Los Estados Confederados de América ( CSA ), comúnmente conocidos como los Estados Confederados o la Confederación , fue un estado separatista no reconocido [1] que existió desde el 8 de febrero de 1861 al 9 de mayo de 1865 y que luchó contra los Estados Unidos de América durante la Guerra Civil Americana . [2] [3] Los once estados que se separaron de la Unión y formaron la parte principal de la CSA fueron Carolina del Sur , Mississippi , Florida , Alabama , Georgia , Louisiana ,Texas , Virginia , Arkansas , Tennessee y Carolina del Norte .
Estados confederados de América | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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1861–1865 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Marzo: " La bandera azul de Bonnie " | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Estado | Estado no reconocido [1] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Capital |
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Ciudad más grande | Nueva Orleans (hasta el 1 de mayo de 1862 ) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Lenguajes comunes | Inglés ( de facto ) lenguas menores: francés ( Luisiana ), español ( Arizona ), lenguas indígenas ( territorio indio ) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Demonym (s) | Confederado | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Gobierno | Confederado presidencial no partidario República | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
presidente | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• 1861–1865 | Jefferson Davis | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Vicepresidente | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• 1861–1865 | Alexander H. Stephens | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Legislatura | Congreso | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Cámara alta | Senado | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Cámara baja | Cámara de los Representantes | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Era historica | Guerra civil estadounidense / relaciones internacionales de las grandes potencias (1814-1919) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Constitución provisional | 8 de febrero de 1861 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Guerra civil estadounidense | 12 de abril de 1861 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Constitución permanente | 22 de febrero de 1862 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Rendición del ejército del norte de Virginia | 9 de abril de 1865 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Colapso militar | 26 de abril de 1865 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Debellación y disolución | 9 de mayo de 1865 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Área | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1860 1 | 1,995,392 km 2 (770,425 millas cuadradas) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Población | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• 1860 1 | 9,103,332 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
• Esclavos 2 | 3,521,110 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Divisa |
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Hoy parte de |
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La Confederación se formó el 8 de febrero de 1861 por los siete estados esclavistas de la secesión : Carolina del Sur , Mississippi , Florida , Alabama , Georgia , Luisiana y Texas . [4] Los siete estados estaban ubicados en la región del sur profundo de los Estados Unidos, cuya economía dependía en gran medida de la agricultura, en particular del algodón, y de un sistema de plantaciones que dependía de esclavos de ascendencia africana para trabajar. [5] Convencidos de que la supremacía blanca [6] y la institución de la esclavitud [4] [6] se vieron amenazadas por la elección en noviembre de 1860 del candidato republicano Abraham Lincoln a la presidencia de Estados Unidos , en una plataforma que se oponía a la expansión de la esclavitud en el oeste. territorios, la Confederación declaró su secesión de los Estados Unidos, y los estados leales se conocieron como la Unión durante la Guerra Civil Americana que siguió . [2] En un discurso conocido hoy en día como la piedra angular de direcciones , confederado vicepresidente Alexander H. Stephens describió su ideología como forma centralizada basada "en la gran verdad de que el negro no es igual al hombre blanco ; que la esclavitud , la subordinación a la raza superior , es su condición natural y normal ". [7]
Antes de que Lincoln asumiera el cargo el 4 de marzo de 1861, se estableció un gobierno confederado provisional el 8 de febrero de 1861. El gobierno federal de los Estados Unidos lo consideró ilegal, y muchos norteños pensaban en los confederados como traidores . Después de que comenzara la guerra en abril, cuatro estados esclavistas del Alto Sur ( Virginia , Arkansas , Tennessee y Carolina del Norte) también se separaron y se unieron a la Confederación. La Confederación aceptó más tarde a los estados esclavistas de Missouri y Kentucky como miembros, aunque ni se declaró oficialmente la secesión ni fueron controlados en gran medida por las fuerzas confederadas, a pesar de los esfuerzos de los gobiernos en la sombra confederados , que finalmente fueron expulsados. El gobierno de los Estados Unidos (la Unión) rechazó los reclamos de secesión como ilegítimos.
La Guerra Civil comenzó el 12 de abril de 1861, cuando los confederados atacaron Fort Sumter , un fuerte de la Unión en el puerto de Charleston, Carolina del Sur . Ningún gobierno extranjero reconoció jamás a la Confederación como un país independiente, [1] [8] [9] aunque Gran Bretaña y Francia le otorgaron estatus beligerante , lo que permitió a los agentes confederados contratar con empresas privadas para armas y otros suministros.
En 1865, el gobierno civil de la Confederación se desintegró de una manera caótica: el Congreso de los Estados Confederados aplazó sine die , dejando efectivamente de existir como cuerpo legislativo el 18 de marzo. Después de cuatro años de intensos combates y 620.000-850.000 muertes militares, [10] [ 11] todas las fuerzas terrestres y navales confederadas se rindieron o cesaron las hostilidades. La guerra careció de un final formal, con las fuerzas confederadas rindiéndose o disolviéndose esporádicamente durante la mayor parte de 1865. La capitulación más significativa fue la rendición del general confederado Robert E. Lee a Ulysses S. Grant en Appomattox el 9 de abril, después de lo cual cualquier duda persistente con respecto a el resultado de la guerra y / o la perspectiva de supervivencia de la Confederación se extinguieron, aunque otra fuerza considerable bajo el mando del general confederado Joseph E. Johnston no se rindió formalmente a William T. Sherman hasta el 26 de abril. Al mismo tiempo, el presidente Lincoln había sido asesinado por el simpatizante confederado John Wilkes Booth el 15 de abril de 1865. La administración del presidente confederado Jefferson Davis declaró disuelta la Confederación el 5 de mayo [5] [12] y el mismo Davis reconoció en escritos posteriores que la Confederación "desapareció" en 1865. [13]
Después de la guerra, los estados confederados fueron readmitidos en la Unión durante la era de la Reconstrucción , después de que cada uno de ellos ratificara la Decimotercera Enmienda a la Constitución de los Estados Unidos , que prohibía la esclavitud. La ideología de la " causa perdida ", una visión idealizada de la Confederación como luchando valientemente por una causa justa, surgió en las décadas posteriores a la guerra entre ex generales y políticos confederados, así como organizaciones como las Hijas Unidas de la Confederación y los Hijos de Veteranos confederados . Los períodos particularmente intensos de actividad de Causa Perdida se produjeron alrededor de la época de la Primera Guerra Mundial , cuando los últimos veteranos confederados comenzaron a morir y se hizo un esfuerzo para preservar su memoria, y luego durante el Movimiento de Derechos Civiles de las décadas de 1950 y 1960, en reacción a creciente apoyo público a la igualdad racial . A través de actividades como la construcción de monumentos confederados prominentes y la escritura de libros de texto de historia escolar para pintar a la Confederación en una luz favorable, los defensores de la Causa Perdida buscaron asegurar que las generaciones futuras de blancos sureños continuarían apoyando las políticas supremacistas blancas como las leyes de Jim Crow . [14] La exhibición moderna de banderas confederadas comenzó principalmente durante las elecciones presidenciales de 1948 cuando la bandera de batalla fue utilizada por los Dixiecrats en oposición al Movimiento de Derechos Civiles y ha continuado hasta el día de hoy. [15] [16]
Ámbito de control
El 22 de febrero de 1862, la Constitución de los Estados Confederados de siete estados signatarios - Mississippi , Carolina del Sur , Florida , Alabama , Georgia , Luisiana y Texas - reemplazó la Constitución Provisional del 8 de febrero de 1861, con una que declara en su preámbulo el deseo de un "gobierno federal permanente". Otros cuatro estados esclavistas ( Virginia , Arkansas , Tennessee y Carolina del Norte ) declararon su secesión y se unieron a la Confederación tras un llamado del presidente estadounidense Abraham Lincoln para que las tropas de cada estado recuperaran Sumter y otras propiedades federales incautadas en el sur. [17]
Missouri y Kentucky estuvieron representados por facciones partidistas que adoptaron las formas de gobiernos estatales sin control sustancial de territorio o población en ambos casos. Los gobiernos estatales anteriores a la guerra en ambos mantuvieron su representación en la Unión . También lucharon por la Confederación dos de las " Cinco Tribus Civilizadas " - los Choctaw y los Chickasaw - en el Territorio Indio y un nuevo, pero no controlado, Territorio Confederado de Arizona . Los esfuerzos de ciertas facciones en Maryland para separarse fueron detenidos por la imposición federal de la ley marcial ; Delaware , aunque de lealtad dividida, no lo intentó. Se formó un gobierno unionista en oposición al gobierno estatal secesionista en Richmond y administró las partes occidentales de Virginia que habían sido ocupadas por tropas federales. El Gobierno Restaurado de Virginia reconoció más tarde el nuevo estado de Virginia Occidental , que fue admitido en la Unión durante la guerra el 20 de junio de 1863 y se trasladó a Alejandría durante el resto de la guerra. [17]
El control confederado sobre su territorio y población reclamados en los distritos del Congreso se redujo constantemente de tres cuartos a un tercio durante la Guerra Civil Estadounidense debido a las exitosas campañas terrestres de la Unión, su control de las vías navegables interiores hacia el sur y su bloqueo de la costa sur. [18] Con la Proclamación de Emancipación del 1 de enero de 1863, la Unión convirtió la abolición de la esclavitud en un objetivo de guerra (además de la reunión). A medida que las fuerzas de la Unión se desplazaron hacia el sur, se liberó a un gran número de esclavos de las plantaciones. Muchos se unieron a las líneas de la Unión y se enrolaron en el servicio como soldados, camioneros y jornaleros. El avance más notable fue la " Marcha al mar " de Sherman a fines de 1864. Gran parte de la infraestructura de la Confederación fue destruida, incluidos telégrafos, ferrocarriles y puentes. Las plantaciones en el camino de las fuerzas de Sherman resultaron gravemente dañadas. El movimiento interno dentro de la Confederación se volvió cada vez más difícil, debilitando su economía y limitando la movilidad del ejército. [19]
Estas pérdidas crearon una desventaja insuperable en hombres, material y finanzas. El apoyo público a la administración del presidente confederado Jefferson Davis se erosionó con el tiempo debido a repetidos reveses militares, dificultades económicas y acusaciones de gobierno autocrático. Después de cuatro años de campaña, Richmond fue capturado por las fuerzas de la Unión en abril de 1865. Unos días más tarde, el general Robert E. Lee se rindió al general de la Unión Ulysses S. Grant , lo que marcó efectivamente el colapso de la Confederación. El presidente Davis fue capturado el 10 de mayo de 1865 y encarcelado por traición, pero nunca se celebró ningún juicio. [20]
Historia
La Confederación fue establecida en la Convención de Montgomery en febrero de 1861 por siete estados ( Carolina del Sur , Mississippi , Alabama , Florida , Georgia , Louisiana , agregando Texas en marzo antes de la inauguración de Lincoln), se expandió de mayo a julio de 1861 (con Virginia , Arkansas , Tennessee , Carolina del Norte ) y se desintegró en abril-mayo de 1865. Estaba formado por delegaciones de siete estados esclavistas del Bajo Sur que habían proclamado su secesión de la Unión. Después de que comenzara la lucha en abril, cuatro estados esclavistas adicionales se separaron y fueron admitidos. Más tarde, dos estados esclavistas (Missouri y Kentucky) y dos territorios obtuvieron escaños en el Congreso Confederado. [21]
El nacionalismo sureño crecía y el orgullo apoyaba la nueva fundación. [22] [23] El nacionalismo confederado preparó a los hombres para luchar por "la Causa". Mientras duró su existencia, la Confederación se sometió a un juicio de guerra. [24] La "Causa del Sur" trascendió la ideología de los derechos de los estados , la política de tarifas y las mejoras internas. Esta "Causa" apoyó o derivó de la dependencia cultural y financiera de la economía del Sur basada en la esclavitud. La convergencia de raza y esclavitud, política y economía planteó casi todas las cuestiones de política relacionadas con el Sur al estado de cuestiones morales sobre el modo de vida, mezclando el amor por las cosas del Sur y el odio por las cosas del Norte. No solo los partidos políticos nacionales se dividieron, sino que las iglesias nacionales y las familias interestatales también se dividieron a lo largo de líneas seccionales a medida que se acercaba la guerra. [25] Según el historiador John M. Coski,
Los estadistas que lideraron el movimiento de secesión no se avergonzaron de citar explícitamente la defensa de la esclavitud como su principal motivo ... Reconocer la centralidad de la esclavitud para la Confederación es esencial para comprender a la Confederación. [26]
Los demócratas del sur habían elegido a John Breckinridge como su candidato durante las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses de 1860, pero en ningún estado del sur (excepto en Carolina del Sur, donde la legislatura eligió a los electores) recibió un apoyo unánime; todos los demás estados registraron al menos algunos votos populares para uno o más de los otros tres candidatos (Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas y John Bell ). El apoyo a estos candidatos, colectivamente, varió de significativo a una absoluta mayoría, con extremos que van desde el 25% en Texas al 81% en Missouri. [27] Había puntos de vista minoritarios en todas partes, especialmente en las zonas altas y mesetas del sur, que se concentraban particularmente en el oeste de Virginia y el este de Tennessee. [28]
Tras el voto unánime de secesión de 1860 de Carolina del Sur, ningún otro estado del sur consideró la cuestión hasta 1861, y cuando lo hicieron ninguno tuvo un voto unánime. Todos tenían residentes que emitieron un número significativo de votos unionistas en la legislatura, convenciones, referendos populares o en los tres. Votar para permanecer en la Unión no significaba necesariamente que las personas simpatizaran con el Norte. Una vez que comenzaron las hostilidades, muchos de los que votaron a favor de permanecer en la Unión, particularmente en el sur profundo, aceptaron la decisión de la mayoría y apoyaron a la Confederación. [29]
Muchos escritores han evaluado la Guerra Civil como una tragedia estadounidense, una "Guerra de hermanos", que enfrenta a "hermano contra hermano, padre contra hijo, pariente contra pariente de todos los grados". [30] [31]
Una revolución en desunión
Según el historiador Avery O.Craven en 1950, la nación de los Estados Confederados de América, como potencia estatal, fue creada por secesionistas en los estados esclavistas del sur, quienes creían que el gobierno federal los estaba convirtiendo en ciudadanos de segunda clase y se negaban a honrar sus creencias. - que la esclavitud era beneficiosa para el negro . [32] Juzgaron a los agentes del cambio como abolicionistas y elementos antiesclavistas en el Partido Republicano , quienes creían que usaban insultos y heridas repetidos para someterlos a una intolerable "humillación y degradación". [32] Los "republicanos negros" (como los llamaban los sureños) y sus aliados pronto dominaron la Cámara, el Senado y la Presidencia de Estados Unidos. En la Corte Suprema de los Estados Unidos, el presidente del Tribunal Supremo Roger B. Taney (un presunto partidario de la esclavitud) tenía 83 años y estaba enfermo.
Durante la campaña para la presidencia en 1860 , algunos secesionistas amenazaron con la desunión si Lincoln (que se opuso a la expansión de la esclavitud en los territorios ) fuera elegido, incluido William L. Yancey . Yancey recorrió el Norte pidiendo la secesión mientras Stephen A. Douglas recorrió el Sur pidiendo la unión si Lincoln era elegido. [33] Para los secesionistas, la intención republicana era clara: contener la esclavitud dentro de sus límites actuales y, eventualmente, eliminarla por completo. Una victoria de Lincoln les presentó una opción trascendental (como ellos la vieron), incluso antes de su inauguración: "la Unión sin esclavitud o la esclavitud sin la Unión". [34]
Causas de la secesión
Las ideas predominantes que abrigaban él y la mayoría de los principales estadistas en el momento de la formación de la antigua Constitución eran que la esclavitud de los africanos violaba las leyes de la naturaleza; que estaba mal en principio, social, moral y políticamente. Era un mal con el que no sabían muy bien cómo lidiar; pero la opinión generalizada de los hombres de esa época era que, de una forma u otra, en el orden de la Providencia, la institución sería evanescente y desaparecería ... Esas ideas, sin embargo, eran fundamentalmente erróneas. Se basaban en el supuesto de la igualdad de razas. Esto fue un error. Era una base arenosa , y la idea de un gobierno se construyó sobre ella; cuando "vino la tormenta y sopló el viento, cayó".
Nuestro nuevo gobierno se basa exactamente en ideas opuestas; sus cimientos están puestos, su piedra angular descansa sobre la gran verdad de que el negro no es igual al hombre blanco ; que la esclavitud , la subordinación a la raza superior, es su condición natural y normal. Este, nuestro nuevo gobierno, es el primero, en la historia del mundo, basado en esta gran verdad física, filosófica y moral.Alexander H. Stephens , discurso en The Savannah Theatre . (21 de marzo de 1861)
El catalizador inmediato de la secesión fue la victoria del Partido Republicano y la elección de Abraham Lincoln como presidente en las elecciones de 1860. El historiador de la Guerra Civil estadounidense James M. McPherson sugirió que, para los sureños, la característica más ominosa de las victorias republicanas en las elecciones presidenciales y del Congreso de 1860 fue la magnitud de esas victorias: los republicanos capturaron más del 60 por ciento de los votos del Norte y tres cuartos de sus delegaciones en el Congreso. La prensa del sur dijo que esos republicanos representaban la parte antiesclavista del norte, "un partido fundado en el sentimiento único ... de odio a la esclavitud africana", y ahora el poder controlador en los asuntos nacionales. El "Partido Republicano Negro" podría abrumar a los yanquis conservadores. El Delta de Nueva Orleans dijo de los republicanos: "De hecho, es esencialmente un partido revolucionario" para derrocar la esclavitud. [35]
Para 1860, los desacuerdos seccionales entre el Norte y el Sur se referían principalmente al mantenimiento o expansión de la esclavitud en los Estados Unidos . El historiador Drew Gilpin Faust observó que "los líderes del movimiento de secesión en todo el sur citaron la esclavitud como la razón más convincente para la independencia del sur". [36] Aunque la mayoría de los sureños blancos no poseían esclavos, la mayoría apoyaba la institución de la esclavitud y se beneficiaba indirectamente de la sociedad esclavista. Para los campesinos en apuros y los agricultores de subsistencia, la sociedad esclavista proporcionó una gran clase de personas clasificadas por debajo de ellos en la escala social. [37] Diferencias secundarias relacionadas con temas de libertad de expresión, esclavos fugitivos, expansión a Cuba y derechos de los estados .
