kong son conscientes de las dificultades que enfrentan para ser mujeres en la fuerza laboral. Por ejemplo, cuando se les realizó una encuesta, tanto los hombres como las mujeres que trabajaban en Hong Kong afirmaron que preferían tener un supervisor masculino sobre una supervisora. [13]
En 2016, había un 49,3% de mujeres y un 50,8% de hombres en la población ocupada. [14] A pesar de la cultura de mente abierta y relativamente occidentalizada de Hong Kong, el lugar de trabajo aparentemente igualitario y justo todavía plantea obstáculos en el camino de las carreras profesionales de las mujeres. El 61,8% de las mujeres y el 51,6% de los hombres coincidieron en que las mujeres tienen que sacrificar más que los hombres por el éxito profesional. [15] El 72,1% de las mujeres estuvo de acuerdo en que un número cada vez mayor de mujeres exitosas es un fenómeno social positivo, mientras que solo el 59,6% de los hombres comparten la misma opinión. [15] Los datos mostraron que los hombres, que tienen el privilegio invisible que se obtiene de las percepciones de género desiguales, están contentos con la situación actual y son más reacios a la creciente condición de la mujer, que podría representar una amenaza para sus perspectivas profesionales.
Los medios de comunicación de Hong Kong reflejan claramente los estereotipos y normas sociales. Los intérpretes de roles de autoridad son en su mayoría hombres, y los comentarios y voces en off también se escuchan principalmente en voces masculinas. Las mujeres se representan principalmente en roles domésticos y profesiones específicas de género, por ejemplo, secretarias y enfermeras. [dieciséis]
A pesar del alto nivel de educación y la visión prospectiva que poseen las mujeres, es poco común ver a mujeres trabajando en juntas corporativas de Hong Kong y en puestos de alta dirección. Las mujeres representan solo el 11% del grupo total de directores de los emisores que cotizan en bolsa de Hong Kong y el 33% de los puestos de alta dirección. El número de trabajadoras que participan en la fuerza laboral, que es el 54% de toda la población femenina, está por detrás de muchos países desarrollados (67,6% en los EE. UU. Y 71% en el Reino Unido). [16] El número de mujeres en política también es pequeño. En el consejo legislativo, solo hay 12 mujeres entre los 70 miembros electos. [14] En comparación con 10 miembros femeninos entre los 60 miembros electos en 1998, las mujeres siguen estando infrarrepresentadas en la etapa legislativa de la ciudad, y tal insuficiencia conducirá a una supresión prolongada de los derechos de las mujeres y la desigualdad de género. [14]
Vida familiar
Como parte de las tradiciones familiares chinas, el deber de una mujer dentro del hogar es servir a su familia, en particular a los hombres, y su papel se ha basado durante mucho tiempo en la expectativa de servir a su padre cuando era niña, a su marido durante toda su vida matrimonial. , y su (s) hijo (s) cuando llegue a la vejez. [17] El papel tradicional de los hombres es ocuparse de los asuntos externos dentro de la esfera pública, mientras que el de las mujeres es permanecer en la esfera privada en el hogar y cuidar de sus hijos. [17] Debido a la creencia tradicional de la superioridad masculina dentro de Hong Kong, se ejerce mucha presión sobre las mujeres para que produzcan descendientes masculinos, sin importar su estatus económico y nivel de educación. Hasta hace poco, las mujeres que no podían tener un hijo para su familia se consideraban defectuosas y, a menudo, se divorciaban. [17]
La necesidad de formar una familia, un importante valor social chino cultivado por la ideología confuciana, ha perdido popularidad en los últimos años, ya que una proporción considerable de la población se sentía cómoda con la soltería. El 42,3% de los hombres y el 41,5% de las mujeres no tienen previsto casarse, superando en número a los que no están de acuerdo (31,4% de hombres y 32,3% de mujeres). [15] Una encuesta demostró un bajo deseo de tener hijos entre los solteros, con un 22,1% de mujeres y un 21,5% de hombres que no estaban de acuerdo con que la vida era vacía sin tener un hijo. [15] Sin embargo, cuando se habla de la convivencia soltera, las opiniones divergen entre hombres y mujeres. En cuanto a la idea de convivencia sin intención de contraer matrimonio, el 71% de los hombres nunca casados la encontró aceptable, pero solo el 45,1% de las mujeres nunca casadas estuvo de acuerdo. [15] Indicó que la integridad sexual sigue siendo de una importancia relativamente alta entre las mujeres de Hong Kong.
