La Guerra Bizantino-Sasánida de 602-628 fue la última y más devastadora de la serie de guerras libradas entre el Imperio Bizantino y el Imperio Sasánida de Irán . La guerra anterior entre las dos potencias había terminado en 591 después de que el emperador Maurice ayudara al rey de Sasán Khosrow II a recuperar su trono. En 602, Maurice fue asesinado por su rival político Phocas . Khosrow procedió a declarar la guerra, aparentemente para vengar la muerte del depuesto emperador Mauricio. Esto se convirtió en un conflicto de décadas, la guerra más larga de la serie, y se libró en todo el Medio Oriente: en Egipto , elLevante , Mesopotamia , el Cáucaso , Anatolia , Armenia , el mar Egeo y antes de las murallas de la propia Constantinopla .
Guerra bizantino-sasánida de 602–628 | |||||||||
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Pintura anacrónica de la batalla de Nínive (627) entre el ejército de Heraclio y los persas bajo Khosrow II . Fresco de Piero della Francesca , c. 1452 | |||||||||
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Comandantes y líderes | |||||||||
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Si bien los persas tuvieron un gran éxito durante la primera etapa de la guerra de 602 a 622, conquistando gran parte del Levante, Egipto, varias islas en el mar Egeo y partes de Anatolia, el predominio del emperador Heraclio en 610 llevó, a pesar de los reveses iniciales , a un status quo ante bellum . Las campañas de Heraclio en tierras iraníes desde 622 hasta 626 obligaron a los persas a ponerse a la defensiva, lo que permitió que sus fuerzas recuperaran el impulso. Aliados con los ávaros y eslavos , los persas hicieron un último intento de tomar Constantinopla en 626, pero fueron derrotados allí. En 627, aliado con los turcos , Heraclio invadió el corazón de Persia. Estalló una guerra civil en Persia, durante la cual los persas mataron a su rey y pidieron la paz.
Al final del conflicto, ambas partes habían agotado sus recursos humanos y materiales y habían logrado muy poco. En consecuencia, eran vulnerables al surgimiento repentino del Califato Islámico Rashidun , cuyas fuerzas invadieron ambos imperios solo unos pocos años después de la guerra. Los ejércitos musulmanes rápidamente conquistaron la totalidad Imperio sasánida , así como los bizantinos territorios en el Levante , el Cáucaso , Egipto y el norte de África . En los siglos siguientes, las fuerzas bizantinas y árabes librarían una serie de guerras por el control del Cercano Oriente .
Fondo
Después de décadas de luchas inconclusas, el emperador Mauricio puso fin a la guerra bizantino-sasánida de 572-591 ayudando al príncipe sasán exiliado Khosrow, el futuro Khosrow II , a recuperar su trono del usurpador Bahrām Chobin . A cambio, los sasánidas cedieron a los bizantinos partes del noreste de Mesopotamia , gran parte de la Armenia persa y la Iberia caucásica , aunque los detalles exactos no están claros. [9] [10] [11] Más importante aún para la economía bizantina, ya no tenían que pagar tributo a los sasánidas. [b] El emperador Mauricio inició entonces nuevas campañas en los Balcanes para detener las incursiones de los eslavos y los ávaros. [12] [13]
La generosidad y las campañas del emperador Tiberio II habían eliminado el excedente del tesoro que quedaba de la época de Justino II . [14] [15] [16] Para generar una reserva en la tesorería, Maurice instituyó estrictas medidas fiscales y recortó la paga del ejército; lo que dio lugar a cuatro motines. [17] El motín final en 602 se debió a que Maurice ordenó a sus tropas en los Balcanes que vivieran de la tierra durante el invierno. [18] [19] El ejército proclamó emperador a Focas , un centurión tracio . [9] [19] [20] Maurice intentó defender Constantinopla armando a los Azules y los Verdes, partidarios de los dos equipos principales de carreras de carros del Hipódromo , pero resultaron ineficaces. Maurice huyó, pero pronto fue interceptado y asesinado por los soldados de Phocas. [19] [21] [22] [23]
Inicio del conflicto
Tras el asesinato de Maurice, Narses , gobernador de la provincia bizantina de Mesopotamia , se rebeló contra Focas y se apoderó de Edessa , una de las principales ciudades de la provincia. [24] El emperador Focas ordenó al general Germanus que asediara Edesa, lo que llevó a Narses a solicitar ayuda al rey persa Khosrow II. Khosrow, que estaba muy dispuesto a ayudar a vengar a Maurice, su "amigo y suegro", usó la muerte de Maurice como una excusa para atacar el Imperio Bizantino, tratando de reconquistar Armenia y Mesopotamia. [25] [26]
El general Germanus murió en la batalla contra los persas. Un ejército enviado por Phocas contra Khosrow fue derrotado cerca de Dara en la Alta Mesopotamia, lo que llevó a la captura de esa importante fortaleza en 605. Narses escapó de Leoncio , el eunuco designado por Phocas para tratar con él, [27] pero cuando Narses intentó regresar a Constantinopla para discutir los términos de paz, Focas ordenó que lo capturaran y lo quemaran vivo. [28] La muerte de Narses junto con el fracaso de detener a los persas dañó el prestigio del régimen militar de Focas. [27] [29]
La rebelión de Heraclio
En 608, el general Heraclio el Viejo , exarca de África , se rebeló , impulsado por Prisco , el conde de los excubidores y yerno de Focas. [29] [30] Heraclio se proclamó a sí mismo y a su hijo homónimo como cónsules, reclamando así implícitamente el título imperial, y acuñó monedas con los dos vistiendo la túnica consular. [31]
Aproximadamente al mismo tiempo, comenzaron las rebeliones en la Siria romana y Palaestina Prima a raíz de la revuelta de Heraclio. En 609 o 610 murió el Patriarca de Antioquía, Anastasio II . Muchas fuentes afirman que los judíos participaron en los combates, aunque no está claro dónde eran miembros de facciones y dónde se oponían a los cristianos. [32] [33] Phocas respondió nombrando a Bonus como viene Orientis (Conde del Este) para detener la violencia. Bonus castigó a los Verdes, un grupo de carreras de caballos, en Antioquía por su papel en la violencia en 609. [32]
Heraclio el Viejo envió a su sobrino Nicetas a atacar Egipto . Bonus fue a Egipto para intentar detener a Nicetas, pero fue derrotado por este último en las afueras de Alejandría. [32] En 610, Nicetas logró capturar la provincia, estableciendo una base de poder allí con la ayuda del Patriarca Juan el Limosnero , quien fue elegido con la ayuda de Nicetas. [34] [35] [36] [37] [38]
La principal fuerza rebelde se empleó en una invasión naval de Constantinopla, dirigida por el joven Heraclio , que iba a ser el nuevo emperador. La resistencia organizada contra Heraclio pronto colapsó, y el patricio Probos (Focio) le entregó a Focas. [39] Phocas fue ejecutado, aunque no antes de un célebre intercambio de comentarios entre él y su sucesor:
"¿Es así", preguntó Heraclio, "que has gobernado el Imperio?"