El historiador Emory Thomas evaluó la autoimagen de la Confederación mediante el estudio de la correspondencia enviada por el gobierno confederado en 1861-1862 a gobiernos extranjeros. Descubrió que la diplomacia confederada proyectaba múltiples autoimágenes contradictorias:
La nación del Sur era por turnos un pueblo inocente atacado por un vecino voraz, una nación `` establecida '' en alguna dificultad temporal, una colección de aristócratas bucólicos que se oponían a las banalidades de la democracia industrial , una camarilla de agricultores comerciales que buscaban hacer un peón del rey Cotton , una apoteosis del nacionalismo del siglo XIX y el liberalismo revolucionario, o la máxima expresión de la reacción social y económica. [38]
En lo que más tarde se conoció como el Discurso de la Piedra Angular , el vicepresidente confederado Alexander H. Stephens declaró que la "piedra angular" del nuevo gobierno "descansa [ed] sobre la gran verdad de que el negro no es igual al hombre blanco; que la esclavitud - subordinación a la raza superior - es su condición natural y normal. Este, nuestro nuevo gobierno, es el primero, en la historia del mundo, basado en esta gran verdad física, filosófica y moral ". [39] Después de la guerra, Stephens trató de matizar sus comentarios, alegando que eran extemporáneos, metafóricos y tenían la intención de referirse al sentimiento público en lugar de "los principios del nuevo gobierno sobre este tema". [40] [41]
Cuatro de los estados secesionistas, los estados del sur profundo de Carolina del Sur, [42] Mississippi, [43] Georgia, [44] y Texas, [45] emitieron declaraciones formales de las causas de su decisión; cada uno identificó la amenaza a los derechos de los propietarios de esclavos como la causa o una de las principales causas de la secesión. Georgia también reclamó una política federal general de favorecer los intereses económicos del Norte sobre los del Sur. Texas mencionó la esclavitud 21 veces, pero también mencionó el incumplimiento por parte del gobierno federal de sus obligaciones, en el acuerdo de anexión original, de proteger a los colonos a lo largo de la frontera occidental expuesta. Las resoluciones de Texas declararon además que los gobiernos de los estados y la nación fueron establecidos "exclusivamente por la raza blanca, para ellos y su posteridad". También declararon que aunque los derechos civiles y políticos iguales se aplicaban a todos los hombres blancos, no se aplicaban a los de la "raza africana", y opinaron además que el fin de la esclavitud racial "traería calamidades inevitables sobre ambas [razas] y desolación sobre los quince estados esclavistas ". [45]
Alabama no proporcionó una declaración de causas por separado. En cambio, la ordenanza de Alabama declaró "la elección de Abraham Lincoln ... por un partido seccional, abiertamente hostil a las instituciones nacionales y a la paz y la seguridad del pueblo del estado de Alabama, precedida por muchas y peligrosas infracciones de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos por parte de muchos de los Estados y pueblos de la sección norte, es un error político de carácter tan insultante y amenazante que justifica al pueblo del Estado de Alabama en la adopción de medidas rápidas y decididas para su futura paz y seguridad". La ordenanza invitaba a "los Estados esclavistas del Sur, que pudieran aprobar tal propósito, con el fin de enmarcar un gobierno provisional y permanente sobre los principios de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos" a participar en una convención del 4 de febrero de 1861 en Montgomery, Alabama . [46]
Las ordenanzas de secesión de los dos estados restantes, Florida y Louisiana, simplemente declararon su ruptura con la Unión federal, sin indicar ninguna causa. [47] [48] Posteriormente, la convención de secesión de Florida formó un comité para redactar una declaración de causas, pero el comité fue despedido antes de completar la tarea. [49] Solo queda un borrador sin fecha y sin título. [50]
Cuatro de los estados del Alto Sur (Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee y Carolina del Norte) rechazaron la secesión hasta después del enfrentamiento en Ft. Sumter. [29] [51] [52] [53] [54] La ordenanza de Virginia declaró un parentesco con los estados esclavistas del Bajo Sur, pero no nombró a la institución en sí misma como una razón principal de su curso. [55]
La ordenanza de secesión de Arkansas incluía una fuerte objeción al uso de la fuerza militar para preservar la Unión como su razón de motivación. [56] Antes del estallido de la guerra, la Convención de Arkansas había dado el 20 de marzo como su primera resolución: "El pueblo de los Estados del Norte ha organizado un partido político, puramente seccional en su carácter, cuya idea central y controladora es la hostilidad a la institución de la esclavitud africana, tal como existe en los Estados del Sur; y ese partido ha elegido un Presidente ... se comprometió a administrar el Gobierno sobre principios incompatibles con los derechos y subversivos de los intereses de los Estados del Sur ". [57]
Carolina del Norte y Tennessee limitaron sus ordenanzas a simplemente retirarse, aunque Tennessee llegó a dejar en claro que no deseaban hacer ningún comentario sobre la "doctrina abstracta de la secesión". [58] [59]
En un mensaje al Congreso Confederado el 29 de abril de 1861, Jefferson Davis citó tanto el arancel como la esclavitud por la secesión del Sur. [60]
Secesionistas y convenciones
Dos facciones se opusieron al grupo proesclavitud de los demócratas sureños " devoradores de fuego ", que pedían la secesión inmediata. Los " cooperantes " en el Sur Profundo retrasarían la secesión hasta que varios estados dejaran la unión, tal vez en una Convención del Sur. Bajo la influencia de hombres como el gobernador de Texas, Sam Houston , la demora tendría el efecto de sostener la Unión. [61] Los "unionistas", especialmente en la Frontera Sur, a menudo ex Whigs , apelaron al apego sentimental a los Estados Unidos. El candidato presidencial favorito de los unionistas del sur era John Bell de Tennessee, que a veces se presentaba bajo la bandera del "Partido de la Oposición". [61]
William L. Yancey , Tragafuegos de Alabama, "El orador de la secesión"
William Henry Gist , gobernador de Carolina del Sur, llamó a la Convención Secesionista
Muchos secesionistas fueron activos políticamente. El gobernador William Henry Gist de Carolina del Sur mantuvo correspondencia secreta con otros gobernadores del sur profundo, y la mayoría de los gobernadores del sur intercambiaron comisionados clandestinos. [62] La "Asociación de 1860" secesionista de Charleston publicó más de 200.000 panfletos para persuadir a la juventud del Sur. Los más influyentes fueron: "La condenación de la esclavitud" y "El sur solo debería gobernar el sur", ambos de John Townsend de Carolina del Sur; y "El interés de la esclavitud de los no esclavistas del sur" de James DB De Bow. [63]
Los acontecimientos en Carolina del Sur iniciaron una cadena de eventos. El capataz de un jurado rechazó la legitimidad de los tribunales federales, por lo que el juez federal Andrew Magrath dictaminó que la autoridad judicial estadounidense en Carolina del Sur quedó vacante. Una reunión masiva en Charleston celebrando la cooperación estatal y ferroviaria de Charleston y Savannah llevó a la legislatura de Carolina del Sur a pedir una Convención de Secesión. El senador estadounidense James Chesnut, Jr. dimitió, al igual que el senador James Henry Hammond . [64]
Las elecciones para las convenciones secesionistas se calentaron a "un tono casi delirante, nadie se atrevió a disentir", según el historiador William W. Freehling . Incluso voces que alguna vez fueron respetadas, incluido el presidente del Tribunal Supremo de Carolina del Sur, John Belton O'Neall , perdieron las elecciones a la Convención de Secesión por un boleto cooperativo. En todo el sur, las turbas expulsaron a los yanquis y (en Texas) ejecutaron a los germanoamericanos sospechosos de lealtad a Estados Unidos. [65] Generalmente, las convenciones de secesión que siguieron no exigieron un referéndum para ratificar, aunque Texas, Arkansas y Tennessee sí lo hicieron, así como la segunda convención de Virginia. Kentucky declaró la neutralidad, mientras que Missouri tuvo su propia guerra civil hasta que los unionistas tomaron el poder y expulsaron a los legisladores confederados del estado. [66]
Intentos de frustrar la secesión
En los meses previos a la guerra, la Enmienda Corwin fue un intento infructuoso del Congreso de traer de vuelta a la Unión a los estados separatistas y de convencer a los estados esclavistas fronterizos de que se quedaran. [67] Fue una enmienda propuesta a la Constitución de los Estados Unidos por el congresista de Ohio Thomas Corwin que protegería a las "instituciones domésticas" de los estados (que en 1861 incluían la esclavitud) del proceso de enmienda constitucional y de la abolición o interferencia del Congreso. [68] [69]
Fue aprobado por el 36 ° Congreso el 2 de marzo de 1861. La Cámara lo aprobó por 133 votos contra 65 y el Senado de los Estados Unidos lo adoptó, sin cambios, por 24 votos contra 12. Luego fue sometido a la legislaturas estatales para su ratificación. [70] En su discurso inaugural, Lincoln apoyó la enmienda propuesta.
El texto era el siguiente:
No se hará ninguna enmienda a la Constitución que autorice o dé al Congreso la facultad de abolir o interferir, dentro de cualquier Estado, con sus instituciones domésticas, incluida la de las personas sujetas a trabajo o servicio por las leyes de dicho Estado.
Si hubiera sido ratificado por el número requerido de estados antes de 1865, habría hecho que la esclavitud institucionalizada fuera inmune a los procedimientos de enmienda constitucional y a la interferencia del Congreso. [71] [72]
Inauguración y respuesta
Las primeras convenciones estatales de secesión del sur profundo enviaron representantes a reunirse en la Convención de Montgomery en Montgomery, Alabama, el 4 de febrero de 1861. Allí se promulgaron los documentos fundamentales del gobierno, se estableció un gobierno provisional y se reunió un Congreso representativo para la Estados confederados de América. [73]
El nuevo presidente confederado "provisional", Jefferson Davis, hizo un llamado a 100.000 hombres de las milicias de varios estados para defender la Confederación recién formada. [73] Se incautaron todas las propiedades federales, junto con lingotes de oro y troqueles de acuñación en las casas de moneda de Estados Unidos en Charlotte , Carolina del Norte; Dahlonega , Georgia; y Nueva Orleans . [73] La capital confederada se trasladó de Montgomery a Richmond, Virginia, en mayo de 1861. El 22 de febrero de 1862, Davis fue investido presidente con un mandato de seis años. [74]
La administración confederada recién inaugurada siguió una política de integridad territorial nacional, continuando los esfuerzos estatales anteriores en 1860 y principios de 1861 para eliminar la presencia del gobierno de Estados Unidos dentro de sus fronteras. Estos esfuerzos incluyeron la toma de posesión de los tribunales estadounidenses, las aduanas, las oficinas de correos y, sobre todo, los arsenales y las fortalezas. Pero después del ataque confederado y la captura de Fort Sumter en abril de 1861, Lincoln llamó a 75.000 milicianos de los estados para que se reunieran bajo su mando. El propósito declarado era volver a ocupar propiedades estadounidenses en todo el sur, ya que el Congreso de los Estados Unidos no había autorizado su abandono. La resistencia en Fort Sumter señaló su cambio de política respecto a la de la Administración de Buchanan. La respuesta de Lincoln encendió una tormenta de emoción. La gente tanto del Norte como del Sur exigió la guerra, y cientos de miles de hombres jóvenes se apresuraron a ponerse de moda. Cuatro estados más (Virginia, Carolina del Norte, Tennessee y Arkansas) rechazaron el pedido de tropas de Lincoln y declararon la secesión, mientras que Kentucky mantuvo una incómoda "neutralidad". [73]
Secesión
Los secesionistas argumentaron que la Constitución de los Estados Unidos era un contrato entre estados soberanos que podía abandonarse en cualquier momento sin consulta y que cada estado tenía derecho a separarse. Después de intensos debates y votaciones en todo el estado, siete estados algodoneros del sur profundo aprobaron ordenanzas de secesión en febrero de 1861 (antes de que Abraham Lincoln asumiera la presidencia), mientras que los esfuerzos de secesión fracasaron en los otros ocho estados esclavistas. Los delegados de esos siete formaron la CSA en febrero de 1861, y seleccionaron a Jefferson Davis como presidente provisional. Las conversaciones unionistas sobre la reunión fracasaron y Davis comenzó a reunir un ejército de 100.000 hombres. [75]
Estados
Al principio, es posible que algunos secesionistas esperaran una salida pacífica. [76] Los moderados en la Convención Constitucional Confederada incluyeron una disposición contra la importación de esclavos de África para apelar al Alto Sur. Los estados no esclavistas podrían unirse, pero los radicales se aseguraron un requisito de dos tercios en ambas cámaras del Congreso para aceptarlos. [77]
Siete estados declararon su secesión de los Estados Unidos antes de que Lincoln asumiera el cargo el 4 de marzo de 1861. Después del ataque confederado a Fort Sumter el 12 de abril de 1861 y la posterior convocatoria de tropas de Lincoln el 15 de abril, cuatro estados más declararon su secesión: [78 ]
Kentucky declaró la neutralidad, pero después de que las tropas confederadas entraron, el gobierno estatal pidió a las tropas de la Unión que las expulsaran. El gobierno estatal confederado escindido se trasladó para acompañar a los ejércitos confederados occidentales y nunca controló la población del estado. Al final de la guerra, 90.000 habitantes de Kentucky habían luchado del lado de la Unión, en comparación con los 35.000 de los Estados Confederados. [79]
En Missouri , se aprobó una convención constitucional y los votantes eligieron a los delegados. La convención rechazó la secesión 89-1 el 19 de marzo de 1861. [80] El gobernador maniobró para tomar el control del Arsenal de St. Louis y restringir los movimientos federales. Esto llevó a una confrontación, y en junio las fuerzas federales lo expulsaron a él y a la Asamblea General de Jefferson City. El comité ejecutivo de la convención constitucional reunió a los miembros en julio. La convención declaró vacantes las oficinas estatales y nombró un gobierno estatal interino unionista. [81] El gobernador exiliado convocó una sesión de la anterior Asamblea General en Neosho y, el 31 de octubre de 1861, aprobó una ordenanza de secesión . [82] [83] Aún es un tema de debate si existía quórum para esta votación. El gobierno del estado confederado no pudo controlar mucho el territorio de Missouri. Primero tuvo su capital en Neosho, luego en Cassville, antes de ser expulsada del estado. Durante el resto de la guerra, operó como gobierno en el exilio en Marshall, Texas. [84]
Ni Kentucky ni Missouri se declararon en rebelión en la Proclamación de Emancipación de Lincoln . La Confederación reconoció a los pretendientes confederados tanto en Kentucky (10 de diciembre de 1861) como en Missouri (28 de noviembre de 1861) y reclamó esos estados, otorgándoles representación en el Congreso y agregando dos estrellas a la bandera confederada. La votación por los representantes fue realizada principalmente por soldados confederados de Kentucky y Missouri. [85]
El orden de las resoluciones de secesión y las fechas son:
- 1. Carolina del Sur (20 de diciembre de 1860) [86]
- 2. Mississippi (9 de enero de 1861) [87]
- 3. Florida (10 de enero) [88]
- 4. Alabama (11 de enero) [89]
- 5. Georgia (19 de enero) [90]
- 6. Luisiana (26 de enero) [91]
- 7. Texas (1 de febrero; referéndum 23 de febrero) [92]
- Inauguración del presidente Lincoln , 4 de marzo
- Bombardeo de Fort Sumter (12 de abril) y convocatoria del presidente Lincoln (15 de abril) [93]
- 8. Virginia (17 de abril; referéndum 23 de mayo de 1861) [94]
- 9. Arkansas (6 de mayo) [95]
- 10. Tennessee (7 de mayo; referéndum 8 de junio) [96]
- 11. Carolina del Norte (20 de mayo) [97]
En Virginia, los populosos condados a lo largo de las fronteras de Ohio y Pensilvania rechazaron la Confederación. Los sindicalistas celebraron una Convención en Wheeling en junio de 1861, estableciendo un "gobierno restaurado" con una legislatura reprimida , pero el sentimiento en la región permaneció profundamente dividido. En los 50 condados que conformarían el estado de West Virginia , los votantes de 24 condados habían votado a favor de la desunión en el referéndum de Virginia del 23 de mayo sobre la ordenanza de secesión. [98] En las elecciones presidenciales de 1860 , el "demócrata constitucional" Breckenridge superó en la votación al "unionista constitucional" Bell en los 50 condados por 1.900 votos, 44% a 42%. [99] Independientemente de las disputas académicas sobre los procedimientos electorales y los resultados condado por condado, en total suministraron simultáneamente más de 20.000 soldados a cada lado del conflicto. [100] [101] Los representantes de la mayoría de los condados se sentaron en ambas legislaturas estatales en Wheeling y en Richmond durante la duración de la guerra. [102]
Los intentos de separarse de la Confederación por parte de algunos condados en el este de Tennessee fueron controlados por la ley marcial. [103] Aunque los esclavistas Delaware y Maryland no se separaron, los ciudadanos de esos estados exhibieron lealtades divididas. Los regimientos de Marylanders lucharon en el ejército de Lee del norte de Virginia . [104] Pero en general, 24.000 hombres de Maryland se unieron a las fuerzas armadas confederadas, en comparación con 63.000 que se unieron a las fuerzas de la Unión. [79]
Delaware nunca produjo un regimiento completo para la Confederación, pero tampoco emancipó a los esclavos como lo hicieron Missouri y Virginia Occidental. Los ciudadanos del Distrito de Columbia no hicieron ningún intento de separarse y durante los años de la guerra, los referendos patrocinados por el presidente Lincoln aprobaron sistemas de emancipación compensada y confiscación de esclavos de los "ciudadanos desleales". [105]
Territorios
Los ciudadanos de Mesilla y Tucson en la parte sur del Territorio de Nuevo México formaron una convención de secesión, que votó para unirse a la Confederación el 16 de marzo de 1861 y nombró al Dr. Lewis S. Owings como el nuevo gobernador territorial. Ganaron la batalla de Mesilla y establecieron un gobierno territorial con Mesilla como su capital. [106] La Confederación proclamó el Territorio Confederado de Arizona el 14 de febrero de 1862, al norte hasta el paralelo 34 . Marcus H. MacWillie sirvió en ambos congresos confederados como delegado de Arizona. En 1862, la Campaña Confederada de Nuevo México para tomar la mitad norte del territorio estadounidense fracasó y el gobierno territorial confederado en el exilio se trasladó a San Antonio, Texas. [107]
Los partidarios confederados en el oeste trans-Mississippi también reclamaron partes del territorio indio después de que Estados Unidos evacuara los fuertes e instalaciones federales. Más de la mitad de las tropas indias americanas que participaron en la Guerra Civil del Territorio Indio apoyaron a la Confederación; Se alistaron tropas y un general de cada tribu. El 12 de julio de 1861, el gobierno confederado firmó un tratado con las naciones indias Choctaw y Chickasaw . Después de varias batallas, los ejércitos de la Unión tomaron el control del territorio. [108]
El territorio indio nunca se unió formalmente a la Confederación, pero sí recibió representación en el Congreso Confederado. Muchos indios del Territorio se integraron en unidades regulares del Ejército Confederado. Después de 1863, los gobiernos tribales enviaron representantes al Congreso Confederado : Elias Cornelius Boudinot en representación de los Cherokee y Samuel Benton Callahan en representación de los pueblos Seminole y Creek . La Nación Cherokee se alineó con la Confederación. Practicaron y apoyaron la esclavitud, se opusieron a la abolición y temieron que sus tierras fueran confiscadas por la Unión. Después de la guerra, el territorio indio fue desestablecido, sus esclavos negros fueron liberados y las tribus perdieron algunas de sus tierras. [109]
Capitales
Montgomery, Alabama , fue la capital de los Estados Confederados de América desde el 4 de febrero hasta el 29 de mayo de 1861, en el Capitolio del Estado de Alabama . Seis estados crearon allí los Estados Confederados de América el 8 de febrero de 1861. La delegación de Texas estaba sentada en ese momento, por lo que se cuenta en los "siete originales" estados de la Confederación; no tuvo votación nominal hasta que su referéndum hizo "operativa" la secesión. [110] Se celebraron dos sesiones del Congreso Provisional en Montgomery, que se suspendieron el 21 de mayo. [111] La Constitución Permanente fue aprobada allí el 12 de marzo de 1861. [112]
La capital permanente prevista en la Constitución Confederada pedía una cesión estatal de un distrito de diez millas cuadradas (100 millas cuadradas) al gobierno central. Atlanta, que aún no había suplantado a Milledgeville , Georgia, como su capital estatal, hizo una oferta señalando su ubicación central y conexiones ferroviarias, al igual que Opelika, Alabama , señalando su situación estratégicamente interior, conexiones ferroviarias y depósitos cercanos de carbón y hierro. [113]
Richmond, Virginia , fue elegida como capital interina en el Capitolio del Estado de Virginia . La medida fue utilizada por el vicepresidente Stephens y otros para alentar a otros estados fronterizos a seguir a Virginia hacia la Confederación. En el momento político fue una muestra de "desafío y fuerza". La guerra por la independencia del Sur seguramente se libraría en Virginia, pero también tenía la mayor población blanca en edad militar del Sur, con infraestructura, recursos y suministros necesarios para sostener una guerra. La política de la Administración de Davis era que "Debe realizarse a cualquier riesgo". [114]
El nombramiento de Richmond como nueva capital tuvo lugar el 30 de mayo de 1861 y las dos últimas sesiones del Congreso Provisional se llevaron a cabo en la nueva capital. El Congreso Confederado Permanente y el Presidente fueron elegidos en los estados y campos del ejército el 6 de noviembre de 1861. El Primer Congreso se reunió en cuatro sesiones en Richmond desde el 18 de febrero de 1862 hasta el 17 de febrero de 1864. El Segundo Congreso se reunió allí en dos sesiones, del 2 de mayo de 1864 al 18 de marzo de 1865. [115]
A medida que avanzaba la guerra, Richmond se llenó de formación y traslados, logística y hospitales. Los precios aumentaron drásticamente a pesar de los esfuerzos del gobierno por regular los precios. Un movimiento en el Congreso dirigido por Henry S. Foote de Tennessee abogó por trasladar la capital de Richmond. Cuando se acercaron los ejércitos federales a mediados de 1862, los archivos del gobierno se prepararon para su eliminación. A medida que avanzaba la campaña Wilderness , el Congreso autorizó a Davis a remover el departamento ejecutivo y convocar al Congreso a una sesión en otro lugar en 1864 y nuevamente en 1865. Poco antes del final de la guerra, el gobierno confederado evacuó Richmond, planeando trasladarse más al sur. Poco salió de estos planes antes de la rendición de Lee en Appomattox Court House, Virginia, el 9 de abril de 1865. [116] Davis y la mayor parte de su gabinete huyeron a Danville, Virginia , que sirvió como su sede durante aproximadamente una semana.