Along with the changing view on marriage and reproduction, the gender division of labor within a family has changed as well. The traditional picture that men are the financial backbones of the family and primarily deal with external affairs is no longer the mainstream perception. More than 50% of respondents reckoned that males no longer hold a dominant and superior figure within the family.[15] Over 80% of the respondents agreed that contribution to household income should be made from both partners.[15] The unequal division of labour in family affairs has also made gradual progress towards equal roles; about 50% of the respondents believed men should be more involved in household duties, and 43% of males agreed that men should take on more responsibilities in child-caring.[15] As the society gained acceptance of changing family roles, the number of full-time male homemakers has grown from 2.9 thousand in 1991 (0.13% of the male population) to 19 thousand in 2016, taking up 0.65% of the male population.[14] On the other hand, there was a substantial decrease in the number of full-time female homemakers, with numbers dropping from 752.8 thousand in 1991 (34.4% of the entire female population) to 628.1 thousand in 2016, downsizing to 18% of the female population.[14] The statistics demonstrate the moderately reducing gap between men and women in household affairs.
Although social phenomenon grew in favour of gender equality in the family, the gender stereotypes in the division of household work remain rooted. According to the survey, half of the respondents considered women's major job to be family rather than work, and about 40% of the respondents agreed that providing income is men's work and household work is a women's job.[15] Indeed, women are still largely responsible for household duties, with 70.6% of females accountable for child caring.[15] Chores of daily life are mainly women's duties, whereas men assume the household duties by handling minor repairs.[15]
There is a growing number of working mothers in society. Although career is a kind of financial empowerment for women, the double shift (career and housework) becomes a serious burden for them to carry. Not only do the double burdens harm women, it also harms the relationship between working mothers and their children. A working mother has less leisure time to stay with their children and therefore cannot be aware of some developmental problems during the children's growth. For example, when their children suffer from mental illness, working mothers are less able to articulate the symptoms of their children.[18] Because so many women feel that caring for their children is strictly their responsibility, they rarely go to their husbands for additional help.[17] This creates issues for women who work outside of their homes. To tackle the problem of domestic burden for working mothers, many families hire a domestic helper; the outsourced domestic work brings changes to the family structure. Some people think that hiring a domestic worker has an impact on marital conflict and marital quality, however research shows that hiring domestic help makes no significant difference to marital conflict and quality. In Hong Kong, women tend to work outside to focus on their career development and hire a domestic helper to ease their double burdens.[19]
Women may suffer from multi-roles in which they cannot shift to the right role at home and workplace. To deal with those negative effects, the boundary-spanning resources that help to meet the demand of each domain are helpful to improve overall working families. There are some policies that have been launched that work to ease the double burden from the "working mother". For example, flexible working hours and supportive workplace culture can improve the family well-being of employees.[20]
Marriage and the workforce
A large number of women will enter into the labour force following their education,[21] but traditionally there was a substantial dropout rate after marriage and/or childbearing,[21] due to the sense of obligation that women felt for their families and households. As a result of this, many women quit their occupations. In addition to this, until the 1970s the marriage bar was widely applied to women employees in Hong Kong.[22] From the mid-1990s through to the 21st century, Hong Kong has enacted several laws prohibiting employment discrimination, including discrimination based on sex and marital status.[23]