"¿Lo gobernarás mejor?", Respondió Phocas con un espíritu inesperado. [40]
El anciano Heraclio desaparece poco después de las fuentes, supuestamente muriendo, aunque se desconoce la fecha. [41]
Después de casarse con su sobrina Martina y ser coronado por el Patriarca , Heraclio, de 35 años, se dispuso a realizar su labor como emperador. El hermano de Phocas, Comentiolus , comandaba una fuerza considerable en el centro de Anatolia, pero fue asesinado por el comandante armenio Justino, eliminando una gran amenaza para el reinado de Heraclius. [35] Aún así, la transferencia de las fuerzas comandadas por Comentiolus se había retrasado, lo que permitió a los persas avanzar más en Anatolia. [42] Tratando de aumentar los ingresos y reducir los costos, Heraclius limitó el número de personal patrocinado por el estado de la Iglesia en Constantinopla al no pagar al personal nuevo del fisco imperial . [43] Usó ceremonias para legitimar su dinastía, [44] y se aseguró una reputación de justicia para fortalecer su control sobre el poder. [45]
Ascendencia persa
Los persas aprovecharon esta guerra civil en el imperio bizantino conquistando ciudades fronterizas en Armenia y la Alta Mesopotamia. [46] [47] A lo largo del Éufrates, en 609, conquistaron Mardin y Amida ( Diyarbakır ). Edesa , que se dice que algunos cristianos creían que sería defendida por Jesús mismo en nombre del rey Abgar V de Edesa contra todos los enemigos, cayó en 610. [29] [47] [48] [49]
En Armenia, la ciudad estratégicamente importante de Theodosiopolis ( Erzurum ) se rindió en 609 o 610 a Ashtat Yeztayar , debido a la persuasión de un hombre que decía ser Teodosio , el hijo mayor y co-emperador de Mauricio, quien supuestamente había huido a la protección de Khosrow. [48] [50] En 608, los persas lanzaron una incursión en Anatolia que llegó a Calcedonia , [25] a través del Bósforo desde Constantinopla. [c] [34] [51] La conquista persa fue un proceso gradual; en el momento de la adhesión de Heraclio, los persas habían conquistado todas las ciudades romanas al este del Éufrates y en Armenia antes de trasladarse a Capadocia, donde su general Shahin tomó Cesarea. [47] [48] [51] Allí, Prisco, el yerno de Focas, que había animado a Heraclio ya su padre a rebelarse, inició un asedio de un año para atraparlos dentro de la ciudad. [30] [52] [53]
El ascenso de Heraclio como Emperador hizo poco por reducir la amenaza persa. Heraclio comenzó su reinado intentando hacer las paces con los persas, ya que Focas, cuyas acciones fueron el casus belli original , había sido derrocado. Sin embargo, los persas rechazaron estas propuestas, ya que sus ejércitos fueron ampliamente victoriosos. [46] Según el historiador Walter Kaegi , es concebible que el objetivo de los persas fuera restaurar o incluso superar los límites del Imperio aqueménida mediante la destrucción del imperio bizantino, aunque debido a la pérdida de archivos persas, ningún documento sobrevive para probar de manera concluyente. esto. [46]
Heraclio se unió al asedio de los persas por su general Prisco en Cesarea. [53] Sin embargo, Prisco fingió estar enfermo y no se reunió con el emperador. Esto fue un insulto velado para Heraclio, quien ocultó su disgusto por Prisco y regresó a Constantinopla en 612. Mientras tanto, las tropas de Shahin escaparon del bloqueo de Prisco y quemaron Cesarea, para gran disgusto de Heraclio. [54] Prisco pronto fue retirado del mando, junto con otros que sirvieron bajo las órdenes de Phocas. [55] Philippicus , un viejo general de Maurice, fue nombrado comandante en jefe, pero demostró ser incompetente contra los persas, evitando enfrentamientos en la batalla. [56] Heraclio luego se nombró a sí mismo comandante junto con su hermano Theodore para finalmente solidificar el mando del ejército. [56]
Khosrow aprovechó la incompetencia de los generales de Heraclio para lanzar un ataque contra la Siria bizantina , bajo el liderazgo del general persa Shahrbaraz . [57] Heraclio intentó detener la invasión de Antioquía , pero a pesar de la bendición de San Teodoro de Sykeon , [56] las fuerzas bizantinas bajo Heraclio y Nicetas sufrieron una seria derrota a manos de Shahin. Se desconocen los detalles de la batalla. [58] Después de esta victoria, los persas saquearon la ciudad, mataron al Patriarca de Antioquía y deportaron a muchos ciudadanos. Las fuerzas romanas volvieron a perder al intentar defender el área al norte de Antioquía en las Puertas de Cilicia , a pesar de cierto éxito inicial. Luego, los persas capturaron Tarso y la llanura de Cilicia. [4] Esta derrota partió el imperio bizantino por la mitad, cortando el vínculo terrestre de Constantinopla y Anatolia con Siria, Palestina, Egipto y el Exarcado de Cartago . [4]
Dominio persa
Captura de Jerusalén
La resistencia a los persas en Siria no fue fuerte; aunque los lugareños construyeron fortificaciones, generalmente intentaron negociar con los persas. [4] Las ciudades de Damasco , Apamea y Emesa cayeron rápidamente en 613, dando al ejército de Sasán la oportunidad de atacar más al sur en Palaestina Prima . Nicetas continuó resistiendo a los persas pero fue derrotado en Adhri'at . Sin embargo, logró obtener una pequeña victoria cerca de Emesa, donde ambos bandos sufrieron muchas bajas: el recuento total de muertos fue de 20.000. [59] Más en serio, la debilidad de la resistencia permitió a los persas y sus aliados judíos capturar Jerusalén después de un asedio de tres semanas. [60] Fuentes antiguas afirman que 57.000 o 66.500 personas fueron asesinadas allí; otros 35.000 fueron deportados a Persia, incluido el patriarca Zacharias. [59]
Se quemaron muchas iglesias de la ciudad (incluida la Iglesia de la Resurrección o el Santo Sepulcro ) y se llevaron numerosas reliquias, incluida la Cruz Verdadera , la Lanza Santa y la Esponja Santa , a la capital persa, Ctesiphon . Muchos cristianos bizantinos pensaban que la pérdida de estas reliquias era una clara señal del disgusto divino. [40] Algunos culparon a los judíos por esta desgracia y por la pérdida de Siria en general. [61] Hubo informes de que los judíos ayudaron a los persas a capturar ciertas ciudades y que los judíos intentaron masacrar a los cristianos en ciudades que los persas ya habían conquistado, pero que fueron encontrados y frustrados al hacerlo. Es probable que estos informes sean muy exagerados y sean el resultado de una histeria generalizada. [4]
Egipto