Unionismo
El sindicalismo, la oposición a la Confederación, estaba muy extendido, especialmente en las regiones montañosas de los Apalaches y Ozarks . [117] Los unionistas, liderados por Parson Brownlow y el senador Andrew Johnson , tomaron el control del este de Tennessee en 1863. [118] Los unionistas también intentaron controlar el oeste de Virginia, pero nunca mantuvieron efectivamente más de la mitad de los condados que formaban el nuevo estado de West Virginia . [119] [120] [121]
Las fuerzas sindicales capturaron partes de la costa de Carolina del Norte y al principio fueron bien recibidos por los sindicalistas locales. Eso cambió cuando los ocupantes se volvieron percibidos como opresivos, insensibles, radicales y favorables a los Libertos. Los ocupantes saquearon, liberaron esclavos y desalojaron a los que se negaban a prestar juramentos de lealtad a la Unión. [122]
El apoyo a la Confederación fue quizás más débil en Texas; Claude Elliott estima que solo un tercio de la población apoyó activamente a la Confederación. Muchos unionistas apoyaron a la Confederación después de que comenzara la guerra, pero muchos otros se aferraron a su unionismo durante toda la guerra, especialmente en los condados del norte, los distritos alemanes y las áreas mexicanas. [123] Según Ernest Wallace: "Este relato de una minoría unionista insatisfecha, aunque históricamente esencial, debe mantenerse en su perspectiva adecuada, ya que durante toda la guerra la abrumadora mayoría del pueblo apoyó celosamente a la Confederación ..." [124] Randolph B. Campbell afirma: "A pesar de las terribles pérdidas y las dificultades, la mayoría de los tejanos continuaron durante la guerra apoyando a la Confederación como habían apoyado la secesión". [125] Dale Baum en su análisis de la política de Texas en la época contrarresta: "Esta idea de una Texas confederada unida políticamente contra los adversarios del norte fue moldeada más por fantasías nostálgicas que por realidades de tiempos de guerra". Él caracteriza la historia de la Guerra Civil de Texas como "una historia lúgubre de rivalidades intragubernamentales junto con un amplio descontento que impidió la implementación efectiva de las políticas estatales en tiempos de guerra". [126]
En Texas, los funcionarios locales acosaron y asesinaron a sindicalistas y alemanes. En el condado de Cooke , 150 presuntos unionistas fueron arrestados; 25 fueron linchados sin juicio y 40 más fueron ahorcados después de un juicio sumario. La resistencia al reclutamiento fue generalizada, especialmente entre los tejanos de ascendencia alemana o mexicana; muchos de estos últimos fueron a México. Los funcionarios confederados persiguieron y mataron a posibles reclutas que se habían escondido. [123]
Las libertades civiles eran de poca importancia tanto en el Norte como en el Sur. Tanto Lincoln como Davis adoptaron una línea dura contra la disidencia. Neely explora cómo la Confederación se convirtió en un estado policial virtual con guardias y patrullas por todas partes, y un sistema de pasaportes domésticos por el cual todos necesitaban un permiso oficial cada vez que querían viajar. Más de 4.000 presuntos unionistas fueron encarcelados sin juicio. [127]
Diplomacia
Estados Unidos, una potencia extranjera
Durante los cuatro años de su existencia sometidos a juicio por la guerra, los Estados Confederados de América afirmaron su independencia y nombraron a decenas de agentes diplomáticos en el exterior. Ninguno fue reconocido oficialmente por un gobierno extranjero. El gobierno de los Estados Unidos consideró que los estados del sur estaban en rebelión o insurrección y, por lo tanto, rechazó cualquier reconocimiento formal de su estatus.
Incluso antes de Fort Sumter , el secretario de Estado estadounidense William H. Seward emitió instrucciones formales al ministro estadounidense en Gran Bretaña, Charles Francis Adams :
[No hagan] expresiones de dureza o falta de respeto, o incluso de impaciencia con respecto a los Estados secesionistas, sus agentes o su pueblo, [esos Estados] deben seguir siendo siempre, miembros iguales y honorables de esta Unión Federal, [sus ciudadanos] siguen siendo y siempre deben ser nuestros parientes y compatriotas. [128]
Seward instruyó a Adams que si el gobierno británico parecía inclinado a reconocer a la Confederación, o incluso vacilar en ese sentido, debía recibir una advertencia aguda, con un fuerte indicio de guerra:
[si Gran Bretaña está] tolerando la aplicación de los llamados Estados secesionistas, o dudando al respecto, [no pueden] seguir siendo amigos de los Estados Unidos ... si deciden reconocer [la Confederación], [Gran Bretaña] puede en el Al mismo tiempo, prepárate para entrar en alianza con los enemigos de esta república. [128]
El gobierno de los Estados Unidos nunca declaró la guerra a esos "parientes y compatriotas" de la Confederación, pero llevó a cabo sus esfuerzos militares comenzando con una proclama presidencial emitida el 15 de abril de 1861. [129] Exhortó a las tropas a recuperar fuertes y reprimir lo que Lincoln llamó más tarde. una "insurrección y rebelión". [130]
Los parlamentos de mitad de la guerra entre los dos lados ocurrieron sin reconocimiento político formal, aunque las leyes de la guerra regían predominantemente las relaciones militares en ambos lados del conflicto uniformado. [131]
Por parte de la Confederación, inmediatamente después de Fort Sumter, el Congreso Confederado proclamó que "existe una guerra entre los Estados Confederados y el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos, y los Estados y Territorios de los mismos". Un estado de guerra no debía existir formalmente entre la Confederación y aquellos estados y territorios en los Estados Unidos que permitían la esclavitud, aunque los Guardabosques Confederados fueron compensados por la destrucción que pudieron efectuar allí durante la guerra. [132]
Con respecto al estatus internacional y la nacionalidad de los Estados Confederados de América, en 1869 la Corte Suprema de los Estados Unidos en Texas v. White , 74 U.S. (7 Wall. ) 700 (1869) dictaminó que la declaración de secesión de Texas era legalmente nula y sin valor . [133] Jefferson Davis , ex presidente de la Confederación, y Alexander H. Stephens, su ex vicepresidente, escribieron argumentos de posguerra a favor de la legalidad de la secesión y la legitimidad internacional del Gobierno de los Estados Confederados de América, especialmente Davis. ' El ascenso y caída del gobierno confederado .
Diplomacia internacional
Los mayores éxitos de la política exterior de la Confederación fueron con las colonias caribeñas de España y Brasil, los "pueblos más idénticos a nosotros en Instituciones", [134] en los que la esclavitud siguió siendo legal hasta la década de 1880. El Capitán General de Cuba declaró por escrito que los barcos confederados eran bienvenidos y estarían protegidos en los puertos cubanos. [134] También fueron bienvenidos en los puertos brasileños; [135] la esclavitud era legal en todo Brasil y el movimiento abolicionista era pequeño. Después del final de la guerra, Brasil fue el destino principal de aquellos sureños que querían seguir viviendo en una sociedad esclavista, donde, como comentó un inmigrante, los esclavos eran baratos (ver Confederados ).
Sin embargo, militarmente esto significaba poco. Una vez que comenzó la guerra con los Estados Unidos, la Confederación puso sus esperanzas de supervivencia en la intervención militar de Gran Bretaña y / o Francia . El gobierno confederado envió a James M. Mason a Londres y a John Slidell a París. En su camino a Europa en 1861, la Marina de los Estados Unidos interceptó su barco, el Trent, y los detuvo por la fuerza en Boston, un episodio internacional conocido como el asunto Trent . Los diplomáticos finalmente fueron liberados y continuaron su viaje a Europa. [136] Sin embargo, su diplomacia no tuvo éxito; los historiadores les dan bajas calificaciones por su mala diplomacia. [137] [ página necesaria ] Ninguno de los dos aseguró el reconocimiento diplomático de la Confederación, y mucho menos la asistencia militar.
Los confederados que habían creído que "el algodón es el rey ", es decir, que Gran Bretaña tenía que apoyar a la Confederación para obtener algodón, se equivocaron. Los británicos tenían existencias para más de un año y habían estado desarrollando fuentes alternativas de algodón, principalmente India y Egipto . Gran Bretaña tenía tanto algodón que estaba exportando algo a Francia. [138] Inglaterra no estaba dispuesta a entrar en guerra con Estados Unidos para adquirir más algodón a riesgo de perder las grandes cantidades de alimentos importados del Norte. [139] [ página necesaria ] [140]
Aparte de las cuestiones puramente económicas, también hubo un clamoroso debate ético. Gran Bretaña se enorgullecía de ser un líder en la represión de la esclavitud, que terminó en su imperio en 1833, y los barcos británicos impusieron el fin de la trata de esclavos en el Atlántico. Los diplomáticos confederados encontraron poco apoyo para la esclavitud estadounidense, el comercio de algodón o no. En Londres se estaba publicando una serie de narrativas de esclavos sobre la esclavitud estadounidense. [141] Fue en Londres donde se celebró la primera Convención Mundial contra la Esclavitud en 1840; fue seguido por conferencias más pequeñas regulares. Una serie de oradores abolicionistas negros elocuentes y, a veces, bien educados, cruzó no solo Inglaterra, sino también Escocia e Irlanda. Además de exponer la realidad de la vergonzosa y pecaminosa esclavitud de Estados Unidos (algunos eran esclavos fugitivos), pusieron la mentira a la posición confederada de que los negros eran "poco intelectuales, tímidos y dependientes", [142] y "no iguales al hombre blanco". ... la raza superior ", como lo expresó el vicepresidente confederado Alexander H. Stephens en su famoso discurso fundamental . Frederick Douglass , Henry Highland Garnet , Sarah Parker Remond , su hermano Charles Lenox Remond , James WC Pennington , Martin Delany , Samuel Ringgold Ward y William G. Allen pasaron años en Gran Bretaña, donde los esclavos fugitivos estaban a salvo y, como dijo Allen, había una "ausencia de prejuicios contra el color. Aquí el hombre de color se siente entre amigos y no entre enemigos". [143] Un orador solo, William Wells Brown , dio más de 1.000 conferencias sobre la vergüenza de la esclavitud de bienes muebles estadounidenses. [144] : 32
Durante los primeros años de la guerra, el canciller británico Lord John Russell , el emperador Napoleón III de Francia y, en menor medida, el primer ministro británico Lord Palmerston , mostraron interés en el reconocimiento de la Confederación o al menos en la mediación de la guerra. William Ewart Gladstone , el ministro de Hacienda británico (ministro de finanzas, en el cargo de 1859-1866), cuya riqueza familiar se basaba en la esclavitud, fue el ministro clave que pidió una intervención para ayudar a la Confederación a lograr la independencia. No logró convencer al primer ministro Palmerston. [145] En septiembre de 1862, la victoria de la Unión en la Batalla de Antietam , la Proclamación de Emancipación preliminar de Lincoln y la oposición abolicionista en Gran Bretaña pusieron fin a estas posibilidades. [146] El costo para Gran Bretaña de una guerra con Estados Unidos habría sido alto: la pérdida inmediata de los envíos de granos estadounidenses, el fin de las exportaciones británicas a Estados Unidos y la incautación de miles de millones de libras invertidas en valores estadounidenses. La guerra habría significado impuestos más altos en Gran Bretaña, otra invasión de Canadá y ataques mundiales a gran escala contra la flota mercante británica. El reconocimiento absoluto habría significado cierta guerra con Estados Unidos; a mediados de 1862, los temores de una guerra racial (como había ocurrido en la Revolución Haitiana de 1791–1804) llevaron a los británicos a considerar la intervención por razones humanitarias. La Proclamación de Emancipación de Lincoln no condujo a la violencia interracial, y mucho menos a un baño de sangre, pero dio a los amigos de la Unión fuertes puntos de conversación en los argumentos que se extendieron por toda Gran Bretaña. [147]
John Slidell , el emisario de los Estados Confederados en Francia, logró negociar un préstamo de 15 millones de dólares de Erlanger y otros capitalistas franceses. El dinero se destinó a comprar buques de guerra acorazados, así como suministros militares que llegaron con los corredores del bloqueo. [148] El gobierno británico permitió la construcción de corredores de bloqueo en Gran Bretaña; eran propiedad y estaban operados por financieros y armadores británicos; algunos eran propiedad de la Confederación y los operaba. El objetivo de los inversores británicos era obtener algodón altamente rentable. [149]
Varias naciones europeas mantuvieron diplomáticos en el lugar que habían sido nombrados para los Estados Unidos, pero ningún país nombró a ningún diplomático de la Confederación. Esas naciones reconocieron a los bandos de la Unión y la Confederación como beligerantes . En 1863, la Confederación expulsó a las misiones diplomáticas europeas por aconsejar a sus súbditos residentes que se negaran a servir en el ejército confederado. [150] Tanto los agentes confederados como los de la Unión podían trabajar abiertamente en territorios británicos. Algunos gobiernos estatales en el norte de México negociaron acuerdos locales para cubrir el comercio en la frontera de Texas. [151] La Confederación nombró a Ambrose Dudley Mann como agente especial de la Santa Sede el 24 de septiembre de 1863. Pero la Santa Sede nunca emitió una declaración formal apoyando o reconociendo a la Confederación. En noviembre de 1863, Mann se reunió con el Papa Pío IX en persona y recibió una carta supuestamente dirigida "al Ilustre y Honorable Jefferson Davis, Presidente de los Estados Confederados de América"; Mann había traducido mal la dirección. En su informe a Richmond, Mann reclamó un gran logro diplomático para sí mismo, afirmando que la carta era "un reconocimiento positivo de nuestro Gobierno". De hecho, la carta se usó en propaganda, pero el secretario de Estado confederado, Judah P. Benjamin, le dijo a Mann que era "un mero reconocimiento inferencial, desconectado de la acción política o el establecimiento regular de relaciones diplomáticas" y, por lo tanto, no le asignó el peso del reconocimiento formal . [152] [153]
Sin embargo, la Confederación fue vista internacionalmente como un serio intento de nacionalidad, y los gobiernos europeos enviaron observadores militares, tanto oficiales como no oficiales, para evaluar si había habido un establecimiento de facto de la independencia. Estos observadores incluyeron a Arthur Lyon Fremantle de la Guardia Británica de Coldstream , que ingresó a la Confederación a través de México, Fitzgerald Ross de los Húsares Austriacos y Justus Scheibert del Ejército Prusiano . [154] Los viajeros europeos visitaron y escribieron cuentas para su publicación. Es importante destacar que en 1862, Siete meses en los estados rebeldes durante la Guerra de América del Norte , del francés Charles Girard , testificó que "este gobierno ... ya no es un gobierno de prueba ... sino realmente un gobierno normal, la expresión de la voluntad popular". [155] Fremantle pasó a escribir en su libro Tres meses en los estados del sur que había
No intentó ocultar ninguna de las peculiaridades o defectos de la gente del Sur. Sin duda, muchas personas desaprobarán en gran medida algunas de sus costumbres y hábitos en la parte más salvaje del país; pero creo que ningún hombre generoso, cualesquiera que sean sus opiniones políticas, puede hacer otra cosa que admirar el valor, la energía y el patriotismo de toda la población, y la habilidad de sus líderes, en esta lucha contra grandes adversidades. Y también soy de opinión que muchos estarán de acuerdo conmigo en pensar que un pueblo en el que todos los rangos y ambos sexos despliegan una unanimidad y un heroísmo que nunca podrá ser superado en la historia del mundo, está destinado, tarde o temprano, para convertirse en una nación grande e independiente. [156]
El emperador francés Napoleón III le aseguró al diplomático confederado John Slidell que haría una "propuesta directa" a Gran Bretaña para el reconocimiento conjunto. El emperador aseguró lo mismo a los miembros del parlamento británico John A. Roebuck y John A. Lindsay. [157] Roebuck, a su vez, preparó públicamente un proyecto de ley para presentarlo al Parlamento el 30 de junio en apoyo del reconocimiento conjunto anglo-francés de la Confederación. "Los sureños tenían derecho a ser optimistas, o al menos esperanzados, de que su revolución prevaleciera, o al menos perduraría". [158] Tras los dobles desastres de Vicksburg y Gettysburg en julio de 1863, los confederados "sufrieron una grave pérdida de confianza en sí mismos" y se retiraron a una posición defensiva interior. No habría ayuda de los europeos. [159]
En diciembre de 1864, Davis consideró sacrificar la esclavitud para obtener el reconocimiento y la ayuda de París y Londres; secretamente envió a Duncan F. Kenner a Europa con un mensaje de que la guerra se libró únicamente por "la reivindicación de nuestros derechos al autogobierno y la independencia" y que "ningún sacrificio es demasiado grande, salvo el del honor". El mensaje decía que si los gobiernos francés o británico condicionaban su reconocimiento a algo, la Confederación consentiría en tales términos. [160] El mensaje de Davis no podía reconocer explícitamente que la esclavitud estaba en la mesa de negociaciones debido al aún fuerte apoyo interno a la esclavitud entre los ricos y políticamente influyentes. Todos los líderes europeos vieron que la Confederación estaba al borde de la derrota total. [161]
Confederación en guerra
Motivaciones de los soldados
La mayoría de los hombres blancos jóvenes se unieron voluntariamente a las unidades militares nacionales o estatales de la Confederación. Perman (2010) dice que los historiadores tienen dos opiniones sobre por qué millones de hombres parecían tan ansiosos por luchar, sufrir y morir durante cuatro años:
Algunos historiadores enfatizan que los soldados de la Guerra Civil fueron impulsados por la ideología política, manteniendo firmes creencias sobre la importancia de la libertad, la Unión o los derechos estatales, o sobre la necesidad de proteger o destruir la esclavitud. Otros señalan razones menos abiertamente políticas para luchar, como la defensa del hogar y la familia, o el honor y la hermandad que se deben preservar cuando se lucha junto a otros hombres. La mayoría de los historiadores coinciden en que, independientemente de lo que pensara cuando entró en la guerra, la experiencia del combate lo afectó profundamente y, a veces, afectó sus razones para seguir luchando. [162] [163]