In Hong Kong, the trend is that both males and females are getting married later in life.[21] This is mainly due to the desire to be more independent, not just in the business world, but in all areas of life.[21] Traditionally, women have been underestimated and viewed as inadequate members of society. As a result, they have a harder time getting hired by major companies and are less able to contribute monetarily to their families. By delaying marriage, women are more likely to pursue full-time and higher paying occupations.[21] Hong Kong has one of the lowest total fertility rate in the world, 1.18 children/per woman, which is far below the replacement rate of 2.1.[24] Hong Kong, like other developed nations in Asia, such as Japan and South Korea, has a strong tradition of women being housewives after marriage, but since the 1990s this has been challenged. As of 2011, the labour force participation rate for never married women was 67.2%, while for ever married women, it was only 46.8%.[25]
Marriage in Hong Kong is becoming based on personal happiness and romantic satisfaction, as opposed to the traditional marriage based on duty and the expectation to stay with one's spouse regardless of the situation.[26] Women now have more of a say in who they wish to marry, and if the marriage does not work out according to plan, they are able to openly consider divorce.[26] Traditional marriage values are becoming less important and divorce has become more common and socially acceptable.[26] Consequently, more individuals in Hong Kong are single than ever before. However, it is important to note that in China, marriage is based on strong family ties and relationships, despite any lack of romance.[26] Therefore, if one were to propose divorce, he or she would risk losing all contact with the family.[26] As of 2011, 49.0% of women were married, 8.7% of women were widowed, 4.4% of women were divorced, 0.6% of women were separated, and 37.3% of women had never been married.[25]
Participación política y liderazgo
It is a global phenomenon that women lag behind in political participation and the statistics obtained by Inter-Parliamentary Union in 2016 showed that only 22.8% of all national parliamentarians were women.[27] Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) was designed by United Nations (UN) to measure gender equality through looking at women's opportunities in political participation and their economic power.[28] Since there is no parliamentary data in Hong Kong, Women's Commission calculated GEM in 2005 by using the number of female Legislative Council members to replace the number of female parliamentary members. The GEM of Hong Kong was 0.717 which ranked 19th among 109 countries, reflecting that there are greater opportunities for women in political and economic arenas compared with other Asian countries like Japan (54th) and South Korea (64th).[29]
Although the gender gap is still wide in the political sector, gradual improvement can be seen. Executive Council is the highest authority in policy-making in Hong Kong, in which female members were slightly increased from 16% in 2007 to 26% in 2015.[30] In 2004, Home Affairs Bureau set a target of raising female ratios in advisory and statutory bodies to at least 25%, which then successfully lead to the increased percentage of female members from 22.6% in 2003 to 32.3% in 2014.[30] As for women being elected in Legislative Council, 22% and 18% were recorded in 2004 and 2012 respectively, which shows a small decline.[30] Similarly, female secretaries account for only 20% among 13 policy bureaus in 2012.[28]
Concerning women's leadership outside the governmental sector, the imbalanced sex ratios of the leading position in the enterprise world are even more serious than in government, with only one female in a chief executive role among 42 listed companies.[28] In the judicial field, judges in the Court of Final Appeal are all male, while female judges only account for 15.2% in the High Court.[31]
Obstacles in attaining leadership position
In gender division of labor, women are expected to be the homemaker even though some of them are the breadwinner at the same time, meaning it can be difficult for them to strike a balance between family and work. Getting promoted is accompanied by more time devoted to the workplace, which places women at a disadvantage since they need to fulfill household responsibility as well.[28] The situation might be even worse in the finance and business industry which require longer working hours to handle fierce competition. Therefore, many women would give up senior positions to maintain the balance between family and workplace.[28]
A lot of people in Hong Kong still uphold the traditional gender ideology that men's status should always be superior to women's. According to the survey conducted by the Women's Commission in 2010, 36.8% of females and 32.8% of males reported that patriarchal supremacy still exists in their family.[32] In this case, the role of being a female leader might threaten their spouses' power in the relationship.[33] In addition to this, 46.1% of males and 32.3% of females agreed that male political leaders would do much better than females.[32] This gendered perception might discourage women from competing in higher positions with men.