En 618, las fuerzas de Shahrbaraz invadieron Egipto, una provincia que no había sido afectada por la guerra durante tres siglos. [62] Los monofisitas que vivían en Egipto estaban descontentos con la ortodoxia calcedonia y no estaban ansiosos por ayudar a las fuerzas imperiales bizantinas. Posteriormente fueron apoyados por Khosrow, [62] [63] pero no resistieron a las fuerzas imperiales entre 600 y 638, y muchos vieron la ocupación persa en términos negativos. [64] [65] La resistencia bizantina en Alejandría fue dirigida por Nicetas. Después de un asedio de un año, la resistencia en Alejandría se derrumbó, supuestamente después de que un traidor les dijo a los persas sobre un canal sin usar, lo que les permitió asaltar la ciudad. Nicetas huyó a Chipre junto con el patriarca Juan el Limosnero , quien fue un gran partidario de Nicetas en Egipto. [66] El destino de Nicetas no está claro, ya que desaparece de los registros después de esto, pero es de suponer que Heraclius fue privado de un comandante de confianza. [67] La pérdida de Egipto fue un duro golpe para el imperio bizantino, ya que Constantinopla dependía de los envíos de cereales del fértil Egipto para alimentar a las multitudes en la capital. La ración gratuita de cereales en Constantinopla, que se hizo eco de la anterior donación de cereales en Roma , fue abolida en 618. [68]
After conquering Egypt, Khosrow sent Heraclius the following letter:[69][70]
Khosrow, greatest of Gods, and master of the earth, to Heraclius, his vile and insensate slave. Why do you still refuse to submit to our rule, and call yourself a king? Have I not destroyed the Greeks? You say that you trust in your God. Why has he not delivered out of my hand Caesarea, Jerusalem, and Alexandria? And shall I not also destroy Constantinople? But I will pardon your faults if you submit to me, and come hither with your wife and children; and I will give you lands, vineyards, and olive groves, and look upon you with a kindly aspect. Do not deceive yourself with vain hope in that Christ, who was not able to save himself from the Jews, who killed him by nailing him to a cross. Even if you take refuge in the depths of the sea, I will stretch out my hand and take you, whether you will or no.
However, the genuineness of the letter has been denied by modern scholars.[71]
Anatolia
When the Sasanians reached Chalcedon in 615, it was at this point, according to Sebeos, that Heraclius had agreed to stand down and was about ready to allow the Byzantine Empire to become a Persian client state, even permitting Khosrow II to choose the emperor.[72][73] Things began to look even more grim for the Byzantines when Chalcedon fell in 617 to Shahin, bringing the Persians within sight of Constantinople.[74] Shahin courteously received a peace delegation but claimed that he did not have the authority to engage in peace talks, directing Heraclius to Khosrow, who rejected the peace offer - in retrospect, a major strategic blunder.[75][76] Still, the Persian forces soon withdrew, probably to focus on their invasion of Egypt.[77][78] Yet the Persians retained their advantage, capturing Ancyra, an important military base in central Anatolia, in 620 or 622. Rhodes and several other islands in the eastern Aegean fell in 622/3, threatening a naval assault on Constantinople.[79][80][81][82] Such was the despair in Constantinople that Heraclius considered moving the government to Carthage in Africa.[68]
Resurgimiento bizantino
Reorganization
Khosrow's letter did not cow Heraclius but prompted him to try a desperate strike against the Persians.[74] He now reorganized the remainder of his empire to allow his forces to fight on. Already, in 615, a new, lighter (6.82 grams) silver imperial coin appeared with the usual image of Heraclius and his son Heraclius Constantine, but uniquely carried the inscription of Deus adiuta Romanis or "May God help the Romans"; Kaegi believes this shows the desperation of the empire at this time.[83] The copper follis also dropped in weight from 11 grams to somewhere between 8 and 9 grams. Heraclius faced severely decreased revenues due to the loss of provinces; furthermore, a plague broke out in 619, which further damaged the tax base and also increased fears of divine retribution.[84] The debasement of the coinage allowed the Byzantines to maintain expenditure in the face of declining revenues.[83]
Heraclius now halved the pay of officials, enforced increased taxation, forced loans, and levied extreme fines on corrupt officials in order to finance his counter-offensive.[85] Despite disagreements over the incestuous marriage of Heraclius to his niece Martina, the clergy of the Byzantine Empire strongly backed his efforts against the Persians by proclaiming the duty of all Christian men to fight and by offering to give him a war loan consisting of all the gold and silver-plated objects in Constantinople. Precious metals and bronze were stripped from monuments and even the Hagia Sophia.[86] This military campaign has been seen as the first "crusade", or at least as an antecedent to the Crusades, by many historians, beginning with William of Tyre,[70][74][87][88] but some, like Kaegi, disagree with this moniker because religion was just one component in the war.[89] Thousands of volunteers were gathered and equipped with money from the church.[74] Heraclius himself decided to command the army from the front lines. Thus, the Byzantine troops had been replenished, re-equipped, and were now led by a competent general— while maintaining a full treasury.[74]
Historian George Ostrogorsky believed that volunteers were gathered through the reorganization of Anatolia into four themes, where the volunteers were given inalienable grants of land on the condition of hereditary military service.[90] However, modern scholars generally discredit this theory, placing the creation of the themes later, under Heraclius' successor Constans II.[91][92]
Byzantine counter-offensive
By 622, Heraclius was ready to mount a counter-offensive. He left Constantinople the day after celebrating Easter on Sunday, 4 April 622.[93] His young son, Heraclius Constantine, was left behind as regent under the charge of Patriarch Sergius and the patrician Bonus. He spent the summer training to improve the skills of his men and his own generalship. In the autumn, Heraclius threatened Persian communications from the Euphrates valley to Anatolia by marching to Cappadocia.[85] This forced the Persian forces in Anatolia under Shahrbaraz to retreat from the front-lines of Bithynia and Galatia to eastern Anatolia in order to block his access to Iran.[94]