Estrategia militar
El historiador de la Guerra Civil, E. Merton Coulter, escribió que para aquellos que querían asegurar su independencia, "La Confederación fue desafortunada al no poder elaborar una estrategia general para toda la guerra". La estrategia agresiva requería concentración de fuerza ofensiva. La estrategia defensiva buscaba la dispersión para satisfacer las demandas de los gobernadores con mentalidad local. La filosofía controladora evolucionó hacia una combinación de "dispersión con una concentración defensiva alrededor de Richmond". La administración Davis consideró la guerra puramente defensiva, una "simple demanda de que el pueblo de los Estados Unidos dejara de pelear contra nosotros". [164] El historiador James M. McPherson es un crítico de la estrategia ofensiva de Lee: "Lee siguió una estrategia militar defectuosa que aseguró la derrota confederada". [165]
Como el gobierno confederado perdió el control del territorio en una campaña tras otra, se dijo que "el vasto tamaño de la Confederación haría imposible su conquista". El enemigo sería derrotado por los mismos elementos que tan a menudo debilitan o destruyen a los visitantes y trasplantes en el Sur. El agotamiento por calor, la insolación, enfermedades endémicas como la malaria y la fiebre tifoidea igualarían la eficacia destructiva del invierno de Moscú sobre los ejércitos invasores de Napoleón. [166]
Al principio de la guerra, ambos bandos creían que una gran batalla decidiría el conflicto; los confederados obtuvieron una victoria sorpresa en la Primera Batalla de Bull Run , también conocida como Primera Manassas (el nombre usado por las fuerzas confederadas). Volvió al pueblo confederado "loco de alegría"; el público exigió un movimiento de avance para capturar Washington, reubicar allí la capital confederada y admitir a Maryland en la Confederación. [168] Un consejo de guerra de los generales confederados victoriosos decidió no avanzar contra un mayor número de tropas federales frescas en posiciones defensivas. Davis no lo derogó. Tras la incursión confederada en Maryland, detenida en la batalla de Antietam en octubre de 1862, los generales propusieron concentrar fuerzas de los comandos estatales para volver a invadir el norte. No salió nada de eso. [169] Nuevamente a mediados de 1863, en su incursión en Pensilvania, Lee solicitó que Davis Beauregard atacara simultáneamente a Washington con tropas tomadas de las Carolinas. Pero las tropas allí permanecieron en su lugar durante la Campaña de Gettysburg .
Los once estados de la Confederación fueron superados en número por el Norte alrededor de cuatro a uno en hombres blancos en edad militar. Fue mucho más superado en equipamiento militar, instalaciones industriales, ferrocarriles para el transporte y vagones que abastecían el frente.
Los confederados frenaron a los invasores yanquis, a un alto costo para la infraestructura del sur. Los confederados quemaron puentes, colocaron minas terrestres en las carreteras e inutilizaron las entradas de los puertos y las vías navegables interiores con minas hundidas (llamadas "torpedos" en ese momento). Coulter informa:
Los guardabosques en unidades de veinte a cincuenta hombres recibieron una valoración del 50% por la propiedad destruida detrás de las líneas de la Unión, independientemente de su ubicación o lealtad. Mientras los federales ocupaban el sur, las objeciones de los confederados leales sobre el robo de caballos de los guardabosques y las tácticas indiscriminadas de tierra arrasada detrás de las líneas de la Unión llevaron al Congreso a abolir el servicio de guardabosques dos años después. [170]
La Confederación se basó en fuentes externas de material de guerra. El primero vino del comercio con el enemigo. "Grandes cantidades de suministros de guerra" llegaron a través de Kentucky y, a partir de entonces, los ejércitos occidentales fueron abastecidos "en gran medida" con el comercio ilícito a través de agentes federales y comerciantes privados del norte. [171] Pero ese comercio fue interrumpido en el primer año de guerra por las cañoneras fluviales del almirante Porter mientras ganaban dominio a lo largo de los ríos navegables de norte a sur y de este a oeste. [172] La ejecución del bloqueo en el exterior pasó a ser de "importancia excepcional". [173] El 17 de abril, el presidente Davis llamó a los piratas corsarios, la "milicia del mar", a hacer la guerra al comercio marítimo de Estados Unidos. [174] A pesar de un esfuerzo digno de mención, durante el transcurso de la guerra, la Confederación no pudo igualar a la Unión en barcos y marinería, materiales y construcción marina. [175]
Un obstáculo ineludible para el éxito en la guerra de ejércitos masivos fue la falta de mano de obra de la Confederación y un número suficiente de tropas disciplinadas y equipadas en el campo en el punto de contacto con el enemigo. Durante el invierno de 1862-1863, Lee observó que ninguna de sus famosas victorias había resultado en la destrucción del ejército contrario. Carecía de tropas de reserva para aprovechar una ventaja en el campo de batalla como había hecho Napoleón. Lee explicó: "Más de una vez se han perdido las oportunidades más prometedoras por falta de hombres para aprovecharlas, y la victoria misma se ha hecho para dar la apariencia de derrota, porque nuestras tropas disminuidas y exhaustas no han podido renovar un éxito. lucha contra nuevos números del enemigo ". [176]
Armed forces
The military armed forces of the Confederacy comprised three branches: Army, Navy and Marine Corps.
The Confederate military leadership included many veterans from the United States Army and United States Navy who had resigned their Federal commissions and were appointed to senior positions. Many had served in the Mexican–American War (including Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis), but some such as Leonidas Polk (who graduated from West Point but did not serve in the Army) had little or no experience.
Navy Jack – light blue cross; also square canton, white fly
Battle Flag – square
The Confederate officer corps consisted of men from both slave-owning and non-slave-owning families. The Confederacy appointed junior and field grade officers by election from the enlisted ranks. Although no Army service academy was established for the Confederacy, some colleges (such as The Citadel and Virginia Military Institute) maintained cadet corps that trained Confederate military leadership. A naval academy was established at Drewry's Bluff, Virginia[177] in 1863, but no midshipmen graduated before the Confederacy's end.
Most soldiers were white males aged between 16 and 28. The median year of birth was 1838, so half the soldiers were 23 or older by 1861.[178] In early 1862, the Confederate Army was allowed to disintegrate for two months following expiration of short-term enlistments. Most of those in uniform would not re-enlist following their one-year commitment, so on April 16, 1862, the Confederate Congress enacted the first mass conscription on the North American continent. (The U.S. Congress followed a year later on March 3, 1863, with the Enrollment Act.) Rather than a universal draft, the initial program was a selective service with physical, religious, professional and industrial exemptions. These were narrowed as the war progressed. Initially substitutes were permitted, but by December 1863 these were disallowed. In September 1862 the age limit was increased from 35 to 45 and by February 1864, all men under 18 and over 45 were conscripted to form a reserve for state defense inside state borders. By March 1864, the Superintendent of Conscription reported that all across the Confederacy, every officer in constituted authority, man and woman, "engaged in opposing the enrolling officer in the execution of his duties".[179] Although challenged in the state courts, the Confederate State Supreme Courts routinely rejected legal challenges to conscription.[180]
Many thousands of slaves served as personal servants to their owner, or were hired as laborers, cooks, and pioneers.[181] Some freed blacks and men of color served in local state militia units of the Confederacy, primarily in Louisiana and South Carolina, but their officers deployed them for "local defense, not combat".[182] Depleted by casualties and desertions, the military suffered chronic manpower shortages. In early 1865, the Confederate Congress, influenced by the public support by General Lee, approved the recruitment of black infantry units. Contrary to Lee's and Davis's recommendations, the Congress refused "to guarantee the freedom of black volunteers". No more than two hundred black combat troops were ever raised.[183]
Raising troops
The immediate onset of war meant that it was fought by the "Provisional" or "Volunteer Army". State governors resisted concentrating a national effort. Several wanted a strong state army for self-defense. Others feared large "Provisional" armies answering only to Davis.[184] When filling the Confederate government's call for 100,000 men, another 200,000 were turned away by accepting only those enlisted "for the duration" or twelve-month volunteers who brought their own arms or horses.[185]
It was important to raise troops; it was just as important to provide capable officers to command them. With few exceptions the Confederacy secured excellent general officers. Efficiency in the lower officers was "greater than could have been reasonably expected". As with the Federals, political appointees could be indifferent. Otherwise, the officer corps was governor-appointed or elected by unit enlisted. Promotion to fill vacancies was made internally regardless of merit, even if better officers were immediately available.[186]
Anticipating the need for more "duration" men, in January 1862 Congress provided for company level recruiters to return home for two months, but their efforts met little success on the heels of Confederate battlefield defeats in February.[187] Congress allowed for Davis to require numbers of recruits from each governor to supply the volunteer shortfall. States responded by passing their own draft laws.[188]
The veteran Confederate army of early 1862 was mostly twelve-month volunteers with terms about to expire. Enlisted reorganization elections disintegrated the army for two months. Officers pleaded with the ranks to re-enlist, but a majority did not. Those remaining elected majors and colonels whose performance led to officer review boards in October. The boards caused a "rapid and widespread" thinning out of 1,700 incompetent officers. Troops thereafter would elect only second lieutenants.[189]
In early 1862, the popular press suggested the Confederacy required a million men under arms. But veteran soldiers were not re-enlisting, and earlier secessionist volunteers did not reappear to serve in war. One Macon, Georgia, newspaper asked how two million brave fighting men of the South were about to be overcome by four million northerners who were said to be cowards.[190]
Conscription
The Confederacy passed the first American law of national conscription on April 16, 1862. The white males of the Confederate States from 18 to 35 were declared members of the Confederate army for three years, and all men then enlisted were extended to a three-year term. They would serve only in units and under officers of their state. Those under 18 and over 35 could substitute for conscripts, in September those from 35 to 45 became conscripts.[191] The cry of "rich man's war and a poor man's fight" led Congress to abolish the substitute system altogether in December 1863. All principals benefiting earlier were made eligible for service. By February 1864, the age bracket was made 17 to 50, those under eighteen and over forty-five to be limited to in-state duty.[192]
Confederate conscription was not universal; it was a selective service. The First Conscription Act of April 1862 exempted occupations related to transportation, communication, industry, ministers, teaching and physical fitness. The Second Conscription Act of October 1862 expanded exemptions in industry, agriculture and conscientious objection. Exemption fraud proliferated in medical examinations, army furloughs, churches, schools, apothecaries and newspapers.[193]
Rich men's sons were appointed to the socially outcast "overseer" occupation, but the measure was received in the country with "universal odium". The legislative vehicle was the controversial Twenty Negro Law that specifically exempted one white overseer or owner for every plantation with at least 20 slaves. Backpedalling six months later, Congress provided overseers under 45 could be exempted only if they held the occupation before the first Conscription Act.[194] The number of officials under state exemptions appointed by state Governor patronage expanded significantly.[195] By law, substitutes could not be subject to conscription, but instead of adding to Confederate manpower, unit officers in the field reported that over-50 and under-17-year-old substitutes made up to 90% of the desertions.[196]
Gen. Gabriel J. Rains, Conscription Bureau chief, April 1862 – May 1863
Gen. Gideon J. Pillow, military recruiter under Bragg, then J.E. Johnston[197]
The Conscription Act of February 1864 "radically changed the whole system" of selection. It abolished industrial exemptions, placing detail authority in President Davis. As the shame of conscription was greater than a felony conviction, the system brought in "about as many volunteers as it did conscripts." Many men in otherwise "bombproof" positions were enlisted in one way or another, nearly 160,000 additional volunteers and conscripts in uniform. Still there was shirking.[198] To administer the draft, a Bureau of Conscription was set up to use state officers, as state Governors would allow. It had a checkered career of "contention, opposition and futility". Armies appointed alternative military "recruiters" to bring in the out-of-uniform 17–50-year-old conscripts and deserters. Nearly 3,000 officers were tasked with the job. By late 1864, Lee was calling for more troops. "Our ranks are constantly diminishing by battle and disease, and few recruits are received; the consequences are inevitable." By March 1865 conscription was to be administered by generals of the state reserves calling out men over 45 and under 18 years old. All exemptions were abolished. These regiments were assigned to recruit conscripts ages 17–50, recover deserters, and repel enemy cavalry raids. The service retained men who had lost but one arm or a leg in home guards. Ultimately, conscription was a failure, and its main value was in goading men to volunteer.[199]
The survival of the Confederacy depended on a strong base of civilians and soldiers devoted to victory. The soldiers performed well, though increasing numbers deserted in the last year of fighting, and the Confederacy never succeeded in replacing casualties as the Union could. The civilians, although enthusiastic in 1861–62, seem to have lost faith in the future of the Confederacy by 1864, and instead looked to protect their homes and communities. As Rable explains, "This contraction of civic vision was more than a crabbed libertarianism; it represented an increasingly widespread disillusionment with the Confederate experiment."[200]
Victories: 1861
The American Civil War broke out in April 1861 with a Confederate victory at the Battle of Fort Sumter in Charleston.
In January, President James Buchanan had attempted to resupply the garrison with the steamship, Star of the West, but Confederate artillery drove it away. In March, President Lincoln notified South Carolina Governor Pickens that without Confederate resistance to the resupply there would be no military reinforcement without further notice, but Lincoln prepared to force resupply if it were not allowed. Confederate President Davis, in cabinet, decided to seize Fort Sumter before the relief fleet arrived, and on April 12, 1861, General Beauregard forced its surrender.[202]
Following Sumter, Lincoln directed states to provide 75,000 troops for three months to recapture the Charleston Harbor forts and all other federal property.[203] This emboldened secessionists in Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina to secede rather than provide troops to march into neighboring Southern states. In May, Federal troops crossed into Confederate territory along the entire border from the Chesapeake Bay to New Mexico. The first battles were Confederate victories at Big Bethel (Bethel Church, Virginia), First Bull Run (First Manassas) in Virginia July and in August, Wilson's Creek (Oak Hills) in Missouri. At all three, Confederate forces could not follow up their victory due to inadequate supply and shortages of fresh troops to exploit their successes. Following each battle, Federals maintained a military presence and occupied Washington, DC; Fort Monroe, Virginia; and Springfield, Missouri. Both North and South began training up armies for major fighting the next year.[204] Union General George B. McClellan's forces gained possession of much of northwestern Virginia in mid-1861, concentrating on towns and roads; the interior was too large to control and became the center of guerrilla activity.[205][206] General Robert E. Lee was defeated at Cheat Mountain in September and no serious Confederate advance in western Virginia occurred until the next year.
Meanwhile, the Union Navy seized control of much of the Confederate coastline from Virginia to South Carolina. It took over plantations and the abandoned slaves. Federals there began a war-long policy of burning grain supplies up rivers into the interior wherever they could not occupy.[207] The Union Navy began a blockade of the major southern ports and prepared an invasion of Louisiana to capture New Orleans in early 1862.
Incursions: 1862
The victories of 1861 were followed by a series of defeats east and west in early 1862. To restore the Union by military force, the Federal strategy was to (1) secure the Mississippi River, (2) seize or close Confederate ports, and (3) march on Richmond. To secure independence, the Confederate intent was to (1) repel the invader on all fronts, costing him blood and treasure, and (2) carry the war into the North by two offensives in time to affect the mid-term elections.