Moreover, glass ceiling also hinders women from reaching the top position.[34] The job segregation by sex restricts women into certain types of job like clerical work. This limits their work experience and thus makes it harder to get promoted. Even though some women are capable enough to move upward, the old-boy network excludes women from decision-making.
La violencia contra las mujeres
Violence against women is gender-based violence happening in both public and private life that targets women due to their sex or social roles and possibly leads to physical, sexual and psychological harm.[35] International violence against women survey (IVAWS) revealed that the violence rates in Hong Kong are 19.9% which is ranked low as compared with other countries like Australia (57%) and Denmark (50%).[35]
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most common form of violence against women, involving harmful behaviors such as walloping and resources blockade exerted by a current or ex-spouse in marriage, a cohabitant or a partner in a dating relationship. Although several researchers have investigated gender symmetry of IPV by saying that both men and women would have the chance of suffering from violence,[36] obvious gender differences still exist in Hong Kong as there are more reported cases of violence exerted by men than women.[37] According to statistics from the Social Welfare Department, there were 3,917 reported cases of being physically abused by spouse or cohabitant, in which 83% of victims were women while only 17% were men.[38] The abuses largely came from husband (62.8%), followed by the opposite-sex of cohabiting partner (13.4%) and wife (12.6%).[38] In terms of sexual violence, there were 343 newly reported cases in 2010, in which 98.8% were female victims mostly suffering from indecent assault (70.8%).[38]
Sex trafficking in Hong Kong is an issue. Hongkonger and foreign women and girls are forced into prostitution in brothels, homes, and businesses in the city.[39][40][41][42]
Under-reporting of victimized cases
The reported cases of violence against women or men cannot fully reveal the situation in Hong Kong because there are still many cases being hidden by victims. Under the influence of the traditional patriarchal system, women might internalize their submissive role and therefore are less likely to challenge the status quo, resist against IPV or other forms of violence by non-partners, or seek help from society.[37] Victims of sexual violence are sometimes labelled as shameful and dirty due to the sexual taboo in Hong Kong affected by the Chinese traditional value of chastity, resulting in women's fear of reporting the unpleasant violence.[36][43] Another Chinese value of "Don't spread abroad the shame of the family" also leads to the absence of women's disclosure on their experienced violence by a partner or other family members, in order to protect their family reputation.[36]
In 2006, Tarana Burke coined the phrase "Me Too" as a way to help women who had survived sexual violence.[44] It quickly spread on the internet as a movement all over the world and Hong Kong also joined in the movement with the news of a Hong Kong hurdler Vera Lui Lai-yiu accusing her former coach of sexually assaulting her.[45] Her coach, according to Lui, sexually assaulted her 10 years ago during her primary school age.[46] The joining of a public figure into the movement encouraged more victims of sexual harassment to open up on the internet or ask for help from organizations. Association Concerning Sexual Violence Against Women in Hong Kong reports a rapid rise in several assistance call from alleged sexual harassment victims since Lui's post on Facebook.[47] Many victims may begin to take the case seriously and try to ask for help from others. The viral 'Me Too' movement, to a certain extent, helps females to gain right in going against sexual violence.
Nonetheless, the movement is considered a failure in Hong Kong with people speculating whether the case Lui mentioned in her post is true. Many on the internet express disbelieve in Lui's description and instead think that she is lying.[48] Lui was suspected of trying to create a story and gain fame.
Risk factors of potential violence toward women
Women with a lack of resources, such as education and income, are more likely to suffer from IPV. Since they have to rely on their husband or partner to receive financial support for daily expenditure, they tend to tolerate the violence and not to resist.[37] The situation might be even worse for married women with children because they have a stronger desire to maintain marriage to get stable monetary support and let their children grow in a healthy family environment. However, resourceful women are also vulnerable to violence if their husband or partner strongly upholds the traditional gender ideology.[49] In Hong Kong, men are expected to be masculine by being the main breadwinner in the family. When the husband owns fewer resources and earns less than their wife do, their masculinity will be challenged. Therefore, they are more likely to protect their remaining ego by exerting violence on women to show other forms of masculinity and power.[49] It shows the interplay between social status, gender ideology, masculinity and violent behaviors.
