La primera Conferencia Asiático-Africana o Afro-Asiática a gran escala , también conocida como Conferencia de Bandung (en indonesio : Konferensi Asia-Afrika ), fue una reunión de los estados asiáticos y africanos, la mayoría de los cuales fueron recientemente independientes, que tuvo lugar el 18 –24 de abril de 1955 en Bandung , Java Occidental , Indonesia . [1] Los veintinueve países que participaron representaron una población total de 1.500 millones de personas, el 54% de la población mundial. [2] La conferencia fue organizada por Indonesia, Birmania (Myanmar), India , Ceilán(Sri Lanka) y Pakistán y fue coordinado por Ruslan Abdulgani , secretario general del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de la República de Indonesia .
Los objetivos declarados de la conferencia fueron promover la cooperación económica y cultural afroasiática y oponerse al colonialismo o neocolonialismo de cualquier nación. La conferencia fue un paso importante hacia la eventual creación del Movimiento de Países No Alineados .
En 2005, en el 50 aniversario de la conferencia original, líderes de países asiáticos y africanos se reunieron en Yakarta y Bandung para lanzar la Nueva Asociación Estratégica Asiático-Africana (NAASP) . Se comprometieron a promover la cooperación política, económica y cultural entre los dos continentes.
Fondo
El presidente de Indonesia, Sukarno, y el primer ministro de India, Jawaharlal Nehru, fueron organizadores clave en su búsqueda por construir un movimiento no alineado que ganara el apoyo de las naciones emergentes de Asia y África. Nehru tuvo la idea por primera vez en la Conferencia de Relaciones Asiáticas , celebrada en India en marzo de 1947, en vísperas de la independencia de India. Hubo una segunda conferencia de 19 naciones sobre el estatus de Indonesia, celebrada en Nueva Delhi , India, en enero de 1949. Prácticamente todos los meses surgía una nueva nación en África o Asia con, por primera vez, su propio cuerpo diplomático y el deseo de integrarse en el sistema internacional.
Mao Zedong de China también fue un organizador clave, respaldado por su influyente mano derecha, el primer ministro y ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, Zhou Enlai ; Aunque Mao todavía mantenía buenas relaciones con la Unión Soviética en estos años, tenía la previsión estratégica de reconocer que una agenda anticolonialista nacionalista y antiimperialista barrería África y Asia, y se veía a sí mismo como el líder global natural de estas fuerzas. ya que él, después de todo, también había liderado una revolución en China marcada por el nacionalismo anticolonial. [3]
En la conferencia de las potencias de Colombo en abril de 1954, Indonesia propuso una conferencia mundial. Un grupo de planificación se reunió en Bogor , Java Occidental a fines de diciembre de 1954 y decidió formalmente celebrar la conferencia en abril de 1955. Tenían una serie de objetivos en mente: promover la buena voluntad y la cooperación entre las nuevas naciones; explorar de antemano sus intereses mutuos; examinar los problemas sociales, económicos y culturales, centrarse en problemas de especial interés para sus pueblos, como el racismo y el colonialismo, y mejorar la visibilidad internacional de Asia y África en los asuntos mundiales. [4]
La Conferencia de Bandung reflejó lo que los organizadores consideraron una reticencia de las potencias occidentales a consultarles sobre decisiones que afectan a Asia en un contexto de tensiones de la Guerra Fría ; su preocupación por la tensión entre la República Popular China y los Estados Unidos; su deseo de sentar bases más firmes para las relaciones de paz de China consigo mismos y con Occidente; su oposición al colonialismo, especialmente la influencia francesa en el norte de África y su dominio colonial en Argelia ; y el deseo de Indonesia de promover su caso en la disputa de Nueva Guinea Occidental con los Países Bajos . [ cita requerida ]
Sukarno se describió a sí mismo como el líder de este grupo de estados, que luego describió como "NEFOS" (Fuerzas Nuevas Emergentes). [5]
El 4 de diciembre de 1954, las Naciones Unidas anunciaron que Indonesia había logrado que la cuestión de Nueva Guinea Occidental se incluyera en la agenda de la Asamblea General de 1955. [6] Los planes para la conferencia de Bandung se anunciaron en diciembre de 1954. [7]
Discusión
El debate principal se centró en la cuestión de si las políticas soviéticas en Europa del Este y Asia Central deberían ser censuradas junto con el colonialismo occidental. "Las naciones musulmanas bajo el imperialismo soviético" presentó un memorando en el que se acusaba a las autoridades soviéticas de masacres y deportaciones masivas en regiones musulmanas, pero nunca se debatió. [8] Se llegó a un consenso en el que se condenó "el colonialismo en todas sus manifestaciones", censurando implícitamente a la Unión Soviética, así como a Occidente. [9] China jugó un papel importante en la conferencia y fortaleció sus relaciones con otras naciones asiáticas. Habiendo sobrevivido a un intento de asesinato camino a la conferencia, el primer ministro chino, Zhou Enlai , mostró una actitud moderada y conciliadora que tendía a calmar los temores de algunos delegados anticomunistas sobre las intenciones de China.