Much of northwestern Virginia was under Federal control.[209] In February and March, most of Missouri and Kentucky were Union "occupied, consolidated, and used as staging areas for advances further South". Following the repulse of Confederate counter-attack at the Battle of Shiloh, Tennessee, permanent Federal occupation expanded west, south and east.[210] Confederate forces repositioned south along the Mississippi River to Memphis, Tennessee, where at the naval Battle of Memphis, its River Defense Fleet was sunk. Confederates withdrew from northern Mississippi and northern Alabama. New Orleans was captured April 29 by a combined Army-Navy force under U.S. Admiral David Farragut, and the Confederacy lost control of the mouth of the Mississippi River. It had to concede extensive agricultural resources that had supported the Union's sea-supplied logistics base.[211]
Although Confederates had suffered major reverses everywhere, as of the end of April the Confederacy still controlled territory holding 72% of its population.[212] Federal forces disrupted Missouri and Arkansas; they had broken through in western Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana. Along the Confederacy's shores, Union forces had closed ports and made garrisoned lodgments on every coastal Confederate state except Alabama and Texas.[213] Although scholars sometimes assess the Union blockade as ineffectual under international law until the last few months of the war, from the first months it disrupted Confederate privateers, making it "almost impossible to bring their prizes into Confederate ports".[214] British firms developed small fleets of blockade running companies, such as John Fraser and Company, and the Ordnance Department secured its own blockade runners for dedicated munitions cargoes.[215]
During the Civil War fleets of armored warships were deployed for the first time in sustained blockades at sea. After some success against the Union blockade, in March the ironclad CSS Virginia was forced into port and burned by Confederates at their retreat. Despite several attempts mounted from their port cities, CSA naval forces were unable to break the Union blockade. Attempts were made by Commodore Josiah Tattnall's ironclads from Savannah in 1862 with the CSS Atlanta.[216] Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory placed his hopes in a European-built ironclad fleet, but they were never realized. On the other hand, four new English-built commerce raiders served the Confederacy, and several fast blockade runners were sold in Confederate ports. They were converted into commerce-raiding cruisers, and manned by their British crews.[217]
In the east, Union forces could not close on Richmond. General McClellan landed his army on the Lower Peninsula of Virginia. Lee subsequently ended that threat from the east, then Union General John Pope attacked overland from the north only to be repulsed at Second Bull Run (Second Manassas). Lee's strike north was turned back at Antietam MD, then Union Major General Ambrose Burnside's offensive was disastrously ended at Fredericksburg VA in December. Both armies then turned to winter quarters to recruit and train for the coming spring.[218]
In an attempt to seize the initiative, reprovision, protect farms in mid-growing season and influence U.S. Congressional elections, two major Confederate incursions into Union territory had been launched in August and September 1862. Both Braxton Bragg's invasion of Kentucky and Lee's invasion of Maryland were decisively repulsed, leaving Confederates in control of but 63% of its population.[212] Civil War scholar Allan Nevins argues that 1862 was the strategic high-water mark of the Confederacy.[219] The failures of the two invasions were attributed to the same irrecoverable shortcomings: lack of manpower at the front, lack of supplies including serviceable shoes, and exhaustion after long marches without adequate food.[220] Also in September Confederate General William W. Loring pushed Federal forces from Charleston, Virginia, and the Kanawha Valley in western Virginia, but lacking reinforcements Loring abandoned his position and by November the region was back in Federal control.[221][222]
Anaconda: 1863–64
The failed Middle Tennessee campaign was ended January 2, 1863, at the inconclusive Battle of Stones River (Murfreesboro), both sides losing the largest percentage of casualties suffered during the war. It was followed by another strategic withdrawal by Confederate forces.[223] The Confederacy won a significant victory April 1863, repulsing the Federal advance on Richmond at Chancellorsville, but the Union consolidated positions along the Virginia coast and the Chesapeake Bay.
Without an effective answer to Federal gunboats, river transport and supply, the Confederacy lost the Mississippi River following the capture of Vicksburg, Mississippi, and Port Hudson in July, ending Southern access to the trans-Mississippi West. July brought short-lived counters, Morgan's Raid into Ohio and the New York City draft riots. Robert E. Lee's strike into Pennsylvania was repulsed at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania despite Pickett's famous charge and other acts of valor. Southern newspapers assessed the campaign as "The Confederates did not gain a victory, neither did the enemy."
September and November left Confederates yielding Chattanooga, Tennessee, the gateway to the lower south.[224] For the remainder of the war fighting was restricted inside the South, resulting in a slow but continuous loss of territory. In early 1864, the Confederacy still controlled 53% of its population, but it withdrew further to reestablish defensive positions. Union offensives continued with Sherman's March to the Sea to take Savannah and Grant's Wilderness Campaign to encircle Richmond and besiege Lee's army at Petersburg.[211]
In April 1863, the C.S. Congress authorized a uniformed Volunteer Navy, many of whom were British.[225] The Confederacy had altogether eighteen commerce-destroying cruisers, which seriously disrupted Federal commerce at sea and increased shipping insurance rates 900%.[226] Commodore Tattnall again unsuccessfully attempted to break the Union blockade on the Savannah River in Georgia with an ironclad in 1863.[227] Beginning in April 1864 the ironclad CSS Albemarle engaged Union gunboats for six months on the Roanoke River in North Carolina.[228] The Federals closed Mobile Bay by sea-based amphibious assault in August, ending Gulf coast trade east of the Mississippi River. In December, the Battle of Nashville ended Confederate operations in the western theater.
Large numbers of families relocated to safer places, usually remote rural areas, bringing along household slaves if they had any. Mary Massey argues these elite exiles introduced an element of defeatism into the southern outlook.[229]
Collapse: 1865
The first three months of 1865 saw the Federal Carolinas Campaign, devastating a wide swath of the remaining Confederate heartland. The "breadbasket of the Confederacy" in the Great Valley of Virginia was occupied by Philip Sheridan. The Union Blockade captured Fort Fisher in North Carolina, and Sherman finally took Charleston, South Carolina, by land attack.[211]
The Confederacy controlled no ports, harbors or navigable rivers. Railroads were captured or had ceased operating. Its major food producing regions had been war-ravaged or occupied. Its administration survived in only three pockets of territory holding only one-third of its population. Its armies were defeated or disbanding. At the February 1865 Hampton Roads Conference with Lincoln, senior Confederate officials rejected his invitation to restore the Union with compensation for emancipated slaves.[211] The three pockets of unoccupied Confederacy were southern Virginia – North Carolina, central Alabama – Florida, and Texas, the latter two areas less from any notion of resistance than from the disinterest of Federal forces to occupy them.[230] The Davis policy was independence or nothing, while Lee's army was wracked by disease and desertion, barely holding the trenches defending Jefferson Davis' capital.
The Confederacy's last remaining blockade-running port, Wilmington, North Carolina, was lost. When the Union broke through Lee's lines at Petersburg, Richmond fell immediately. Lee surrendered a remnant of 50,000 from the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox Court House, Virginia, on April 9, 1865.[231] "The Surrender" marked the end of the Confederacy.[232] The CSS Stonewall sailed from Europe to break the Union blockade in March; on making Havana, Cuba, it surrendered. Some high officials escaped to Europe, but President Davis was captured May 10; all remaining Confederate land forces surrendered by June 1865. The U.S. Army took control of the Confederate areas without post-surrender insurgency or guerrilla warfare against them, but peace was subsequently marred by a great deal of local violence, feuding and revenge killings.[233] The last confederate military unit, the commerce raider CSS Shenandoah, surrendered on November 6, 1865 in Liverpool.[234]
Historian Gary Gallagher concluded that the Confederacy capitulated in early 1865 because northern armies crushed "organized southern military resistance". The Confederacy's population, soldier and civilian, had suffered material hardship and social disruption. They had expended and extracted a profusion of blood and treasure until collapse; "the end had come".[235] Jefferson Davis' assessment in 1890 determined, "With the capture of the capital, the dispersion of the civil authorities, the surrender of the armies in the field, and the arrest of the President, the Confederate States of America disappeared ... their history henceforth became a part of the history of the United States."[236]
Postwar history
Amnesty and treason issue
When the war ended over 14,000 Confederates petitioned President Johnson for a pardon; he was generous in giving them out.[237] He issued a general amnesty to all Confederate participants in the "late Civil War" in 1868.[238] Congress passed additional Amnesty Acts in May 1866 with restrictions on office holding, and the Amnesty Act in May 1872 lifting those restrictions. There was a great deal of discussion in 1865 about bringing treason trials, especially against Jefferson Davis. There was no consensus in President Johnson's cabinet, and no one was charged with treason. An acquittal of Davis would have been humiliating for the government.[239]
Davis was indicted for treason but never tried; he was released from prison on bail in May 1867. The amnesty of December 25, 1868, by President Johnson eliminated any possibility of Jefferson Davis (or anyone else associated with the Confederacy) standing trial for treason.[240][241][242]
Henry Wirz, the commandant of a notorious prisoner-of-war camp near Andersonville, Georgia, was tried and convicted by a military court, and executed on November 10, 1865. The charges against him involved conspiracy and cruelty, not treason.
The U.S. government began a decade-long process known as Reconstruction which attempted to resolve the political and constitutional issues of the Civil War. The priorities were: to guarantee that Confederate nationalism and slavery were ended, to ratify and enforce the Thirteenth Amendment which outlawed slavery; the Fourteenth which guaranteed dual U.S. and state citizenship to all native-born residents, regardless of race; and the Fifteenth, which made it illegal to deny the right to vote because of race.[243]
By 1877, the Compromise of 1877 ended Reconstruction in the former Confederate states. Federal troops were withdrawn from the South, where conservative white Democrats had already regained political control of state governments, often through extreme violence and fraud to suppress black voting. The prewar South had many rich areas; the war left the entire region economically devastated by military action, ruined infrastructure, and exhausted resources. Still dependent on an agricultural economy and resisting investment in infrastructure, it remained dominated by the planter elite into the next century. Confederate veterans had been temporarily disenfranchised by Reconstruction policy, and Democrat-dominated legislatures passed new constitutions and amendments to now exclude most blacks and many poor whites. This exclusion and a weakened Republican Party remained the norm until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The Solid South of the early 20th century did not achieve national levels of prosperity until long after World War II.[244]
Texas v. White
In Texas v. White, 74 U.S. 700 (1869) the United States Supreme Court ruled – by a 5–3 majority – that Texas had remained a state ever since it first joined the Union, despite claims that it joined the Confederate States of America. In this case, the court held that the Constitution did not permit a state to unilaterally secede from the United States. Further, that the ordinances of secession, and all the acts of the legislatures within seceding states intended to give effect to such ordinances, were "absolutely null", under the Constitution.[245] This case settled the law that applied to all questions regarding state legislation during the war. Furthermore, it decided one of the "central constitutional questions" of the Civil War: The Union is perpetual and indestructible, as a matter of constitutional law. In declaring that no state could leave the Union, "except through revolution or through consent of the States", it was "explicitly repudiating the position of the Confederate states that the United States was a voluntary compact between sovereign states".[246]
Theories regarding the Confederacy's demise
"Died of states' rights"
Historian Frank Lawrence Owsley argued that the Confederacy "died of states' rights".[247][248][249] The central government was denied requisitioned soldiers and money by governors and state legislatures because they feared that Richmond would encroach on the rights of the states. Georgia's governor Joseph Brown warned of a secret conspiracy by Jefferson Davis to destroy states' rights and individual liberty. The first conscription act in North America authorizing Davis to draft soldiers was said to be the "essence of military despotism".[250][251]
Joseph E. Brown, governor of Georgia
Pendleton Murrah, governor of Texas
Vice President Alexander H. Stephens feared losing the very form of republican government. Allowing President Davis to threaten "arbitrary arrests" to draft hundreds of governor-appointed "bomb-proof" bureaucrats conferred "more power than the English Parliament had ever bestowed on the king. History proved the dangers of such unchecked authority."[252] The abolishment of draft exemptions for newspaper editors was interpreted as an attempt by the Confederate government to muzzle presses, such as the Raleigh NC Standard, to control elections and to suppress the peace meetings there. As Rable concludes, "For Stephens, the essence of patriotism, the heart of the Confederate cause, rested on an unyielding commitment to traditional rights" without considerations of military necessity, pragmatism or compromise.[252]
In 1863 governor Pendleton Murrah of Texas determined that state troops were required for defense against Plains Indians and Union forces that might attack from Kansas. He refused to send his soldiers to the East.[253] Governor Zebulon Vance of North Carolina showed intense opposition to conscription, limiting recruitment success. Vance's faith in states' rights drove him into repeated, stubborn opposition to the Davis administration.[254]
Despite political differences within the Confederacy, no national political parties were formed because they were seen as illegitimate. "Anti-partyism became an article of political faith."[255] Without a system of political parties building alternate sets of national leaders, electoral protests tended to be narrowly state-based, "negative, carping and petty". The 1863 mid-term elections became mere expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction. According to historian David M. Potter, the lack of a functioning two-party system caused "real and direct damage" to the Confederate war effort since it prevented the formulation of any effective alternatives to the conduct of the war by the Davis administration.[256]
"Died of Davis"
The enemies of President Davis proposed that the Confederacy "died of Davis". He was unfavorably compared to George Washington by critics such as Edward Alfred Pollard, editor of the most influential newspaper in the Confederacy, the Richmond (Virginia) Examiner. E. Merton Coulter summarizes, "The American Revolution had its Washington; the Southern Revolution had its Davis ... one succeeded and the other failed." Beyond the early honeymoon period, Davis was never popular. He unwittingly caused much internal dissension from early on. His ill health and temporary bouts of blindness disabled him for days at a time.[257]
Coulter, viewed by today's historians as a Confederate apologist,[258][259][260][261] says Davis was heroic and his will was indomitable. But his "tenacity, determination, and will power" stirred up lasting opposition from enemies that Davis could not shake. He failed to overcome "petty leaders of the states" who made the term "Confederacy" into a label for tyranny and oppression, denying the "Stars and Bars" from becoming a symbol of larger patriotic service and sacrifice. Instead of campaigning to develop nationalism and gain support for his administration, he rarely courted public opinion, assuming an aloofness, "almost like an Adams".[257]
Escott argues that Davis was unable to mobilize Confederate nationalism in support of his government effectively, and especially failed to appeal to the small farmers who comprised the bulk of the population. In addition to the problems caused by states rights, Escott also emphasizes that the widespread opposition to any strong central government combined with the vast difference in wealth between the slave-owning class and the small farmers created insolvable dilemmas when the Confederate survival presupposed a strong central government backed by a united populace. The prewar claim that white solidarity was necessary to provide a unified Southern voice in Washington no longer held. Davis failed to build a network of supporters who would speak up when he came under criticism, and he repeatedly alienated governors and other state-based leaders by demanding centralized control of the war effort.[262]
According to Coulter, Davis was not an efficient administrator as he attended to too many details, protected his friends after their failures were obvious, and spent too much time on military affairs versus his civic responsibilities. Coulter concludes he was not the ideal leader for the Southern Revolution, but he showed "fewer weaknesses than any other" contemporary character available for the role.[263] Robert E. Lee's assessment of Davis as president was, "I knew of none that could have done as well."[264]
Gobierno y políticas
Political divisions
Constitution
The Southern leaders met in Montgomery, Alabama, to write their constitution. Much of the Confederate States Constitution replicated the United States Constitution verbatim, but it contained several explicit protections of the institution of slavery including provisions for the recognition and protection of slavery in any territory of the Confederacy. It maintained the ban on international slave-trading, though it made the ban's application explicit to "Negroes of the African race" in contrast to the U.S. Constitution's reference to "such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit". It protected the existing internal trade of slaves among slaveholding states.
In certain areas, the Confederate Constitution gave greater powers to the states (or curtailed the powers of the central government more) than the U.S. Constitution of the time did, but in other areas, the states lost rights they had under the U.S. Constitution. Although the Confederate Constitution, like the U.S. Constitution, contained a commerce clause, the Confederate version prohibited the central government from using revenues collected in one state for funding internal improvements in another state. The Confederate Constitution's equivalent to the U.S. Constitution's general welfare clause prohibited protective tariffs (but allowed tariffs for providing domestic revenue), and spoke of "carry[ing] on the Government of the Confederate States" rather than providing for the "general welfare". State legislatures had the power to impeach officials of the Confederate government in some cases. On the other hand, the Confederate Constitution contained a Necessary and Proper Clause and a Supremacy Clause that essentially duplicated the respective clauses of the U.S. Constitution. The Confederate Constitution also incorporated each of the 12 amendments to the U.S. Constitution that had been ratified up to that point.
The Confederate Constitution did not specifically include a provision allowing states to secede; the Preamble spoke of each state "acting in its sovereign and independent character" but also of the formation of a "permanent federal government". During the debates on drafting the Confederate Constitution, one proposal would have allowed states to secede from the Confederacy. The proposal was tabled with only the South Carolina delegates voting in favor of considering the motion.[265] The Confederate Constitution also explicitly denied States the power to bar slaveholders from other parts of the Confederacy from bringing their slaves into any state of the Confederacy or to interfere with the property rights of slave owners traveling between different parts of the Confederacy. In contrast with the secular language of the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution overtly asked God's blessing ("... invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God ...").
Executive
The Montgomery Convention to establish the Confederacy and its executive met on February 4, 1861. Each state as a sovereignty had one vote, with the same delegation size as it held in the U.S. Congress, and generally 41 to 50 members attended.[266] Offices were "provisional", limited to a term not to exceed one year. One name was placed in nomination for president, one for vice president. Both were elected unanimously, 6–0.[267]
Jefferson Davis was elected provisional president. His U.S. Senate resignation speech greatly impressed with its clear rationale for secession and his pleading for a peaceful departure from the Union to independence. Although he had made it known that he wanted to be commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies, when elected, he assumed the office of Provisional President. Three candidates for provisional Vice President were under consideration the night before the February 9 election. All were from Georgia, and the various delegations meeting in different places determined two would not do, so Alexander H. Stephens was elected unanimously provisional Vice President, though with some privately held reservations. Stephens was inaugurated February 11, Davis February 18.[268]
Davis and Stephens were elected president and vice president, unopposed on November 6, 1861. They were inaugurated on February 22, 1862.