Besides new immigrants brought by cross-border marriage, husband's unemployment and economic pressure, pregnancy and extramarital affairs are also found to be the risk factors of potential violence toward women in Hong Kong.[49]
Movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres y LGBT
Since 1991, the LGBT movement in Hong Kong began the decriminalization of homosexuality.[50] The Women's Coalition of Hong Kong is an LBGT organization that was founded in 2002.[51] This group was responsible for drafting the government's Sex Discrimination bill in 1995,[52] which advocated for women's legal, political, and economic rights.[53]
Galería
Singing Girls, Hong Kong (c. 1901)
School girls writing on the blackboard
Fisherwoman Seller
Carrie Lam, first female Chief Executive of Hong Kong
Bride with groom
Teenage girls on Bonham Road
Skye Chan, actress
Ver también
- Nowhere girls, neologism
- British Hong Kong
Referencias
- ^ a b Jackson, S.; Jieyu,L.; Juhyun, W., eds. (2008). East Asian sexualities : modernity, gender and new sexual cultures. London & New York: Zed Books. p. 195. ISBN 9781842778890.
- ^ a b c Lee, Eliza W. Y. (2003). "4". Gender and change in Hong Kong : globalization, postcolonialism, and Chinese patriarchy. Vancouver, B.C.: UBC Press. p. 78. ISBN 978-0774809948. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- ^ a b c "Women and Men in Hong Kong (2006 version)" (PDF) (in English and Chinese). Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department (Hong Kong). 2006. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2 October 2013. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- ^ a b Census and Statistics Department (July 2017). Women and Men in Hong Kong: Key statistics. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department.
- ^ Cheung, Fanny M. (1997). Engendering Hong Kong Society: A Gender Perspective of Women's Status. Hong Kong: Chinese UP. p. 26.
- ^ a b Cheung, F.M., ed. (1997). "2". EnGendering Hong Kong Society: A Gender Perspective of Women's Status. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-9622017368. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- ^ Salaff, Janet W. (1981). Working Daughters of Hong Kong: Filial Piety Or Power in the Family?. Columbia University Press. p. xi.
- ^ a b c d 麥肖玲(2013)。機會、結果及過程的變與不變。在她者︰香港女姓的現況與挑戰(蔡玉萍、張妙清主編,頁19-25)。香港︰商務印書館。
- ^ Census and Statistics Department (2015, December). Hong Kong Monthly Digest of Statistics: The fertility trend in Hong Kong, 1981 to 2014. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department.
- ^ a b c Census and Statistics Department (August 2014). Hong Kong Monthly Digest of Statistics: Statistics on students in higher education institutions funded through the University Grants Committee. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department.
- ^ a b Robnett, R. D. (2016). Gender bias in STEM fields: Variation in prevalence and links to STEM self-concept. Psychology of Women Quarterly 2016, Vol. 40(1) 65-79.
- ^ Chin, Angela (29 March 2012). Bound to Emancipate: Working Women and Urban Citizenship in Early Twentieth-Century China and Hong Kong. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 213.
- ^ Eades, Mark C. ""Protests Signal Rising Tensions Between Hong Kong and Mainland China." 2 Jan. 2014". U.S. News & World Report. Archived from the original on 23 April 2014. Retrieved 22 April 2014.
- ^ a b c d e Census and Statistics Department (27 July 2017). "Women and Men in Hong Kong - Key Statistics" (PDF). Census and Statistics Department. Archived (PDF) from the original on 1 December 2017.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Women's Commission (September 2011). "Survey on "What do Women and Men in Hong Kong Think About the Status of Women at Home, Work and in Social Environments?"" (PDF). Women's Commission. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 February 2018.