What followed next is not entirely clear, but Heraclius certainly won a crushing victory over Shahrbaraz in the fall of 622.[95] The key factor was Heraclius' discovery of Persian forces hidden in ambush and responding by feigning retreat during the battle. The Persians left their cover to chase the Byzantines, whereupon Heraclius' elite Optimatoi assaulted the pursuing Persians, causing them to flee.[94] Thus he saved Anatolia from the Persians. Heraclius had to return to Constantinople, however, to deal with the threat posed to his Balkan domains by the Avars, so he left his army to winter in Pontus.[85][96]
Avar threat
While the Byzantines were occupied with the Persians, the Avars and Slavs poured into the Balkans, capturing several Byzantine cities, including Singidunum (Belgrade), Viminacium (Kostolac), Naissus (Niš), and Serdica (Sofia), while destroying Salona in 614. Isidore of Seville even claims that the Slavs took "Greece" from the Byzantines.[97] The Avars also began to raid Thrace, threatening commerce and agriculture, even near the gates of Constantinople.[97] However, numerous attempts by the Avars and Slavs to take Thessalonica, the most important Byzantine city in the Balkans after Constantinople, ended in failure, allowing the Empire to hold onto a vital stronghold in the region.[98] Other minor cities on the Adriatic coast like Jadar (Zadar), Tragurium (Trogir), Butua (Budva), Scodra (Shkodër), and Lissus (Lezhë) also survived the invasions.[99]
Because of the need to defend against these incursions, the Byzantines could not afford to use all their forces against the Persians. Heraclius sent an envoy to the Avar Khagan, saying that the Byzantines would pay a tribute in return for the Avars withdrawing north of the Danube.[74] The Khagan replied by asking for a meeting on 5 June 623, at Heraclea in Thrace, where the Avar army was located; Heraclius agreed to this meeting, coming with his royal court.[100] The Khagan, however, put horsemen en route to Heraclea to ambush and capture Heraclius, so they could hold him for ransom.[101]
Heraclius was fortunately warned in time and managed to escape, chased by the Avars all the way to Constantinople. However, many members of his court, as well as an alleged 70,000 Thracian peasants who came to see their Emperor, were captured and killed by the Khagan's men.[102] Despite this treachery, Heraclius was forced to give the Avars a subsidy of 200,000 solidi along with his illegitimate son John Athalarichos, his nephew Stephen, and the illegitimate son of the patrician Bonus as hostages in return for peace. This left him more able to focus his war effort completely on the Persians.[101][103]
Byzantine assault on Persia
Heraclius offered peace to Khosrow, presumably in 624, threatening otherwise to invade Iran, but Khosrow rejected the offer.[104] On March 25, 624, Heraclius left Constantinople to attack the Persian heartland. He willingly abandoned any attempt to secure his rear or his communications with the sea,[104] marching through Armenia and modern Azerbaijan to assault the core Persian lands directly.[85] According to Walter Kaegi, Heraclius led an army of no more than 40,000, and most likely between 20,000–24,000.[105] Before journeying to the Caucasus, he recovered Caesarea, in defiance of the earlier letter that Khosrow had sent him.[105]
Heraclius advanced along the Araxes River, destroying Persian-held Dvin, the capital of Armenia, and Nakhchivan. At Ganzaka, Heraclius met Khosrow's army, some 40,000 strong. Using loyal Arabs, he captured and killed some of Khosrow's guards, leading to the disintegration of the Persian army. Heraclius then destroyed Adur Gushnasp, the famous Zoroastrian fire temple at Takht-i-Suleiman.[e][106] Heraclius' raids went as far as the Gayshawan, a residence of Khosrow in Adurbadagan.[106]
Heraclius wintered in Caucasian Albania, gathering forces for the next year.[107] Khosrow was not content to let Heraclius quietly rest in Albania. He sent three armies, commanded by Shahrbaraz, Shahin, and Shahraplakan, to try to trap and destroy Heraclius' forces.[108] Shahraplakan retook lands up as far as Siwnik, aiming to capture the mountain passes. Shahrbaraz was sent to block Heraclius' retreat through Caucasian Iberia, and Shahin was sent to block the Bitlis Pass. Heraclius, planning to engage the Persian armies separately, spoke to his worried Lazic, Abasgian, and Iberian allies and soldiers, saying: "Do not let the number of our enemies disturb us. For, God willing, one will pursue ten thousand."[108]
Two soldiers who feigned desertion were sent to Shahrbaraz, claiming that the Byzantines were fleeing before Shahin. Due to jealousy between the Persian commanders, Shahrbaraz hurried with his army to take part in the glory of the victory. Heraclius met them at Tigranakert and routed the forces of Shahraplakan and Shahin one after the other. Shahin lost his baggage train, and Shahraplakan (according to one source) was killed, though he re-appears later.[108][109][110] After this victory, Heraclius crossed the Araxes and camped in the plains on the other side. Shahin, with the remnants of both his and Shahraplakan's armies, joined Shahrbaraz in the pursuit of Heraclius, but marshes slowed them down.[109][110] At Aliovit, Shahrbaraz split his forces, sending some 6,000 troops to ambush Heraclius while the remainder of the troops stayed at Aliovit. Heraclius instead launched a surprise night attack on the Persian main camp in February 625, destroying it. Shahrbaraz only barely escaped, naked and alone, having lost his harem, baggage, and men.[109]
Heraclius spent the rest of winter to the north of Lake Van.[109] In 625, his forces attempted to push back towards the Euphrates. In a mere seven days, he bypassed Mount Ararat and the 200 miles along the Arsanias River to capture Amida and Martyropolis, important fortresses on the upper Tigris.[85][111][112] Heraclius then carried on towards the Euphrates, pursued by Shahrbaraz. According to Arab sources, he was stopped at the Satidama or Batman Su River and defeated; Byzantine sources, however, do not mention this incident.[112] There was then another minor skirmish between Heraclius and Shahrbaraz at the Sarus River near Adana.[113] Shahrbaraz stationed his forces across the river from the Byzantines.[85] A bridge spanned the river, and the Byzantines immediately charged across. Shahrbaraz feigned retreat to lead the Byzantines into an ambush, and the vanguard of Heraclius' army was destroyed within minutes. The Persians, however, had neglected to cover the bridge, and Heraclius charged across with the rearguard, unafraid of the arrows that the Persians fired, turning the tide of battle against the Persians.[114] Shahrbaraz expressed his admiration at Heraclius to a renegade Greek: "See your Emperor! He fears these arrows and spears no more than would an anvil!"[114] The Battle of Sarus was a successful retreat for the Byzantines that panegyrists magnified.[113] In the aftermath of the battle, the Byzantine army wintered at Trebizond.[114]