Historian and Confederate apologist[258][259][260][261] E. M. Coulter stated, "No president of the U.S. ever had a more difficult task." Washington was inaugurated in peacetime. Lincoln inherited an established government of long standing. The creation of the Confederacy was accomplished by men who saw themselves as fundamentally conservative. Although they referred to their "Revolution", it was in their eyes more a counter-revolution against changes away from their understanding of U.S. founding documents. In Davis' inauguration speech, he explained the Confederacy was not a French-like revolution, but a transfer of rule. The Montgomery Convention had assumed all the laws of the United States until superseded by the Confederate Congress.[269]
The Permanent Constitution provided for a President of the Confederate States of America, elected to serve a six-year term but without the possibility of re-election. Unlike the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution gave the president the ability to subject a bill to a line item veto, a power also held by some state governors.
The Confederate Congress could overturn either the general or the line item vetoes with the same two-thirds votes required in the U.S. Congress. In addition, appropriations not specifically requested by the executive branch required passage by a two-thirds vote in both houses of Congress. The only person to serve as president was Jefferson Davis, as the Confederacy was defeated before the completion of his term.
Administration and cabinet
The Davis Cabinet | ||
---|---|---|
OFFICE | NAME | TERM |
President | Jefferson Davis | 1861–65 |
Vice President | Alexander H. Stephens | 1861–65 |
Secretary of State | Robert Toombs | 1861 |
Robert M.T. Hunter | 1861–62 | |
Judah P. Benjamin | 1862–65 | |
Secretary of the Treasury | Christopher Memminger | 1861–64 |
George Trenholm | 1864–65 | |
John H. Reagan | 1865 | |
Secretary of War | Leroy Pope Walker | 1861 |
Judah P. Benjamin | 1861–62 | |
George W. Randolph | 1862 | |
James Seddon | 1862–65 | |
John C. Breckinridge | 1865 | |
Secretary of the Navy | Stephen Mallory | 1861–65 |
Postmaster General | John H. Reagan | 1861–65 |
Attorney General | Judah P. Benjamin | 1861 |
Thomas Bragg | 1861–62 | |
Thomas H. Watts | 1862–63 | |
George Davis | 1864–65 |
Legislative
The only two "formal, national, functioning, civilian administrative bodies" in the Civil War South were the Jefferson Davis administration and the Confederate Congresses. The Confederacy was begun by the Provisional Congress in Convention at Montgomery, Alabama on February 28, 1861. The Provisional Confederate Congress was a unicameral assembly, each state received one vote.[270]
The Permanent Confederate Congress was elected and began its first session February 18, 1862. The Permanent Congress for the Confederacy followed the United States forms with a bicameral legislature. The Senate had two per state, twenty-six Senators. The House numbered 106 representatives apportioned by free and slave populations within each state. Two Congresses sat in six sessions until March 18, 1865.[270]
The political influences of the civilian, soldier vote and appointed representatives reflected divisions of political geography of a diverse South. These in turn changed over time relative to Union occupation and disruption, the war impact on the local economy, and the course of the war. Without political parties, key candidate identification related to adopting secession before or after Lincoln's call for volunteers to retake Federal property. Previous party affiliation played a part in voter selection, predominantly secessionist Democrat or unionist Whig.[271]
The absence of political parties made individual roll call voting all the more important, as the Confederate "freedom of roll-call voting [was] unprecedented in American legislative history."[272] Key issues throughout the life of the Confederacy related to (1) suspension of habeas corpus, (2) military concerns such as control of state militia, conscription and exemption, (3) economic and fiscal policy including impressment of slaves, goods and scorched earth, and (4) support of the Jefferson Davis administration in its foreign affairs and negotiating peace.[273]
For the first year, the unicameral Provisional Confederate Congress functioned as the Confederacy's legislative branch.
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Judicial
Jesse J. Finley
Florida DistrictHenry R. Jackson
Georgia DistrictAsa Biggs
North Carolina DistrictAndrew Magrath
South Carolina District
The Confederate Constitution outlined a judicial branch of the government, but the ongoing war and resistance from states-rights advocates, particularly on the question of whether it would have appellate jurisdiction over the state courts, prevented the creation or seating of the "Supreme Court of the Confederate States;" the state courts generally continued to operate as they had done, simply recognizing the Confederate States as the national government.[274]
Confederate district courts were authorized by Article III, Section 1, of the Confederate Constitution,[275] and President Davis appointed judges within the individual states of the Confederate States of America.[276] In many cases, the same US Federal District Judges were appointed as Confederate States District Judges. Confederate district courts began reopening in early 1861, handling many of the same type cases as had been done before. Prize cases, in which Union ships were captured by the Confederate Navy or raiders and sold through court proceedings, were heard until the blockade of southern ports made this impossible. After a Sequestration Act was passed by the Confederate Congress, the Confederate district courts heard many cases in which enemy aliens (typically Northern absentee landlords owning property in the South) had their property sequestered (seized) by Confederate Receivers.
When the matter came before the Confederate court, the property owner could not appear because he was unable to travel across the front lines between Union and Confederate forces. Thus, the District Attorney won the case by default, the property was typically sold, and the money used to further the Southern war effort. Eventually, because there was no Confederate Supreme Court, sharp attorneys like South Carolina's Edward McCrady began filing appeals. This prevented their clients' property from being sold until a supreme court could be constituted to hear the appeal, which never occurred.[276] Where Federal troops gained control over parts of the Confederacy and re-established civilian government, US district courts sometimes resumed jurisdiction.[277]
Supreme Court – not established.
District Courts – judges
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Post Office
John H. Reagan
Postmaster GeneralJefferson Davis, 5 cent
The 1st stamp, 1861Andrew Jackson
2 cent, 1862George Washington
20 cent, 1863
When the Confederacy was formed and its seceding states broke from the Union, it was at once confronted with the arduous task of providing its citizens with a mail delivery system, and, in the midst of the American Civil War, the newly formed Confederacy created and established the Confederate Post Office. One of the first undertakings in establishing the Post Office was the appointment of John H. Reagan to the position of Postmaster General, by Jefferson Davis in 1861, making him the first Postmaster General of the Confederate Post Office as well as a member of Davis' presidential cabinet. Writing in 1906, historian Walter Flavius McCaleb praised Reagan's "energy and intelligence... in a degree scarcely matched by any of his associates."[278]
When the war began, the US Post Office still delivered mail from the secessionist states for a brief period of time. Mail that was postmarked after the date of a state's admission into the Confederacy through May 31, 1861, and bearing US postage was still delivered.[279] After this time, private express companies still managed to carry some of the mail across enemy lines. Later, mail that crossed lines had to be sent by 'Flag of Truce' and was allowed to pass at only two specific points. Mail sent from the Confederacy to the U.S. was received, opened and inspected at Fortress Monroe on the Virginia coast before being passed on into the U.S. mail stream. Mail sent from the North to the South passed at City Point, also in Virginia, where it was also inspected before being sent on.[280][281]
With the chaos of the war, a working postal system was more important than ever for the Confederacy. The Civil War had divided family members and friends and consequently letter writing increased dramatically across the entire divided nation, especially to and from the men who were away serving in an army. Mail delivery was also important for the Confederacy for a myriad of business and military reasons. Because of the Union blockade, basic supplies were always in demand and so getting mailed correspondence out of the country to suppliers was imperative to the successful operation of the Confederacy. Volumes of material have been written about the Blockade runners who evaded Union ships on blockade patrol, usually at night, and who moved cargo and mail in and out of the Confederate States throughout the course of the war. Of particular interest to students and historians of the American Civil War is Prisoner of War mail and Blockade mail as these items were often involved with a variety of military and other war time activities. The postal history of the Confederacy along with surviving Confederate mail has helped historians document the various people, places and events that were involved in the American Civil War as it unfolded.[282]
Civil liberties
The Confederacy actively used the army to arrest people suspected of loyalty to the United States. Historian Mark Neely found 4,108 names of men arrested and estimated a much larger total.[283] The Confederacy arrested pro-Union civilians in the South at about the same rate as the Union arrested pro-Confederate civilians in the North.[284] Neely argues:
The Confederate citizen was not any freer than the Union citizen – and perhaps no less likely to be arrested by military authorities. In fact, the Confederate citizen may have been in some ways less free than his Northern counterpart. For example, freedom to travel within the Confederate states was severely limited by a domestic passport system.[285]
Economía
Slaves
Across the South, widespread rumors alarmed the whites by predicting the slaves were planning some sort of insurrection. Patrols were stepped up. The slaves did become increasingly independent, and resistant to punishment, but historians agree there were no insurrections. In the invaded areas, insubordination was more the norm than was loyalty to the old master; Bell Wiley says, "It was not disloyalty, but the lure of freedom." Many slaves became spies for the North, and large numbers ran away to federal lines.[286]
Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, an executive order of the U.S. government on January 1, 1863, changed the legal status of three million slaves in designated areas of the Confederacy from "slave" to "free". The long-term effect was that the Confederacy could not preserve the institution of slavery, and lost the use of the core element of its plantation labor force. Slaves were legally freed by the Proclamation, and became free by escaping to federal lines, or by advances of federal troops. Over 200,000 freed slaves were hired by the federal army as teamsters, cooks, launderers and laborers, and eventually as soldiers.[287][288] Plantation owners, realizing that emancipation would destroy their economic system, sometimes moved their slaves as far as possible out of reach of the Union army.[289] By "Juneteenth" (June 19, 1865, in Texas), the Union Army controlled all of the Confederacy and had liberated all its slaves. The former slaves never received compensation and, unlike British policy, neither did the owners.[290][291]
Political economy
Most whites were subsistence farmers who traded their surpluses locally. The plantations of the South, with white ownership and an enslaved labor force, produced substantial wealth from cash crops. It supplied two-thirds of the world's cotton, which was in high demand for textiles, along with tobacco, sugar, and naval stores (such as turpentine). These raw materials were exported to factories in Europe and the Northeast. Planters reinvested their profits in more slaves and fresh land, as cotton and tobacco depleted the soil. There was little manufacturing or mining; shipping was controlled by non-southerners.[292][293]
The plantations that enslaved over three million black people were the principal source of wealth. Most were concentrated in "black belt" plantation areas (because few white families in the poor regions owned slaves). For decades, there had been widespread fear of slave revolts. During the war, extra men were assigned to "home guard" patrol duty and governors sought to keep militia units at home for protection. Historian William Barney reports, "no major slave revolts erupted during the Civil War." Nevertheless, slaves took the opportunity to enlarge their sphere of independence, and when union forces were nearby, many ran off to join them.[294][295]
Slave labor was applied in industry in a limited way in the Upper South and in a few port cities. One reason for the regional lag in industrial development was top-heavy income distribution. Mass production requires mass markets, and slaves living in small cabins, using self-made tools and outfitted with one suit of work clothes each year of inferior fabric, did not generate consumer demand to sustain local manufactures of any description in the same way as did a mechanized family farm of free labor in the North. The Southern economy was "pre-capitalist" in that slaves were put to work in the largest revenue-producing enterprises, not free labor markets. That labor system as practiced in the American South encompassed paternalism, whether abusive or indulgent, and that meant labor management considerations apart from productivity.[296]
Approximately 85% of both the North and South white populations lived on family farms, both regions were predominantly agricultural, and mid-century industry in both was mostly domestic. But the Southern economy was pre-capitalist in its overwhelming reliance on the agriculture of cash crops to produce wealth, while the great majority of farmers fed themselves and supplied a small local market. Southern cities and industries grew faster than ever before, but the thrust of the rest of the country's exponential growth elsewhere was toward urban industrial development along transportation systems of canals and railroads. The South was following the dominant currents of the American economic mainstream, but at a "great distance" as it lagged in the all-weather modes of transportation that brought cheaper, speedier freight shipment and forged new, expanding inter-regional markets.[297]
A third count of the pre-capitalist Southern economy relates to the cultural setting. The South and southerners did not adopt a work ethic, nor the habits of thrift that marked the rest of the country. It had access to the tools of capitalism, but it did not adopt its culture. The Southern Cause as a national economy in the Confederacy was grounded in "slavery and race, planters and patricians, plain folk and folk culture, cotton and plantations".[298]
National production
The Confederacy started its existence as an agrarian economy with exports, to a world market, of cotton, and, to a lesser extent, tobacco and sugarcane. Local food production included grains, hogs, cattle, and gardens. The cash came from exports but the Southern people spontaneously stopped exports in early 1861 to hasten the impact of "King Cotton", a failed strategy to coerce international support for the Confederacy through its cotton exports. When the blockade was announced, commercial shipping practically ended (the ships could not get insurance), and only a trickle of supplies came via blockade runners. The cutoff of exports was an economic disaster for the South, rendering useless its most valuable properties, its plantations and their enslaved workers. Many planters kept growing cotton, which piled up everywhere, but most turned to food production. All across the region, the lack of repair and maintenance wasted away the physical assets.
The eleven states had produced $155 million in manufactured goods in 1860, chiefly from local grist-mills, and lumber, processed tobacco, cotton goods and naval stores such as turpentine. The main industrial areas were border cities such as Baltimore, Wheeling, Louisville and St. Louis, that were never under Confederate control. The government did set up munitions factories in the Deep South. Combined with captured munitions and those coming via blockade runners, the armies were kept minimally supplied with weapons. The soldiers suffered from reduced rations, lack of medicines, and the growing shortages of uniforms, shoes and boots. Shortages were much worse for civilians, and the prices of necessities steadily rose.[299]
The Confederacy adopted a tariff or tax on imports of 15%, and imposed it on all imports from other countries, including the United States.[300] The tariff mattered little; the Union blockade minimized commercial traffic through the Confederacy's ports, and very few people paid taxes on goods smuggled from the North. The Confederate government in its entire history collected only $3.5 million in tariff revenue. The lack of adequate financial resources led the Confederacy to finance the war through printing money, which led to high inflation. The Confederacy underwent an economic revolution by centralization and standardization, but it was too little too late as its economy was systematically strangled by blockade and raids.[301]
Transportation systems
In peacetime, the South's extensive and connected systems of navigable rivers and coastal access allowed for cheap and easy transportation of agricultural products. The railroad system in the South had developed as a supplement to the navigable rivers to enhance the all-weather shipment of cash crops to market. Railroads tied plantation areas to the nearest river or seaport and so made supply more dependable, lowered costs and increased profits. In the event of invasion, the vast geography of the Confederacy made logistics difficult for the Union. Wherever Union armies invaded, they assigned many of their soldiers to garrison captured areas and to protect rail lines.
At the onset of the Civil War the South had a rail network disjointed and plagued by changes in track gauge as well as lack of interchange. Locomotives and freight cars had fixed axles and could not use tracks of different gauges (widths). Railroads of different gauges leading to the same city required all freight to be off-loaded onto wagons for transport to the connecting railroad station, where it had to await freight cars and a locomotive before proceeding. Centers requiring off-loading included Vicksburg, New Orleans, Montgomery, Wilmington and Richmond.[302] In addition, most rail lines led from coastal or river ports to inland cities, with few lateral railroads. Because of this design limitation, the relatively primitive railroads of the Confederacy were unable to overcome the Union naval blockade of the South's crucial intra-coastal and river routes.
The Confederacy had no plan to expand, protect or encourage its railroads. Southerners' refusal to export the cotton crop in 1861 left railroads bereft of their main source of income.[303] Many lines had to lay off employees; many critical skilled technicians and engineers were permanently lost to military service. In the early years of the war the Confederate government had a hands-off approach to the railroads. Only in mid-1863 did the Confederate government initiate a national policy, and it was confined solely to aiding the war effort.[304] Railroads came under the de facto control of the military. In contrast, the U.S. Congress had authorized military administration of Union-controlled railroad and telegraph systems in January 1862, imposed a standard gauge, and built railroads into the South using that gauge. Confederate armies successfully reoccupying territory could not be resupplied directly by rail as they advanced. The C.S. Congress formally authorized military administration of railroads in February 1865.
In the last year before the end of the war, the Confederate railroad system stood permanently on the verge of collapse. There was no new equipment and raids on both sides systematically destroyed key bridges, as well as locomotives and freight cars. Spare parts were cannibalized; feeder lines were torn up to get replacement rails for trunk lines, and rolling stock wore out through heavy use.[305]
Horses and mules
The Confederate army experienced a persistent shortage of horses and mules, and requisitioned them with dubious promissory notes given to local farmers and breeders. Union forces paid in real money and found ready sellers in the South. Both armies needed horses for cavalry and for artillery.[306] Mules pulled the wagons. The supply was undermined by an unprecedented epidemic of glanders, a fatal disease that baffled veterinarians.[307] After 1863 the invading Union forces had a policy of shooting all the local horses and mules that they did not need, in order to keep them out of Confederate hands. The Confederate armies and farmers experienced a growing shortage of horses and mules, which hurt the Southern economy and the war effort. The South lost half of its 2.5 million horses and mules; many farmers ended the war with none left. Army horses were used up by hard work, malnourishment, disease and battle wounds; they had a life expectancy of about seven months.[308]
Financial instruments
Both the individual Confederate states and later the Confederate government printed Confederate States of America dollars as paper currency in various denominations, with a total face value of $1.5 billion. Much of it was signed by Treasurer Edward C. Elmore. Inflation became rampant as the paper money depreciated and eventually became worthless. The state governments and some localities printed their own paper money, adding to the runaway inflation.[309] Many bills still exist, although in recent years counterfeit copies have proliferated.
The Confederate government initially wanted to finance its war mostly through tariffs on imports, export taxes, and voluntary donations of gold. After the spontaneous imposition of an embargo on cotton sales to Europe in 1861, these sources of revenue dried up and the Confederacy increasingly turned to issuing debt and printing money to pay for war expenses. The Confederate States politicians were worried about angering the general population with hard taxes. A tax increase might disillusion many Southerners, so the Confederacy resorted to printing more money. As a result, inflation increased and remained a problem for the southern states throughout the rest of the war.[310] By April 1863, for example, the cost of flour in Richmond had risen to $100 a barrel and housewives were rioting.[311]
The Confederate government took over the three national mints in its territory: the Charlotte Mint in North Carolina, the Dahlonega Mint in Georgia, and the New Orleans Mint in Louisiana. During 1861 all of these facilities produced small amounts of gold coinage, and the latter half dollars as well. Since the mints used the current dies on hand, all appear to be U.S. issues. However, by comparing slight differences in the dies specialists can distinguish 1861-O half dollars that were minted either under the authority of the U.S. government, the State of Louisiana, or finally the Confederate States. Unlike the gold coins, this issue was produced in significant numbers (over 2.5 million) and is inexpensive in lower grades, although fakes have been made for sale to the public.[312] However, before the New Orleans Mint ceased operation in May, 1861, the Confederate government used its own reverse design to strike four half dollars. This made one of the great rarities of American numismatics. A lack of silver and gold precluded further coinage. The Confederacy apparently also experimented with issuing one cent coins, although only 12 were produced by a jeweler in Philadelphia, who was afraid to send them to the South. Like the half dollars, copies were later made as souvenirs.[313]
US coinage was hoarded and did not have any general circulation. U.S. coinage was admitted as legal tender up to $10, as were British sovereigns, French Napoleons and Spanish and Mexican doubloons at a fixed rate of exchange. Confederate money was paper and postage stamps.[314]
Food shortages and riots
By mid-1861, the Union naval blockade virtually shut down the export of cotton and the import of manufactured goods. Food that formerly came overland was cut off.