- ^ a b Saidi, Marya (May 2015). "Gender Stereotypes in the Hong Kong Media: A Scoping Study" (PDF). The Women's Foundation.
- ^ a b c d Cheung, Fanny M. "Women's Roles and the Changing Family in Hong Kong" (PDF). Chinese University of Hong Kong, Department of Psychology. University of Hong Kong. Archived (PDF) from the original on 16 April 2015.
- ^ Committee of Home-School Co-operation (March 2005). "家長工作時間與親子關係調查" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 31 December 2015. Retrieved 26 February 2018.
- ^ Cheung, Adam Ka-Lok (23 January 2017). "Hiring Domestic Help and Family Well-Being in Hong Kong: A Propensity Score Matching Analysis". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 45: 489–490.
- ^ Cheung, Adam Ka-Lok (23 January 2017). "Hiring Domestic Help and Family Well-Being in Hong Kong: A Propensity Score Matching Analysis". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 45 (4): 485–488. JSTOR 24339637.
- ^ a b c d e Cheung, Fanny M. "Engendering Hong Kong Society: A Gender Perspective of Women’s Status." The Chinese University of Hong Kong. The Chinese University Press. 1997.
- ^ Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong: The Paradox of Activism and Depoliticization, by Lam Wai-man, Willy Lam, pp.95.
- ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 February 2015. Retrieved 16 May 2016.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- ^ "The World Factbook — Central Intelligence Agency". www.cia.gov. Archived from the original on 28 October 2009. Retrieved 4 May 2018.
- ^ a b admin (27 September 2011). "Access Denied". catalyst.org. Archived from the original on 25 March 2016. Retrieved 4 May 2018.
- ^ a b c d e Sullivan, Patricia L. "Culture, Divorce, and Family Mediation in Hong Kong." Blackwell Publishing. Jan. 2005.
- ^ Inter-Parliamentary Union (1 June 2017). Women in national parliaments.
- ^ a b c d e 張妙清、李詠怡(2013)。為甚麼女性領導人一直佔少數?在她者︰香港女性的現況與挑戰(蔡玉萍、張妙清主編,頁158-178)。香港︰商務印書館。
- ^ Women's Commission (2010). Hong Kong women in figures 2009. Hong Kong: Women's Commission.
- ^ a b c Women's Commission (2015). Hong Kong women in figures 2015. Hong Kong: Women's Commission.
- ^ Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government (2012). List of judges and judicial officers. Retrieved from http://www Archived 2006-03-26 at the Wayback Machine.judiciary.gov.hk/en/organization/judges.htm
- ^ a b Women's Commission (2010). What do women and men in Hong Kong think about the status of women at home, work and in social environments? Hong Kong: Women's Commission.
- ^ Halpern, D. F. & Cheung, F. M. (2008). Women at the top: Powerful leaders tell us how to combine work and family. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
- ^ Cotter, David A.; Hermsen, Joan M.; Ovadia, Seth; Vanneman, Reeve (1 December 2001). "The Glass Ceiling Effect". Social Forces. 80 (2): 655–68. doi:10.1353/sof.2001.0091. S2CID 145245044.
- ^ a b Bouhours, B & Broadhurst, R. (2015). Violence against women in Hong Kong: Results of the international violence against women survey. Violence Against Women, Vol. 21(11) 1311-1329.
- ^ a b c Chan, K. L. (2012). Gender symmetry in the self-reporting of intimate partner violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 27(2) 263–286.
- ^ a b c 趙端怡、蔡玉萍(2013)。親密伴侶暴力及性暴力的趨勢、風險因素及相關政策。在她者︰香港女姓的現況與挑戰(蔡玉萍、張妙清主編,頁112-133)。香港︰商務印書館。
- ^ a b c Social Welfare Department (2014). Statistics on child abuse, spouse/cohabitant battering and sexual violence cases. Hong Kong: Social Welfare Department.
- ^ "New ways to help Hong Kong's human trafficking victims". CN Monitor. 22 October 2015.