Más adelante en la conferencia, Zhou Enlai firmó un acuerdo sobre doble nacionalidad con el ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Indonesia, Sunario . Los observadores mundiales observaron de cerca a Zhou. Le restó importancia al comunismo revolucionario y respaldó enérgicamente el derecho de todas las naciones a elegir sus propios sistemas económicos y políticos, incluido incluso el capitalismo. Su moderación y razonabilidad causaron una impresión muy poderosa para su propia reputación diplomática y para China. Por el contrario, Nehru estaba amargamente decepcionado por la recepción generalmente negativa que recibió. Los diplomáticos de alto nivel lo llamaron arrogante. Zhou dijo en privado: "Nunca he conocido a un hombre más arrogante que el Sr. Nehru". [10] [11] [12] [13]
Participantes
- Reino de Afganistán
- Unión de Birmania
- Reino de Cambodia
- Dominio de Ceilán
- República Popular de China
- Chipre 1
- República de egipto
- Imperio etíope
- Costa Dorada
- República de la India
- República de Indonesia
- Estado imperial de Irán
- Reino de iraq
- Japón
- Reino Hachemita de Jordania
- Reino de Laos
- República libanesa
- Liberia
- Reino de Libia
- Reino de Nepal
- Dominio de Pakistán
- República de Filipinas
- El Reino de Arabia Saudita
- República siria
- Sudán 2
- El reino de Tailandia
- Republica de Turquía
- Estado de Vietnam (Sur)
- República Democrática de Vietnam (Norte)
- Reino Mutawakkilite de Yemen
1 Un Chipre colonial preindependiente estuvo representado por [el] primer presidente , Makarios III . [14]
2 Pre-independence Anglo-Egyptian Sudan was represented by Chief Minister Ismail al-Azhari and used a provisional flag.
Some nations were given "observer status". Such was the case of Brazil, who sent Ambassador Bezerra de Menezes.
Declaración
A 10-point "declaration on promotion of world peace and cooperation", called Dasasila Bandung, incorporating the principles of the United Nations Charter was adopted unanimously as item G in the final communiqué of the conference:
- Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations
- Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations
- Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small
- Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country
- Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
- (a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve any particular interests of the big powers
(b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries - Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country
- Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
- Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation
- Respect for justice and international obligations.[15]
The final Communique of the Conference underscored the need for developing countries to loosen their economic dependence on the leading industrialised nations by providing technical assistance to one another through the exchange of experts and technical assistance for developmental projects, as well as the exchange of technological know-how and the establishment of regional training and research institutes.
Participación de Estados Unidos
For the US, the Conference accentuated a central dilemma of its Cold War policy: by currying favor with Third World nations by claiming opposition to colonialism, it risked alienating its colonialist European allies.[16] The US security establishment also feared that the Conference would expand China's regional power.[17] In January 1955 the US formed a "Working Group on the Afro-Asian Conference" which included the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB), the Office of Intelligence Research (OIR), the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the United States Information Agency (USIA).[18] The OIR and USIA followed a course of "Image Management" for the US, using overt and covert propaganda to portray the US as friendly and to warn participants of the Communist menace.[19]
The United States, at the urging of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, shunned the conference and was not officially represented. However, the administration issued a series of statements during the lead-up to the Conference. These suggested that the US would provide economic aid, and attempted to reframe the issue of colonialism as a threat by China and the Eastern Bloc.[20]
Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (D-N.Y.) attended the conference, sponsored by Ebony and Jet magazines instead of the U.S. government.[20] Powell spoke at some length in favor of American foreign policy there which assisted the United States's standing with the Non-Aligned. When Powell returned to the United States, he urged President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Congress to oppose colonialism and pay attention to the priorities of emerging Third World nations.[21]
African American author Richard Wright attended the conference with funding from the Congress for Cultural Freedom. Wright spent about three weeks in Indonesia, devoting a week to attending the conference and the rest of his time to interacting with Indonesian artists and intellectuals in preparation to write several articles and a book on his trip to Indonesia and attendance at the conference. Wright's essays on the trip appeared in several Congress for Cultural Freedom magazines, and his book on the trip was published as The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference. Several of the artists and intellectuals with whom Wright interacted (including Mochtar Lubis, Asrul Sani, Sitor Situmorang, and Beb Vuyk) continued discussing Wright's visit after he left Indonesia.[22][23]
Resultado y legado
The conference was followed by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Conference in Cairo[24] in September (1957) and the Belgrade Conference (1961), which led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement.[25]
Asian-African Summit of 2005
To mark the 50th anniversary of The Summit, Heads of State and Government of Asian-African countries attended a new Asian-African Summit from 20–24 April 2005 in Bandung and Jakarta hosted by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Attended by Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi, President of China, Hu Jintao, United Nations Secretary General, Kofi Annan, President of Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf, President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, Prime Minister of Malaysia, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Sultan of Brunei, Hassanal Bolkiah and President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, some sessions of the new conference took place in Gedung Merdeka (Independence Building), the venue of the original conference.