As women were the ones who remained at home, they had to make do with the lack of food and supplies. They cut back on purchases, used old materials, and planted more flax and peas to provide clothing and food. They used ersatz substitutes when possible, but there was no real coffee, only okra and chicory substitutes. The households were severely hurt by inflation in the cost of everyday items like flour, and the shortages of food, fodder for the animals, and medical supplies for the wounded.[315][316]
State governments requested that planters grow less cotton and more food, but most refused. When cotton prices soared in Europe, expectations were that Europe would soon intervene to break the blockade and make them rich, but Europe remained neutral.[317] The Georgia legislature imposed cotton quotas, making it a crime to grow an excess. But food shortages only worsened, especially in the towns.[318]
The overall decline in food supplies, made worse by the inadequate transportation system, led to serious shortages and high prices in urban areas. When bacon reached a dollar a pound in 1863, the poor women of Richmond, Atlanta and many other cities began to riot; they broke into shops and warehouses to seize food, as they were angry at ineffective state relief efforts, speculators, and merchants. As wives and widows of soldiers, they were hurt by the inadequate welfare system.[319][320][321][322]
Devastation by 1865
By the end of the war deterioration of the Southern infrastructure was widespread. The number of civilian deaths is unknown. Every Confederate state was affected, but most of the war was fought in Virginia and Tennessee, while Texas and Florida saw the least military action. Much of the damage was caused by direct military action, but most was caused by lack of repairs and upkeep, and by deliberately using up resources. Historians have recently estimated how much of the devastation was caused by military action. Paul Paskoff calculates that Union military operations were conducted in 56% of 645 counties in nine Confederate states (excluding Texas and Florida). These counties contained 63% of the 1860 white population and 64% of the slaves. By the time the fighting took place, undoubtedly some people had fled to safer areas, so the exact population exposed to war is unknown.[323]
Potters House, Atlanta Ga
Downtown Charleston SC
Navy Yard, Norfolk Va
Rail bridge, Petersburg Va
The eleven Confederate States in the 1860 United States Census had 297 towns and cities with 835,000 people; of these 162 with 681,000 people were at one point occupied by Union forces. Eleven were destroyed or severely damaged by war action, including Atlanta (with an 1860 population of 9,600), Charleston, Columbia, and Richmond (with prewar populations of 40,500, 8,100, and 37,900, respectively); the eleven contained 115,900 people in the 1860 census, or 14% of the urban South. Historians have not estimated what their actual population was when Union forces arrived. The number of people (as of 1860) who lived in the destroyed towns represented just over 1% of the Confederacy's 1860 population. In addition, 45 court houses were burned (out of 830). The South's agriculture was not highly mechanized. The value of farm implements and machinery in the 1860 Census was $81 million; by 1870, there was 40% less, worth just $48 million. Many old tools had broken through heavy use; new tools were rarely available; even repairs were difficult.[324]
The economic losses affected everyone. Banks and insurance companies were mostly bankrupt. Confederate currency and bonds were worthless. The billions of dollars invested in slaves vanished. Most debts were also left behind. Most farms were intact but most had lost their horses, mules and cattle; fences and barns were in disrepair. Paskoff shows the loss of farm infrastructure was about the same whether or not fighting took place nearby. The loss of infrastructure and productive capacity meant that rural widows throughout the region faced not only the absence of able-bodied men, but a depleted stock of material resources that they could manage and operate themselves. During four years of warfare, disruption, and blockades, the South used up about half its capital stock. The North, by contrast, absorbed its material losses so effortlessly that it appeared richer at the end of the war than at the beginning.[324]
The rebuilding took years and was hindered by the low price of cotton after the war. Outside investment was essential, especially in railroads. One historian has summarized the collapse of the transportation infrastructure needed for economic recovery:[325]
One of the greatest calamities which confronted Southerners was the havoc wrought on the transportation system. Roads were impassable or nonexistent, and bridges were destroyed or washed away. The important river traffic was at a standstill: levees were broken, channels were blocked, the few steamboats which had not been captured or destroyed were in a state of disrepair, wharves had decayed or were missing, and trained personnel were dead or dispersed. Horses, mules, oxen, carriages, wagons, and carts had nearly all fallen prey at one time or another to the contending armies. The railroads were paralyzed, with most of the companies bankrupt. These lines had been the special target of the enemy. On one stretch of 114 miles in Alabama, every bridge and trestle was destroyed, cross-ties rotten, buildings burned, water-tanks gone, ditches filled up, and tracks grown up in weeds and bushes ... Communication centers like Columbia and Atlanta were in ruins; shops and foundries were wrecked or in disrepair. Even those areas bypassed by battle had been pirated for equipment needed on the battlefront, and the wear and tear of wartime usage without adequate repairs or replacements reduced all to a state of disintegration.
Effect on women and families
About 250,000 men never came home, some 30 percent of all white men aged 18 to 40 (as counted in 1860). Widows who were overwhelmed often abandoned their farms and merged into the households of relatives, or even became refugees living in camps with high rates of disease and death.[326] In the Old South, being an "old maid" was something of an embarrassment to the woman and her family, but after the war, it became almost a norm.[327] Some women welcomed the freedom of not having to marry. Divorce, while never fully accepted, became more common. The concept of the "New Woman" emerged – she was self-sufficient and independent, and stood in sharp contrast to the "Southern Belle" of antebellum lore.[328]
Banderas nacionales
1st National Flag
[7-, 9, 11-, 13-stars[329]]
"Stars and Bars"2nd National Flag
[Richmond Capitol[330]]
"Stainless Banner"3rd National Flag
[never flown[331]]
"Blood Stained Banner"CSA Naval Jack
1861–63[citation needed]CSA Naval Jack
1863–65[citation needed]Battle Flag
"Southern Cross"[citation needed]Bonnie Blue Flag
Unofficial Southern Flag[clarification needed][citation needed]
The first official flag of the Confederate States of America – called the "Stars and Bars" – originally had seven stars, representing the first seven states that initially formed the Confederacy. As more states joined, more stars were added, until the total was 13 (two stars were added for the divided states of Kentucky and Missouri). During the First Battle of Bull Run, (First Manassas) it sometimes proved difficult to distinguish the Stars and Bars from the Union flag.[citation needed] To rectify the situation, a separate "Battle Flag" was designed for use by troops in the field. Also known as the "Southern Cross", many variations sprang from the original square configuration.
Although it was never officially adopted by the Confederate government, the popularity of the Southern Cross among both soldiers and the civilian population was a primary reason why it was made the main color feature when a new national flag was adopted in 1863.[citation needed] This new standard – known as the "Stainless Banner" – consisted of a lengthened white field area with a Battle Flag canton. This flag too had its problems when used in military operations as, on a windless day, it could easily be mistaken for a flag of truce or surrender. Thus, in 1865, a modified version of the Stainless Banner was adopted. This final national flag of the Confederacy kept the Battle Flag canton, but shortened the white field and added a vertical red bar to the fly end.
Because of its depiction in the 20th-century and popular media, many people consider the rectangular battle flag with the dark blue bars as being synonymous with "the Confederate Flag", but this flag was never adopted as a Confederate national flag.[citation needed]
The "Confederate Flag" has a color scheme similar to that of the most common Battle Flag design, but is rectangular, not square. The "Confederate Flag" is a highly recognizable symbol of the South in the United States today, and continues to be a controversial icon.
Geografía
Region and climate
The Confederate States of America claimed a total of 2,919 miles (4,698 km) of coastline, thus a large part of its territory lay on the seacoast with level and often sandy or marshy ground. Most of the interior portion consisted of arable farmland, though much was also hilly and mountainous, and the far western territories were deserts. The lower reaches of the Mississippi River bisected the country, with the western half often referred to as the Trans-Mississippi. The highest point (excluding Arizona and New Mexico) was Guadalupe Peak in Texas at 8,750 feet (2,670 m).
Climate
Much of the area claimed by the Confederate States of America had a humid subtropical climate with mild winters and long, hot, humid summers. The climate and terrain varied from vast swamps (such as those in Florida and Louisiana) to semi-arid steppes and arid deserts west of longitude 100 degrees west. The subtropical climate made winters mild but allowed infectious diseases to flourish. Consequently, on both sides more soldiers died from disease than were killed in combat,[332] a fact hardly atypical of pre-World War I conflicts.
Demografía
Population
The United States Census of 1860[333] gives a picture of the overall 1860 population for the areas that had joined the Confederacy. Note that the population numbers exclude non-assimilated Indian tribes.
State | Total population | Total number of slaves | Total number of households | Total free population | Total number[334] slaveholders | % of Free population owning slaves[335] | % of Free families owning slaves[336] | Slaves as % of population | Total free colored |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Alabama | 964,201 | 435,080 | 96,603 | 529,121 | 33,730 | 6% | 35% | 45% | 2,690 |
Arkansas | 435,450 | 111,115 | 57,244 | 324,335 | 11,481 | 4% | 20% | 26% | 144 |
Florida | 140,424 | 61,745 | 15,090 | 78,679 | 5,152 | 7% | 34% | 44% | 932 |
Georgia | 1,057,286 | 462,198 | 109,919 | 595,088 | 41,084 | 7% | 37% | 44% | 3,500 |
Louisiana | 708,002 | 331,726 | 74,725 | 376,276 | 22,033 | 6% | 29% | 47% | 18,647 |
Mississippi | 791,305 | 436,631 | 63,015 | 354,674 | 30,943 | 9% | 49% | 55% | 773 |
North Carolina | 992,622 | 331,059 | 125,090 | 661,563 | 34,658 | 5% | 28% | 33% | 30,463 |
South Carolina | 703,708 | 402,406 | 58,642 | 301,302 | 26,701 | 9% | 46% | 57% | 9,914 |
Tennessee | 1,109,801 | 275,719 | 149,335 | 834,082 | 36,844 | 4% | 25% | 25% | 7,300 |
Texas | 604,215 | 182,566 | 76,781 | 421,649 | 21,878 | 5% | 28% | 30% | 355 |
Virginia[337] | 1,596,318 | 490,865 | 201,523 | 1,105,453 | 52,128 | 5% | 26% | 31% | 58,042 |
Total | 9,103,332 | 3,521,110 | 1,027,967 | 5,582,222 | 316,632 | 6% | 30.8% | 39% | 132,760 |
Age structure | 0–14 years | 15–59 years | 60 years and over |
---|---|---|---|
White males | 43% | 52% | 4% |
White females | 44% | 52% | 4% |
Male slaves | 44% | 51% | 4% |
Female slaves | 45% | 51% | 3% |
Free black males | 45% | 50% | 5% |
Free black females | 40% | 54% | 6% |
Total population[338] | 44% | 52% | 4% |
In 1860, the areas that later formed the eleven Confederate states (and including the future West Virginia) had 132,760 (1.46%) free blacks. Males made up 49.2% of the total population and females 50.8% (whites: 48.60% male, 51.40% female; slaves: 50.15% male, 49.85% female; free blacks: 47.43% male, 52.57% female).[339]
Rural and urban population
The CSA was overwhelmingly rural. Few towns had populations of more than 1,000 – the typical county seat had a population of fewer than 500. Cities were rare; of the twenty largest U.S. cities in the 1860 census, only New Orleans lay in Confederate territory[340] – and the Union captured New Orleans in 1862. Only 13 Confederate-controlled cities ranked among the top 100 U.S. cities in 1860, most of them ports whose economic activities vanished or suffered severely in the Union blockade. The population of Richmond swelled after it became the Confederate capital, reaching an estimated 128,000 in 1864.[341] Other Southern cities in the border slave-holding states such as Baltimore, Washington, D.C., Wheeling, Alexandria, Louisville, and St. Louis never came under the control of the Confederate government.
The cities of the Confederacy included most prominently in order of size of population:
# | City | 1860 population | 1860 U.S. rank | Return to U.S. control |
---|---|---|---|---|
1. | New Orleans, Louisiana | 168,675 | 6 | 1862 |
2. | Charleston, South Carolina | 40,522 | 22 | 1865 |
3. | Richmond, Virginia | 37,910 | 25 | 1865 |
4. | Mobile, Alabama | 29,258 | 27 | 1865 |
5. | Memphis, Tennessee | 22,623 | 38 | 1862 |
6. | Savannah, Georgia | 22,619 | 41 | 1864 |
7. | Petersburg, Virginia | 18,266 | 50 | 1865 |
8. | Nashville, Tennessee | 16,988 | 54 | 1862 |
9. | Norfolk, Virginia | 14,620 | 61 | 1862 |
10. | Alexandria, Virginia | 12,652 | 75 | 1861 |
11. | Augusta, Georgia | 12,493 | 77 | 1865 |
12. | Columbus, Georgia | 9,621 | 97 | 1865 |
13. | Atlanta, Georgia | 9,554 | 99 | 1864 |
14. | Wilmington, North Carolina | 9,553 | 100 | 1865 |
(See also Atlanta in the Civil War, Charleston, South Carolina, in the Civil War, Nashville in the Civil War, New Orleans in the Civil War, Wilmington, North Carolina, in the American Civil War, and Richmond in the Civil War).
Religion
The CSA was overwhelmingly Protestant.[342] Both free and enslaved populations identified with evangelical Protestantism. Baptists and Methodists together formed majorities of both the white and the slave population (see Black church). Freedom of religion and separation of church and state were fully ensured by Confederate laws. Church attendance was very high and chaplains played a major role in the Army.[343]
Most large denominations experienced a North–South split in the prewar era on the issue of slavery. The creation of a new country necessitated independent structures. For example, the Presbyterian Church in the United States split, with much of the new leadership provided by Joseph Ruggles Wilson (father of President Woodrow Wilson). In 1861, he organized the meeting that formed the General Assembly of the Southern Presbyterian Church and served as its chief executive for 37 years.[344] Baptists and Methodists both broke off from their Northern coreligionists over the slavery issue, forming the Southern Baptist Convention and the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, respectively.[345][346] Elites in the southeast favored the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States of America, which had reluctantly split from the Episcopal Church in 1861.[347] Other elites were Presbyterians belonging to the 1861-founded Presbyterian Church in the United States. Catholics included an Irish working class element in coastal cities and an old French element in southern Louisiana. Other insignificant and scattered religious populations included Lutherans, the Holiness movement, other Reformed, other Christian fundamentalists, the Stone-Campbell Restoration Movement, the Churches of Christ, the Latter Day Saint movement, Adventists, Muslims, Jews, Native American animists, deists and irreligious people.[348][349]
The southern churches met the shortage of Army chaplains by sending missionaries. The Southern Baptists started in 1862 and had a total of 78 missionaries. Presbyterians were even more active with 112 missionaries in January 1865. Other missionaries were funded and supported by the Episcopalians, Methodists, and Lutherans. One result was wave after wave of revivals in the Army.[350]
Lideres militares
Military leaders of the Confederacy (with their state or country of birth and highest rank)[351] included:
- Robert E. Lee (Virginia) – General & General in Chief
- P. G. T. Beauregard (Louisiana) – General
- Braxton Bragg (North Carolina) – General
- Samuel Cooper (New York) – General
- Albert Sidney Johnston (Kentucky) – General
- Joseph E. Johnston (Virginia) – General
- Edmund Kirby Smith (Florida) – General
- Simon Bolivar Buckner, Sr. (Kentucky) – Lieutenant General
- Jubal Early (Virginia) – Lieutenant-General
- Richard S. Ewell (Virginia) – Lieutenant-General
- Nathan Bedford Forrest (Tennessee) – Lieutenant-General
- Wade Hampton III (South Carolina) – Lieutenant-General
- William J. Hardee (Georgia) – Lieutenant-General
- A. P. Hill (Virginia) – Lieutenant-General
- Theophilus H. Holmes (North Carolina) – Lieutenant-General
- John Bell Hood (Kentucky) – Lieutenant-General (temporary General)
- Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson (Virginia) – Lieutenant-General
- Stephen D. Lee (South Carolina) – Lieutenant-General
- James Longstreet (South Carolina) – Lieutenant-General
- John C. Pemberton (Pennsylvania) – Lieutenant-General
- Leonidas Polk (North Carolina) – Lieutenant-General
- Alexander P. Stewart (North Carolina) – Lieutenant-General
- Richard Taylor (Kentucky) – Lieutenant-General (son of U.S. President Zachary Taylor)
- Joseph Wheeler (Georgia) – Lieutenant-General
- John C. Breckinridge (Kentucky) – Major-General & Secretary of War
- Richard H. Anderson (South Carolina) – Major-General (temporary Lieutenant-General)
- Patrick Cleburne (Arkansas) – Major-General
- John Brown Gordon (Georgia) – Major-General
- Henry Heth (Virginia) – Major-General
- Daniel Harvey Hill (South Carolina) – Major-General
- Edward Johnson (Virginia) – Major-General
- Joseph B. Kershaw (South Carolina) – Major-General
- Fitzhugh Lee (Virginia) – Major-General
- George Washington Custis Lee (Virginia) – Major-General
- William Henry Fitzhugh Lee (Virginia) – Major-General
- William Mahone (Virginia) – Major-General
- George Pickett (Virginia) – Major-General
- Camillus J. Polignac (France) – Major-General
- Sterling Price (Missouri) – Major-General
- Stephen Dodson Ramseur (North Carolina) – Major-General
- Thomas L. Rosser (Virginia) – Major-General
- J. E. B. Stuart (Virginia) – Major-General
- Earl Van Dorn (Mississippi) – Major-General
- John A. Wharton (Tennessee) – Major-General
- Edward Porter Alexander (Georgia) – Brigadier-General
- Francis Marion Cockrell (Missouri) – Brigadier-General
- Clement A. Evans (Georgia) – Brigadier-General
- John Hunt Morgan (Kentucky) – Brigadier-General
- William N. Pendleton (Virginia) – Brigadier-General
- Stand Watie (Georgia) – Brigadier-General (last to surrender)
- Lawrence Sullivan Ross (Texas) – Brigadier-General
- John S. Mosby, the "Grey Ghost of the Confederacy" (Virginia) – Colonel
- Franklin Buchanan (Maryland) – Admiral
- Raphael Semmes (Maryland) – Rear Admiral
Ver también
American Civil War portal
- American Civil War prison camps
- Cabinet of the Confederate States of America
- Commemoration of the American Civil War
- Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps
- Confederate colonies
- Confederate Patent Office
- Confederate war finance
- C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America
- Golden Circle (proposed country)
- History of the Southern United States
- List of Confederate arms manufacturers
- List of Confederate arsenals and armories
- List of Confederate monuments
- List of treaties of the Confederate States of America
- National Civil War Naval Museum
Other similar the civil war losing states around the world
- Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic
- Republic of China (1912–1949)
- Second Spanish Republic
Notas
- ^ a b c "Preventing Diplomatic Recognition of the Confederacy, 1861–65". U.S. Department of State. Archived from the original on August 28, 2013.