- ^ "Human trafficking in Hong Kong: hidden in plain sight". South China Morning Post. 16 January 2016.
- ^ "Fed up with human trafficking, Hong Kong migrant workers hold vigil demanding justice". South China Morning Post. 25 February 2018.
- ^ "Hong Kong must lead the fight against human trafficking, rather than just do the bare minimum". South China Morning Post. 8 July 2016.
- ^ Chan, K. L. (2009). Sexual violence against women and children in Chinese societies. Trauma, Violence and Abuse, Vol10, 69-85.
- ^ Hawbaker, Christen A. Johnson and KT. "#MeToo: A timeline of events". chicagotribune.com. Archived from the original on 28 February 2018. Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- ^ "呂麗瑤 Lui LaiYiu". www.facebook.com. Archived from the original on 6 December 2017. Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- ^ "Hong Kong athlete says coach abused her as teen". 30 November 2017. Archived from the original on 1 December 2017. Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- ^ "性侵求助急增 風雨蘭應接不暇 - 20171203 - 港聞 - 港聞一". 明報新聞網 - 每日明報 daily news (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 February 2018. Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- ^ "#metoo來到香港變成這麼複雜的原因 | 羅永康". 眾新聞 (in Chinese). Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- ^ a b c Cheung, A. K. L. & Choi, S. Y. P. (2010). Gender, resources and wife abuse in Hong Kong. Social Transformations in Chinese Societies, vol 6, 36-60.
- ^ Wehbi, Samantha (13 September 2003). Community Organizing Against Homophobia and Heterosexism: The World Through Rainbow-Colored Glasses. Routledge. p. 66.
- ^ Chen, Te-Ping (25 April 2012). "Pop Star's Stadium-Style Coming Out". The Wall Street Journal.
- ^ Wing-Yee Lee, Eliza (1 November 2011). Gender and Change in Hong Kong: Globalization, Postcolonialism, and Chinese Patriarchy. UBC Press. p. 62.
- ^ Wing-Yee Lee, Eliza (1 November 2011). Gender and Change in Hong Kong: Globalization, Postcolonialism, and Chinese Patriarchy. UBC Press. p. 63.
Otras lecturas
- Jaschok, Maria; Miers, Suzanne, eds. (15 June 1994). Women and Chinese patriarchy: submission, servitude, and escape. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-85649-126-6.
Notes: Several chapters are dedicated to the historical status of women in Hong Kong.
- Wong, Odalia M. H. (December 2005). "The Socioeconomic Determinants of the Age at First Marriage among Women in Hong Kong". Journal of Family and Economic Issues. 26 (4): 529–550. doi:10.1007/s10834-005-7848-3. S2CID 143310618.
- Ho, Petula Sik-ying (August 2007). "Eternal Mothers or Flexible Housewives? Middle-aged Chinese Married Women in Hong Kong". Sex Roles. 57 (3): 249–265. doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9255-8. S2CID 144837465.
- Ngo, Hang-Yue (Autumn 1992). "Employment Status of Married Women in Hong Kong". Sociological Perspectives. 3. 35 (3): 475–488. doi:10.2307/1389330. JSTOR 1389330. S2CID 144428264.
- Hung, Suet Lin (January 2012). "Empowerment Groups for Women Migrating from China to Hong Kong". Social Work with Groups. 35 (1): 4–17. doi:10.1080/01609513.2011.580265. S2CID 143807648.
- Ko Ling Chan; Douglas Brownridge; Agnes Tiwari; Daniel Y. T. Fong; Wing-Cheong Leung (November 2008). "Understanding Violence Against Chinese Women in Hong Kong: An Analysis of Risk Factors With a Special Emphasis on the Role of In-Law Conflict". Violence Against Women. 14 (11): 1295–1312. doi:10.1177/1077801208325088. hdl:10722/60557. PMID 18809848. S2CID 206666997.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
enlaces externos
- Business and Professional Women Hong Kong (BPWHK)