Clímax de la guerra
Siege of Constantinople
Khosrow, seeing that a decisive counterattack was needed to defeat the Byzantines, recruited two new armies from all the able men, including foreigners.[114] Shahin was entrusted with 50,000 men and stayed in Mesopotamia and Armenia to prevent Heraclius from invading Iran; a smaller army under Shahrbaraz slipped through Heraclius' flanks and bee-lined for Chalcedon, the Persian base across the Bosphorus from Constantinople. Khosrow also coordinated with the Khagan of the Avars so as to launch a coordinated attack on Constantinople from both European and Asiatic sides.[111] The Persian army stationed themselves at Chalcedon, while the Avars placed themselves on the European side of Constantinople and destroyed the Aqueduct of Valens.[115] Because of the Byzantine navy's control of the Bosphorus strait, however, the Persians could not send troops to the European side to aid their ally.[116][117] This reduced the effectiveness of the siege, because the Persians were experts in siege warfare.[118] Furthermore, the Persians and Avars had difficulties communicating across the guarded Bosphorus—though undoubtedly, there was some communication between the two forces.[111][117][119]
The defense of Constantinople was under the command of Patriarch Sergius and the patrician Bonus.[120] Upon hearing the news, Heraclius split his army into three parts; although he judged that the capital was relatively safe, he still sent some reinforcements to Constantinople to boost the morale of the defenders.[120] Another part of the army was under the command of his brother Theodore and was sent to deal with Shahin, while the third and smallest part would remain under his own control, intending to raid the Persian heartland.[114]
On 29 June 626, a coordinated assault on the walls began. Inside the walls, some 12,000 well-trained Byzantine cavalry troops (presumably dismounted) defended the city against the forces of some 80,000 Avars and Slavs.[114] Despite continuous bombardment for a month, morale was high inside the walls of Constantinople because of Patriarch Sergius' religious fervor and his processions along the wall with the icon of the Virgin Mary, inspiring the belief that the Byzantines were under divine protection.[121][122]
On 7 August, a fleet of Persian rafts ferrying troops across the Bosphorus were surrounded and destroyed by Byzantine ships. The Slavs under the Avars attempted to attack the sea walls from across the Golden Horn, while the main Avar host attacked the land walls. Patrician Bonus' galleys rammed and destroyed the Slavic boats; the Avar land assault from August 6 to the 7th also failed.[123] With the news that Theodore had decisively triumphed over Shahin (supposedly leading Shahin to die from depression), the Avars retreated to the Balkan hinterland within two days, never to seriously threaten Constantinople again. Even though the army of Shahrbaraz was still encamped at Chalcedon, the threat to Constantinople was over.[120][121] In thanks for the lifting of the siege and the supposed divine protection of the Virgin Mary, the celebrated Akathist Hymn was written by an unknown author, possibly Patriarch Sergius or George of Pisidia.[124][125][126]
Furthermore, after the emperor showed Shahrbaraz intercepted letters from Khosrow ordering the Persian general's death, the latter switched to Heraclius' side.[127] Shahrbaraz then moved his army to northern Syria, where he could easily decide to support either Khosrow or Heraclius at a moment's notice. Still, with the neutralization of Khosrow's most skilled general, Heraclius deprived his enemy of some of his best and most experienced troops, while securing his flanks prior to his invasion of Iran.[128]
Byzantine-Turkic alliance
During the siege of Constantinople, Heraclius formed an alliance with people Byzantine sources called the "Khazars", under Ziebel, now generally identified as the Western Turkic Khaganate of the Göktürks, led by Tong Yabghu,[132] plying him with wondrous gifts and the promise of marriage to the porphyrogenita Eudoxia Epiphania. Earlier, in 568, the Turks under Istämi had turned to Byzantium when their relations with Iran soured over commerce issues.[133] Istämi sent an embassy led by the Sogdian diplomat Maniah directly to Constantinople, which arrived in 568 and offered not only silk as a gift to Justin II, but also proposed an alliance against Sasanian Iran. Justin II agreed and sent an embassy to the Turkic Khaganate, ensuring the direct Chinese silk trade desired by the Sogdians.[134][135]
In the East, in 625 CE, the Turks took advantage of the Sasanian weakness to occupy Bactria and Afghanistan as far as the Indus, and establish the Yabghus of Tokharistan.[136]
The Turks, based in the Caucasus, responded to the alliance by sending 40,000 of their men to ravage the Iranian Empire in 626, marking the start of the Third Perso-Turkic War.[114] Joint Byzantine and Göktürk operations were then focused on besieging Tiflis, where the Byzantines used traction trebuchets to breach the walls, one of the first known uses by the Byzantines.[f][137] Khosrow sent 1,000 cavalry under Shahraplakan to reinforce the city,[138] but it nevertheless fell, probably in late 628.[139] Ziebel died by the end of that year, however, saving Epiphania from marriage to a barbarian.[114] Whilst the siege proceeded, Heraclius worked to secure his base in the upper Tigris.[120]
Battle of Nineveh