Of the 106 nations invited to the historic summit, 89 were represented by their heads of state or government or ministers.[26] The Summit was attended by 54 Asian and 52 African countries.
The 2005 Asian African Summit yielded, inter-alia, the Declaration of the New Asian–African Strategic Partnership (NAASP),[27] the Joint Ministerial Statement on the NAASP Plan of Action, and the Joint Asian African Leaders’ Statement on Tsunami, Earthquake and other Natural Disasters. The conclusion of aforementioned declaration of NAASP is the Nawasila (nine principles) supporting political, economic, and socio-cultural cooperation.
The Summit concluded a follow-up mechanism for institutionalization process in the form of Summit concurrent with Business Summit every four years, Ministerial Meeting every two years, and Sectoral Ministerial as well as Technical Meeting if deemed necessary.
Other anniversaries
On the 60th anniversary of the Asian-African Conference and the 10th anniversary of the NAASP, a 3rd summit was held in Bandung and Jakarta from 21–25 April 2015, with the theme Strengthening South-South Cooperation to Promote World Peace and Prosperity.
Hosted by President Joko Widodo of Indonesia, delegates from 109 Asian and African countries, 16 observer countries and 25 international organizations participated, including Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe, President of China, Xi Jinping, Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong, King of Jordan, King Abdullah II of Jordan, Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Tun Razak, President of Myanmar, Thein Sein, King of Swaziland, Mswati III of Swaziland and Prime Minister of Nepal, Sushil Koirala.[26]
Ver también
- Asian–African Legal Consultative Organization
- Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence
- Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty
- Third World
Referencias
- ^ "Final Communiqué of the Asian-African conference of Bandung (24 April 1955)" (PDF). Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe.
- ^ Bandung Conference of 1955 and the resurgence of Asia and Africa Archived 13 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Daily News, Sri Lanka
- ^ Jung Chang and John Halliday, Mao: The Unknown Story, pp. 603-604, 2007 edition, Vintage Books
- ^ M.S. Rajan, India in World Affairs, 1954–1956 (1964) pp 197–205.
- ^ Cowie, H.R. (1993). Australia and Asia. A changing Relationship, 18.
- ^ United Nations General Assembly, Report of the First Committee A/2831
- ^ Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 156.
- ^ Schindler, Colin (2012). Israel and the European Left. New York: Continuum. p. 205. ISBN 978-1441150134.
- ^ "Bandung Conference – Asia-Africa [1955]". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 10 February 2019.
- ^ H.W. Brands, India and the United States (1990) p. 85.
- ^ Sally Percival Wood, "‘Chou gags critics in BANDOENG or How the Media Framed Premier Zhou Enlai at the Bandung Conference, 1955" Modern Asian Studies 44.5 (2010): 1001–1027.
- ^ Sarvepalli Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Volume 2: 1947–1956 (1979), pp 239–44.
- ^ Dick Wilson, Zhou Enlai" A Biography (1984) pp 200–205
- ^ Cyprus and the Non–Aligned Movement Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (April 2008)
- ^ Jayaprakash, N D (5 June 2005). "India and the Bandung Conference of 1955 – II". People's Democracy. XXIX (23). Archived from the original on 11 March 2007. Retrieved 7 February 2007.
- ^ Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 154. "... Bandung presented Washington with a geopolitical quandary. Holding the Cold War line against communism depended on the crumbling European empires. Yet U.S. support for that ancien régime was sure to earn the resentment of Third World nationalists fighting against colonial rule. The Eastern Bloc, facing no such guilt by association, thus did not face the choice Bandung presented to the United States: side with the rising Third World tide, or side with the shaky imperial structures damming it in."
- ^ Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 155.
- ^ Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), pp. 157–158.