In mid-September 627, Heraclius invaded the Iranian heartland in a surprising winter campaign, leaving Ziebel to continue the siege of Tiflis. Edward Luttwak describes the seasonal retreat of Heraclius for the winters of 624–626 followed by a change in 627 to threaten Ctesiphon as a "high-risk, relational maneuver on a theater-wide scale" because it habituated the Persians to strategically ineffective raids that caused them to decide not to recall border troops to defend the heartland.[140] His army numbered between 25,000 and 50,000 Byzantine troops and 40,000 Göktürks that quickly deserted him because of the unfamiliar winter conditions and harassment from the Persians.[141][142] He advanced quickly but was tailed by a Persian army under the Armenian Rhahzadh, who faced difficulties in provisioning his army due to the Byzantines taking most of the provisions as they moved south toward Assyria.[142][143][144]
Towards the end of the year, near the ruins of Nineveh, Heraclius engaged Rhahzadh before reinforcements could reach the Persian commander.[145] The Battle of Nineveh took place in the fog, reducing the Persian advantage in missile troops. Heraclius feigned retreat, leading the Persians to the plains, before reversing his troops to the surprise of the Persians.[146] After eight hours of fighting, the Persians suddenly retreated to nearby foothills, but the battle did not become a rout.[121][147] During the battle, approximately 6,000 Persians were killed.[148] Patriarch Nikephoros' Brief History suggests that Rhahzadh challenged Heraclius to personal combat, and that Heraclius accepted and killed Rhahzadh in a single thrust; two other challengers fought against him and also lost.[121][149] However, he received an injury to his lip.[150]
End of the war
With no Persian army left to oppose him, Heraclius' victorious army plundered Dastagird, which was a palace of Khosrow's, and gained tremendous riches while recovering 300 captured Byzantine flags.[151] Khosrow had already fled to the mountains of Susiana to try to rally support for the defense of Ctesiphon.[120][121] Heraclius then issued an ultimatum to Khosrow:
I pursue and run after peace. I do not willingly burn Persia, but compelled by you. Let us now throw down our arms and embrace peace. Let us quench the fire before it burns up everything.
— Heraclius' ultimatum to Khosrow II, 6 January 628[152]
However, Heraclius could not attack Ctesiphon itself, as the Nahrawan Canal was blocked due to the collapse of a bridge leading over it,[151] and he did not attempt to bypass the canal.[153]
Regardless, the Persian army rebelled and overthrew Khosrow II, raising his son Kavadh II, also known as Siroes, in his stead. Khosrow was shut in a dungeon, where he suffered for five days on bare sustenance—he was shot to death slowly with arrows on the fifth day.[154] Kavadh immediately sent peace offers to Heraclius. Heraclius did not impose harsh terms, knowing that his own empire was also near exhaustion. Under the terms of the peace treaty, the Byzantines regained all their lost territories, their captured soldiers, a war indemnity, and most importantly for them, the True Cross and other relics that were lost in Jerusalem in 614.[154][155][156]
Significado
Short-term consequences
After some months of travel, Heraclius entered Constantinople in triumph and was met by the people of the city, his son Heraclius Constantine, and Patriarch Sergius, prostrating themselves in joy.[157] His alliance with the Persians resulted in the recovery of the Holy Sponge which fastened to the True Cross in an elaborate ceremony on 14 September 629.[158] The ceremonial parade went toward the Hagia Sophia. There, the True Cross was slowly raised up until it vertically towered over the high altar. To many, this was a sign that a new golden age was about to begin for the Byzantine Empire.[154][159]
The conclusion of the war cemented Heraclius' position as one of history's most successful generals. He was hailed as "the new Scipio" for his six years of unbroken victories and for leading the Roman army where no Roman army had ever gone before.[70][155] The triumphal raising of the True Cross in the Hagia Sophia was a crowning moment in his achievements. Had Heraclius died then, he would have been recorded in history, in the words of the historian Norman Davies, as "the greatest Roman general since Julius Caesar".[70] Instead, he lived through the Arab invasions, losing battle after battle against their onslaught and tarnishing his reputation for victory. Lord Norwich succinctly described Heraclius as having "lived too long".[160]
For their part, the Sasanians struggled to establish a stable government. When Kavadh II died only months after coming to the throne, Persia was plunged into several years of dynastic turmoil and civil war. Ardashir III, Heraclius' ally Shahrbaraz, and Khosrow's daughters Purandokht and Azarmidokht all succeeded to the throne within months of each other. Only when Yazdgerd III, a grandson of Khosrow II, succeeded to the throne in 632 was there stability, but by then it was too late to rescue the Sasanian kingdom.[161][162]
Long-term consequences
The devastating impact of the war of 602–628, along with the cumulative effects of a century of almost continuous Byzantine-Persian conflict, left both empires crippled. The Sasanians were further weakened by economic decline, heavy taxation to finance Khosrow II's campaigns, religious unrest, and the increasing power of the provincial landholders at the expense of the Shah.[163] According to Howard-Johnston: "[Heraclius'] victories in the field over the following years and their political repercussions ... saved the main bastion of Christianity in the Near East and gravely weakened its old Zoroastrian rival. They may be shadowed by the even more extraordinary military achievements of the Arabs in the following two decades, but hindsight should not be allowed to dim their lustre."[164]
However, the Byzantine Empire was also severely affected, with the Balkans now largely in the hands of the Slavs.[165] Additionally, Anatolia had been devastated by repeated Persian invasions, and the empire's hold on its recently regained territories in the Caucasus, Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Egypt was loosened by years of Persian occupation.[g][166] With their financial reserves exhausted, the Byzantines found difficulties paying veterans of the war with the Persians and recruiting new troops.[165][167][168] Clive Foss called this war the "first stage in the process which marked the end of Antiquity in Asia Minor".[169]
Neither empire was given much chance to recover, as within a few years they were struck by the onslaught of the Arabs, newly united by Islam,[170] which Howard-Johnston likened to "a human tsunami".[171] According to George Liska, the "unnecessarily prolonged Byzantine–Persian conflict opened the way for Islam".[172] The Sasanian Empire rapidly succumbed to these attacks and was completely destroyed. During the Byzantine–Arab Wars, the exhausted Byzantine Empire's recently regained eastern and southern provinces of Syria, Armenia, Egypt, and North Africa were also lost, reducing the empire to a territorial core consisting of Anatolia and a scatter of islands and footholds in the Balkans and Italy.[166] However, unlike Persia, the Byzantine Empire ultimately survived the Arab assault, holding onto its remaining territories and decisively repulsing two Arab sieges of its capital in 674–678 and 717–718.[164][173] The Byzantine Empire also lost its territories in Crete and southern Italy to the Arabs in later conflicts, though these too were ultimately recovered.[174][175] However, some losses were permanent, such as the loss of Spania, the remaining Byzantine holdings in Spain, which was conquered by the Visigoths by 629.[176] Similarly, Corsica was taken by the Lombards in the 8th century.[177] The Balearic Islands, Sardinia and Sicily were captured by Arabs in the 10th century.[178]
Composición de los ejércitos y estrategia
The elite cavalry corps of the Persians was the Aswaran.[179] The lance (kontos) was probably its preferred weapon, having the power to skewer two men simultaneously.[180] Its horses along with their riders were covered in lamellar armor to protect them from enemy archers.[181]
According to Emperor Maurice's Strategikon, a manual of war, the Persians made heavy use of archers that were the most "rapid, although not powerful archery" of all warlike nations, and they avoided weather that hampered their bows.[118] It claims that they deployed so that their formation was equal in strength in the center and the flanks. They also apparently neutralized the charge of Roman lancers by using rough terrain since the latter preferred to avoid hand-to-hand combat. Thus, the Strategikon advised fighting on level terrain with rapid charges to avoid the Persian arrows. They were seen as skilled in laying siege and liked to "achieve their results by planning and generalship".[118]
The most important arm of the Byzantine army was its cataphract cavalry, which became a symbol of Byzantium.[182] They wore chain mail, had heavily armored horses, and used lances as their primary weapon. They had small shields mounted on their arms, could also use bows, and carried a broadsword and an axe.[183] Heavy Byzantine infantry, or scutati/skoutatoi, carried large oval shields and wore lamellar or mail armor. They carried many weapons against enemy cavalry such as spears to ward off cavalry and axes to cut the legs off of horses.[184] Light Byzantine infantry, or psiloi, primarily used bows and wore only leather armor.[185] Byzantine infantry played a key role in stabilizing battle lines against enemy cavalry and also as an anchor to launch friendly cavalry attacks. According to Richard A. Gabriel, the Byzantine heavy infantry "combined the best capabilities of the Roman legion with the old Greek phalanx".[186]
The Avars had mounted archers with composite bows that could double as heavy cavalry with lances. They were skilled in siegecraft and could construct trebuchets and siege towers. In their siege of Constantinople, they constructed walls of circumvallation to prevent easy counterattack and used mantelets or wooden frames covered with animal hides to protect against defending archers. Furthermore, like many nomads, they gathered other warriors such as Gepids and Slavs to assist them.[187] However, since Avars depended on raiding the countryside for supplies, it was difficult for them to maintain long sieges, especially when considering their less mobile gathered allies.[188]
According to Kaegi, the Byzantines had "an almost compulsive ... preference to avoid changing the essential elements of the status quo".[189] They tried to secure allies and divide their enemies through diplomacy. Although they failed against Khosrow and the Avar Khagan, their ties with the Slavs, who would become the Serbs and Croats, and their decades-long negotiations with the Göktürks resulted in Slavs actively opposing the Avars in addition to a key alliance with the Göktürks.[190]
As for any army, logistics were always a problem. In his initial campaigns in Byzantine territories, especially in Anatolia, Heraclius likely supplied his troops by requisitioning from his surroundings.[191] During each of Heraclius' offensive raids into Persia, the harsh conditions of winter forced him to desist, partly because both his and the Persian horses needed stored fodder in winter quarters. Forcing his troops to campaign in the winter would have been risky as Maurice had been overthrown due to his poor treatment of his troops in winter.[192] Edward Luttwak believes that the Göktürks with their "hardy horses (or ponies)" that could survive "in almost any terrain that had almost any vegetation" were essential in Heraclius' winter campaign in hilly northeast Iran in 627.[193] During the campaign, they took their provisions from Persian lands.[143][144] With the victory at Nineveh and the capture of Persian palaces, they no longer had issues with supplying their troops in foreign territory, even in winter conditions.[194]
Historiografía
The sources for this war are mostly of Byzantine origin. Foremost among the contemporary Greek texts is the Chronicon Paschale by an unidentified author from around 630.[196][197] George of Pisidia wrote many poems and other works that were contemporary. Theophylact Simocatta has surviving letters along with a history that gives the political outlook of the Byzantines, but that history only really covers from 582 to 602.[196][197][198] Theodore the Synkellos has a surviving speech, which was made during the Siege of Constantinople in 626, that contains useful information for some events. There are some surviving papyri from Egypt from that period.[196]