- ^ Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 161. "An OCB memorandum of March 28 [...] recounts the efforts by OIR and the working group to distribute intelligence 'on Communist intentions, and [on] suggestions for countering Communist designs.' These were sent to U.S. posts overseas, with instructions to confer with invitee governments, and to brief friendly attendees. Among the latter, 'efforts will be made to exploit [the Bangkok message] through the Thai, Pakistani, and Philippine delegations.' Posts in Japan and Turkey would seek to do likewise. On the media front, the administration briefed members of the American press; '[this] appear[s] to have been instrumental in setting the public tone.' Arrangements had also been made for USIA coverage. In addition, the document refers to budding Anglo-American collaboration in the 'Image Management' effort surrounding Bandung."
- ^ a b Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 162.
- ^ "Adam Clayton Powell Jr". United States House of Representatives. Retrieved 1 February 2015.
- ^ Roberts, Brian Russell (2013). Artistic Ambassadors: Literary and International Representation of the New Negro Era. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. pp. 146–172. ISBN 978-0813933689.
- ^ Roberts, Brian Russell; Foulcher, Keith (2016). Indonesian Notebook: A Sourcebook on Richard Wright and the Bandung Conference. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0822360667.
- ^ Mancall, Mark. 1984. China at the Center. p. 427
- ^ Nazli Choucri, "The Nonalignment of Afro-Asian States: Policy, Perception, and Behaviour", Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 2, No. 1.(Mar. 1969), pp. 1–17.
- ^ a b "Asian-African Conference timeline". The Jakarta Post. Retrieved 8 September 2017.
- ^ "Seniors official meeting" (PDF). MFA of Indonesia. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 December 2013. Retrieved 1 October 2012.
Otras lecturas
- Acharya, Amitav. "Studying the Bandung conference from a Global IR perspective." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70.4 (2016): 342–357. Online
- Acharya, Amitav. "Who are the norm makers? The Asian-African conference in Bandung and the evolution of norms." Global Governance 20.3 (2014): 405–417. Online
- Asia-Africa Speaks From Bandung. Jakarta: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia, 1955.
- Ampiah, Kweku. The Political and Moral Imperatives of the Bandung Conference of 1955 : the Reactions of the US, UK and Japan. Folkestone, UK : Global Oriental, 2007. ISBN 1-905246-40-4
- Brown, Colin. 2012. "The Bandung Conference and Indonesian Foreign Policy", Ch 9 in Anne Booth, Chris Manning and Thee Kian Wie, 2012, Essays in Honour of Joan Hardjono, Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia.
- Burke, Roland. "The compelling dialogue of freedom: Human rights at the Bandung Conference." Human Rights Quarterly 28 (2006): 947+.
- Dinkel, Jürgen, The Non-Aligned Movement. Genesis, Organization and Politics (1927–1992), New Perspectives on the Cold War 5, Brill: Leiden/Boston 2019. ISBN 978-90-04-33613-1
- Finnane, Antonia, and Derek McDougall, eds, Bandung 1955: Little Histories. Melbourne: Monash Asia Institute, 2010. ISBN 978-1-876924-73-7
- Kahin, George McTurnan. The Asian-African Conference: Bandung, Indonesia, April 1955. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956.
- Lee, Christopher J., ed, Making a World After Empire: The Bandung Moment and Its Political Afterlives. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0896802773
- Mackie, Jamie. Bandung 1955: Non-Alignment and Afro-Asian Solidarity. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2005. ISBN 981-4155-49-7
- Parker, Jason C. "Small Victory, Missed Chance: The Eisenhower Administration, the Bandung Conference, and the Turning of the Cold War." In The Eisenhower Administration, the Third World, and the Globalization of the Cold War. Ed. Kathryn C. Statler & Andrew L. Johns. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. ISBN 0742553817
- Parker, Jason. "Cold War II: The Eisenhower Administration, the Bandung Conference, and the reperiodization of the postwar era." Diplomatic History 30.5 (2006): 867–892.
- Shimazu, Naoko. "Diplomacy as theatre: staging the Bandung Conference of 1955." Modern Asian Studies 48.1 (2014): 225–252. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X13000371
- Wood, Sally Percival. "‘Chou gags critics in BANDOENG or How the Media Framed Premier Zhou Enlai at the Bandung Conference, 1955" Modern Asian Studies 44.5 (2010): 1001–1027.
enlaces externos
- Modern History Sourcebook: Prime Minister Nehru: Speech to Asian-African Conference Political Committee, 1955
- Modern History Sourcebook: President Sukarno of Indonesia: Speech at the Opening of the Asian-African Conference, 18 April 1955
- "Asian-African Conference: Communiqué; Excerpts" (PDF). Egyptian presidency website. 24 April 1955. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 October 2011. Retrieved 23 April 2011.