The Persian archives were lost so there are no contemporary Persian sources of this war.[46] However, al-Tabari's History of the Prophets and Kings uses now lost sources and contains a history of the Sasanian dynasty.[198] Non-Greek contemporary sources include the Chronicle of John of Nikiu, which was written in Coptic but only survives in Ethiopian translation, and the History attributed to Sebeos (there is controversy over the authorship). The latter is an Armenian compilation of various sources, arranged in only rough chronological order. This gives it an uneven coverage of the war. Furthermore, it was put together with the purpose of correlating Biblical prophecy and contemporary times, making it most certainly not objective.[199] There are also some surviving Syriac materials from that period, which Dodgeon, Greatrex, and Lieu believe are the "most important" of the contemporary sources.[197][199] These include the Chronicle of 724 by Thomas the Presbyter, composed in 640. The Chronicle of Guidi or Khuzistan Chronicle gives the perspective of a Nestorian Christian living in Persian territory.[197]
Later Greek accounts include the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor and the Brief History of Patriarch Nikephoros I. Theophanes' Chronicle is very useful in creating a framework of the war.[200] It is usually supplemented by even later Syriac sources like the Chronicle of 1234 and the Chronicle by Michael the Syrian.[197] However, these sources, excepting the Brief History by Nikephoros, and the Christian Arab Agapius of Hierapolis all likely drew their information from a common source, probably the 8th-century historian Theophilos of Edessa.[197][200]
The 10th-century Armenian History of the House of Artsrunik by Thomas Artsruni probably have similar sources to the ones that the compiler of Sebeos used. Movses Kaghankatvatsi wrote the History of Armenia in the 10th century and has material from unidentified sources on the 620s.[201] Howard-Johnston considered the histories of Movses and Sebeos as "the most important of extant non-Muslim sources".[202] The history of the Patriarch Eutychius of Alexandria contains many errors, but is a useful source.
The Quran also provides some detail on the matter. The Ar-Rum sūrah tells how news of the ongoing war reached Mecca, with Muhammad and the early Muslims siding with the Monotheistic Greeks while the non-Muslim Meccans sided with the non-Monotheist Persians, each side regarding the victories of their favorites as proof of their own religious stance.[200]
The Byzantine hagiographies (lives of saints) of Saints Theodore of Sykeon and Anastasios the Persian have proven to be helpful in understanding the era of the war.[200] The Life of George of Khozeba gives an idea of the panic at the time of the Siege of Jerusalem.[203] However, there are some doubts as to whether hagiographic texts may be corrupted from 8th or 9th century interpolations.[204] Numismatics, the study of coins, has proven useful to dating.[205] Sigillography, the study of seals, is also used for dating. Art and other archaeological findings are also of some use. Epigraphic sources or inscriptions are of limited use.[204] Luttwak called the Strategikon of Maurice the "most complete Byzantine field manual";[206] it provides valuable insight into the military thinking and practices of the time.[207]
notas y referencias
Notes
^ a: All dates, especially between 602–620 are only approximate. This is primarily because many popular sources like Theophanes' Chronicles are all drawn from a common source, thought to be a history by Theophilus of Edessa. Thus, there are few independent witnesses of the following events, making reliable dating difficult.[197]
^ b: The war had originally begun when Justin II had refused to give the Sasanians the usual tribute dating from the time of Justinian I. The successful conclusion to that war meant that the tribute was no longer paid.[208]
^ c: Some authors, including Dodgeon, Greatrex, and Lieu, have expressed the belief that the raid on Chalcedon is fictitious.[48] Either way, by 610, the Persians captured all the Byzantine cities east of the Euphrates.[47]
^ e: Thebarmes, described in Theophanes' Chronicles, is usually identified with Takht-i-Suleiman.[209]
^ f: That was the first known usage of the term helepolis to describe the trebuchet, though earlier uses may be attested to in Emperor Maurice's Strategikon.[210]
^ g: Ambivalence toward Byzantine rule on the part of monophysites may have lessened local resistance to the Arab expansion.[166]
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- ^ Howard-Johnston 2006, p. 291
- ^ a b Howard-Johnston 2006, p. 9
- ^ a b Haldon 1997, pp. 43–45, 66, 71, 114–115
- ^ a b c Haldon 1997, pp. 49–50
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 39
- ^ Kaegi 1995, pp. 43–44
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 747
- ^ Foss 1975, pp. 746–47
- ^ Howard-Johnston 2006, p. xv
- ^ Liska 1998, p. 170
- ^ Haldon 1997, pp. 61–62
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 134
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 155
- ^ Evans 2002, p. 180
- ^ Holmes 2001, p. 37
- ^ Lock 2013, p. 7
- ^ Farrokh 2005, p. 5
- ^ Farrokh 2005, p. 13
- ^ Farrokh 2005, p. 18
- ^ Gabriel 2002, p. 281
- ^ Gabriel 2002, p. 282
- ^ Gabriel 2002, pp. 282–83
- ^ Gabriel 2002, p. 283
- ^ Gabriel 2002, p. 288
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 395–96
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 403
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 32
- ^ Luttwak 2009, p. 404
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 400
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 400–01
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 403–04
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 405–406
- ^ Online notice of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 7
- ^ a b c d e f g Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 182–83
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. xxvi
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 8
- ^ a b c d Kaegi 2003, p. 9
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. xxv
- ^ Howard-Johnston 2006, pp. 42–43
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 192
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 10
- ^ Foss 1975, pp. 729–30
- ^ Luttwak 2009, pp. 268–71
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 14
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, pp. 79–80
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 200
- ^ Dennis 1998, pp. 99–104
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Otras lecturas
- Charles, Robert H. (2007) [1916]. The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu: Translated from Zotenberg's Ethiopic Text. Merchantville, NJ: Evolution Publishing. ISBN 9781889758879.