- ^ a b Hubbard, Charles (2000). The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. p. 55. ISBN 1-57233-092-9. OCLC 745911382.
- ^ Tikkanen, Amy (June 17, 2020). "American Civil War". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved June 28, 2020.
...between the United States and 11 Southern states that seceded from the Union and formed the Confederate States of America.
- ^ a b Editors (July 20, 1998). "Confederate States of America". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved June 25, 2019.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- ^ a b Arrington, Benjamin P. "Industry and Economy during the Civil War". National Park Service. Retrieved April 27, 2017.
- ^ a b M. McPherson, James (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York City: Oxford University Press. p. 106. ISBN 978-0195124996.
Confederate soldiers from slaveholding families expressed no feelings of embarrassment or inconsistency in fighting for their own liberty while holding other people in slavery. Indeed, white supremacy and the right of property in slaves were at the core of the ideology for which Confederate soldiers fought.
- ^ Stephens, Alexander (July 1998). "Cornerstone Speech". Fordham University. Retrieved June 25, 2019.
- ^ McPherson, James M. (2007). This mighty scourge: perspectives on the Civil War. Oxford University Press US. p. 65. ISBN 9780198042761.
- ^ Thomas, Emory M. The Confederate Nation, 1861–1865 (1979) pp. 256–257.
- ^ "Learn – Civil War Trust" (PDF). www.civilwar.org. Retrieved August 27, 2017.
- ^ Hacker, J. David (September 20, 2011). "Recounting the Dead". Opinionator. Retrieved May 19, 2018.
- ^ The constitutionality of the Confederacy's dissolution is open to interpretation at least to the extent that, like the United States Constitution, the Confederate States Constitution did not grant anyone (including the President) the power to dissolve the country. However, May 5, 1865 was the last day anyone holding a Confederate office recognized by the secessionist governments attempted to exercise executive, legislative, or judicial power under the C.S. Constitution. For this reason, that date is generally recognized to be the day the Confederate States of America formally dissolved.
- ^ Davis, Jefferson (1890). Short History of the Confederate States of America. Belford co. p. 503. Retrieved February 10, 2015.
- ^ David W. Blight (June 30, 2009). Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory. Harvard University Press. p. 259. ISBN 978-0-674-02209-6.
- ^ Logan Strother; Spencer Piston; Thomas Ogorzalek. "PRIDE OR PREJUDICE? Racial Prejudice, Southern Heritage, and White Support for the Confederate Battle Flag". academia.edu. p. 7. Retrieved September 13, 2019.
- ^ Ogorzalek, Thomas; Piston, Spencer; Strother, Logan (2017). "PRIDE OR PREJUDICE?: Racial Prejudice, Southern Heritage, and White Support for the Confederate Battle Flag". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race. 14 (1): 295–323. doi:10.1017/S1742058X17000017. ISSN 1742-058X.
- ^ a b David R. Zimring, "'Secession in Favor of the Constitution': How West Virginia Justified Separate Statehood during the Civil War." West Virginia History 3.2 (2009): 23–51. online
- ^ Martis, Kenneth C., op. cit., 1994, pp. 43–53.
- ^ Burke Davis, Sherman's march (2016) ch. 1.
- ^ Weigley (2000), p. 453.
- ^ David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 (1976) pp. 484–514.
- ^ Potter, pp 448–84.
- ^ Emory M. Thomas (1979). The Confederate Nation: 1861 to 1865. HarperCollins. p. 44. ISBN 9780062069467.
- ^ Thomas. The Confederate Nation. pp. 3–4.
- ^ Thomas. The Confederate Nation. pp. 4–5 and notes.
- ^ Coski, John M. (2005). The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem. pp. 23–27. ISBN 978-067402986-6.
- ^ "1860 Presidential General Election Results". Retrieved September 30, 2014.
- ^ The first six signatory states establishing the Confederacy counted about one-fourth its population. They voted 43% for pro-Union candidates. The four states which entered after the attack on Fort Sumter held almost half the population of the Confederacy and voted 53% for pro-Union candidates. The three big turnout states voted extremes. Texas, with 5% of the population, voted 20% for pro-Union candidates. Kentucky and Missouri, with one-fourth the Confederate population, voted a combined 68% for the pro-Union Lincoln, Douglas and Bell. See Table of election returns at 1860 United States presidential election.
- ^ a b "Reluctant Confederates". Personal.tcu.edu. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ Coulter, E. Merton (1950). The Confederate States of America 1861–1865. p. 61.
- ^ Craven, Avery O. The Growth of Southern Nationalism 1848–1861. p. 390.
- ^ a b Craven, Avery O., The Growth of Southern Nationalism. 1848–1861 (1953). p. 350
- ^ Freehling, William W. (1990). The Road to Disunion: Volume II, Secessionists Triumphant. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 398.
- ^ Craven. The Growth of Southern Nationalism. p. 366.
- ^ McPherson. pp. 232–233.
- ^ Faust, Drew Gilpin (1988). The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.
- ^ Murrin, John (2001). Liberty, Equality, Power. p. 1000.
- ^ Emory M. Thomas, The Confederate Nation: 1861–1865 (1979), pp. 83–84.
- ^ McPherson p. 244, quoting Stephens' "Cornerstone Speech".
- ^ Davis, William C. (1994). A Government of Our Own: The Making of the Confederacy. New York: Free Press. pp. 294–295. ISBN 978-0-02-907735-1.
- ^ Alexander Hamilton Stephens (1910). Recollections of Alexander H. Stephens: His Diary Kept when a Prisoner at Fort Warren, Boston Harbour, 1865; Giving Incidents and Reflections of His Prison Life and Some Letters and Reminiscences. Doubleday, Page. p. 172.
- ^ "Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union". Avalon Project. Yale Law School. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
- ^ "A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union". Avalon Project. Yale Law School. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
- ^ "Georgia's secession declaration". Avalon Project. Yale Law School. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
- ^ a b "A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union". Avalon Project. Yale Law School. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
- ^ "Constitution of 1861, Ordinances 1 – 20". Legislature.state.al.us. Archived from the original on April 26, 2014. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Ordinance of secession". Ufdc.ufl.edu. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Young Sanders Center". Youngsanders.org. Archived from the original on March 23, 2014. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Florida Declaration-More information". www.civilwarcauses.org.
- ^ "Florida Declaration". www.civilwarcauses.org.
- ^ "Library of Virginia: Civil War Research Guide – Secession". Lva.virginia.gov. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "A Nation Divided: Arkansas in the Civil War – History". Butlercenter.org. Archived from the original on March 26, 2014. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Civil War Era NC | North Carolina voters rejected a secession convention, February 28, 1861". History.ncsu.edu. February 28, 1861. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ Whiteaker, Larry H. "Civil War | Entries". Tennessee Encyclopedia. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Virginia Ordinance of Secession". Wvculture.org. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Ordinances of Secession". Constitution.org. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ Journal of Both Sessions of the Conventions of the State of Arkansas: Which Were Begun and Held in the Capitol, in the City of Little Rock, 1861, pp. 51–54
- ^ "Ordinances of Secession". Constitution.org. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ "Ordinances of Secession". Constitution.org. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ Annual Register... for 1861 (1862) pp. 233–239
- ^ a b Freehling, pp. 448+
- ^ Freehling, p. 445
- ^ Freehling, pp. 391–394
- ^ Freehling, p. 416
- ^ Freehling, pp. 418+
- ^ Ralph Young (2015). Dissent: The History of an American Idea. NYU Press. p. 193. ISBN 9781479814527.
- ^ Samuel Eliot Morison (1965). The Oxford History of the American People. Oxford University Press. p. 609.
- ^ "Constitutional Amendments Not Ratified". United States House of Representatives. Archived from the original on July 2, 2012. Retrieved November 21, 2013.
- ^ Walter, Michael (2003). "Ghost Amendment: The Thirteenth Amendment That Never Was". Retrieved August 4, 2016.
- ^ Christensen, Hannah (April 2017). "The Corwin Amendment: The Last Last-Minute Attempt to Save the Union". The Gettysburg Compiler. Archived from the original on November 7, 2017. Retrieved November 2, 2017.
- ^ "A proposed Thirteenth Amendment to prevent secession, 1861". The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History. Retrieved November 2, 2017.
- ^ Lee, R. Alton (January 1961). "The Corwin Amendment – In the Secession Crisis". Ohio History Journal. 70 (1): 1–26.
- ^ a b c d Freehling, p. 503
- ^ John D. Wright (2013). The Routledge Encyclopedia of Civil War Era Biographies. Routledge. p. 150. ISBN 9780415878036.
- ^ February 28, 1861, Congress authorized Davis to accept state militias into national service. Confederate Act of Congress for "provisionals" on March 6, 1861, authorized 100,000 militia and volunteers under Davis' command. May 6, Congress empowered Davis to accept volunteers directly without state intermediaries. Keegan, John. The American Civil War: a military history 2009. ISBN 978-0-307-26343-8, p. 49
- ^ Thomas, Emory T., The Confederate Nation: 1861–1865, 1979. ISBN 0-06-090703-7 Chapter 3. "Foundations of the Southern Nation". pp. 59, 81.
- ^ Thomas, Emory T., The Confederate Nation: 1861–1865, 1979. ISBN 0-06-090703-7 Chapter 3. "Foundations of the Southern Nation".
- ^ Some southern unionists blamed Lincoln's call for troops as the precipitating event for the second wave of secessions. Historian James McPherson argues that such claims have "a self-serving quality" and regards them as misleading. He wrote:
As the telegraph chattered reports of the attack on Sumter April 12 and its surrender next day, huge crowds poured into the streets of Richmond, Raleigh, Nashville, and other upper South cities to celebrate this victory over the Yankees. These crowds waved Confederate flags and cheered the glorious cause of southern independence. They demanded that their own states join the cause. Scores of demonstrations took place from April 12 to 14, before Lincoln issued his call for troops. Many conditional unionists were swept along by this powerful tide of southern nationalism; others were cowed into silence.
— McPherson p. 278Historian Daniel W. Crofts disagrees with McPherson. Crofts wrote:
Crofts further noted that,The bombardment of Fort Sumter, by itself, did not destroy Unionist majorities in the upper South. Because only three days elapsed before Lincoln issued the proclamation, the two events viewed retrospectively, appear almost simultaneous. Nevertheless, close examination of contemporary evidence ... shows that the proclamation had a far more decisive impact.
— Crofts p. 336Many concluded ... that Lincoln had deliberately chosen "to drive off all the Slave states, in order to make war on them and annihilate slavery".
— Crofts pp. 337–338, quoting the North Carolina politician Jonathan Worth (1802–1869). - ^ a b James W. Loewen (July 1, 2015). "Why do people believe myths about the Confederacy? Because our textbooks and monuments are wrong". The Washington Post.
- ^ Journal and Proceedings of the Missouri State Convention Held at Jefferson City and St. Louis, March 1861, George Knapp & Co., 1861, p. 47
- ^ Eugene Morrow Violette, A History of Missouri (1918). pp. 393–395
- ^ "Secession Acts of the Thirteen Confederate States". Archived from the original on March 8, 2017. Retrieved September 30, 2014.
- ^ Weigley (2000) p. 43 See also, Missouri's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ A. C. Greene (1998). Sketches from the Five States of Texas. Texas A&M UP. pp. 27–28. ISBN 9780890968536.
- ^ Wilfred Buck Yearns (2010). The Confederate Congress. University of Georgia Press. pp. 42–43. ISBN 9780820334769.
- ^ The text of South Carolina's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. Also, "South Carolina documents including signatories". Docsouth.unc.edu. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ The text of Mississippi's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Florida's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Alabama's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Georgia's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Louisiana's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Texas' Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Lincoln's calling-up of the militia of the several States
- ^ The text of Virginia's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. Virginia took two steps toward secession, first by secession convention vote on April 17, 1861, and then by ratification of this by a popular vote conducted on May 23, 1861. A Unionist Restored government of Virginia also operated. Virginia did not turn over its military to the Confederate States until June 8, 1861. The Commonwealth of Virginia ratified the Constitution of the Confederate States on June 19, 1861.
- ^ The text of Arkansas' Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Tennessee's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. The Tennessee legislature ratified an agreement to enter a military league with the Confederate States on May 7, 1861. Tennessee voters approved the agreement on June 8, 1861.
- ^ The text of North Carolina's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Curry, Richard Orr, A House Divided, A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia, Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1964, p. 49
- ^ Rice, Otis K. and Stephen W. Brown, West Virginia, A History, Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1993, 2nd edition, p. 112. Another way of looking at the results would note the pro-union candidates winning 56% with Bell 20,997, Douglas 5,742, and Lincoln 1,402 versus Breckenridge 21,908. But the "deeply divided sentiment" point remains.
- ^ The Civil War in West Virginia Archived 2004-10-15 at the Wayback Machine "No other state serves as a better example of this than West Virginia, where there was relatively equal support for the northern and southern causes."
- ^ Snell, Mark A., West Virginia and the Civil War, Mountaineers Are Always Free, History Press, Charleston, South Carolina, 2011, p. 28
- ^ Leonard, Cynthia Miller, The General Assembly of Virginia, July 30, 1619 – January 11, 1978: A Bicentennial Register of Members, Virginia State Library, Richmond, Virginia, 1978, pp. 478–493
- ^ "Marx and Engels on the American Civil War". Army of the Cumberland and George H. Thomas. and "Background of the Confederate States Constitution". Civilwarhome.com.
- ^ Glatthaar, Joseph T., General Lee's Army: from victory to collapse, 2008. ISBN 978-0-684-82787-2
- ^ Freedmen & Southern Society Project, Chronology of Emancipation during the Civil War Archived October 11, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, University of Maryland. Retrieved January 4, 2012.
- ^ Bowman, p. 48.
- ^ Farish, Thomas Edwin (1915). History of Arizona. 2.
- ^ Troy Smith. "The Civil War Comes to Indian Territory", Civil War History (2013) 59#3 pp. 279–319.
- ^ Laurence M. Between Hauptman, Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War (1996).
- ^ The Texas delegation was seated with full voting rights after its statewide referendum of secession on March 2, 1861. It is generally counted as an "original state" of the Confederacy. Four upper south states declared secession following Lincoln's call for volunteers: Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina. "The founders of the Confederacy desired and ideally envisioned a peaceful creation of a new union of all slave-holding states, including the border states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri." Kentucky and Missouri were seated in December 1861. Kenneth C. Martis, The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865 (1994) p. 8
- ^ The sessions of the Provisional Congress were in Montgomery, Alabama, (1) First Session February 4 – March 10, and (2) Second Session April 29 – May 21, 1861. The Capital was moved to Richmond May 30. The (3) Third Session was held July 20 – August 31. The (4) Fourth Session called for September 3 was never held. The (5) Fifth Session was held November 18, 1861 – February 17, 1862.
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 100
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 101. Virginia was practically promised as a condition of secession by Vice President Stephens. It had rail connections south along the east coast and into the interior, and laterally west into Tennessee, parallel the U.S. border, a navigable river to the Hampton Roads to menace ocean approaches to Washington DC, trade via the Atlantic Ocean, an interior canal to North Carolina sounds. It was a great storehouse of supplies, food, feed, raw materials, and infrastructure of ports, drydocks, armories and the established Tredegar Iron Works. Nevertheless, Virginia never permanently ceded land for the capital district. A local homeowner donated his home to the City of Richmond for use as the Confederate White House, which was in turn rented to the Confederate government for the Jefferson Davis presidential home and administration offices.
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 2.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 102.
- ^ Noe, Kenneth W.; Wilson, Shannon H., eds. (1997). Civil War in Appalachia.
- ^ McKenzie, Robert Tracy (2002). "Contesting Secession: Parson Brownlow and the Rhetoric of Proslavery Unionism, 1860–1861". Civil War History. 48 (4): 294–312. doi:10.1353/cwh.2002.0060.
- ^ Curry, Richard O. (1964). A House Divided, Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. Univ. of Pittsburgh. p. 8. ISBN 9780822977513.
- ^ McGregor, James C. (1922). The Disruption of Virginia. New York, The Macmillan company.
- ^ Zimring, David R. (2009). "'Secession in Favor of the Constitution': How West Virginia Justified Separate Statehood during the Civil War". West Virginia History. 3 (2): 23–51. doi:10.1353/wvh.0.0060. S2CID 159561246.
- ^ Browning, Judkin (2005). "Removing the Mask of Nationality: Unionism, Racism, and Federal Military Occupation in North Carolina, 1862–1865". Journal of Southern History. 71 (3): 589–620. doi:10.2307/27648821. JSTOR 27648821.
- ^ a b Elliott, Claude (1947). "Union Sentiment in Texas 1861–1865". Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 50 (4): 449–477. JSTOR 30237490.
- ^ Wallace, Ernest. Texas in Turmoil. p. 138.
- ^ Campbell, Randolph B. Gone to Texas. p. 264.
- ^ Baum, Dale (1998). The Shattering of Texas Unionism: Politics in the Lone Star State during the Civil War Era. LSU Press. p. 83. ISBN 0-8071-2245-9.
- ^ Neely, Mark E. Jr. (1999). Southern Rights: Political Prisoners and the Myth of Confederate Constitutionalism. University Press of Virginia. ISBN 0-8139-1894-4.
- ^ a b William Seward to Charles Francis Adams, April 10, 1861 in Marion Mills Miller, (ed.) Life And Works Of Abraham Lincoln (1907) Vol 6.
- ^ Carl Sandburg (1940). Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years and the War Years. p. 151. ISBN 9781402742880.
- ^ Abraham Lincoln (1920). Abraham Lincoln; Complete Works, Comprising His Speeches, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Writings. Century. p. 542.
- ^ Violations of the rules of law were precipitated on both sides and can be found in historical accounts of guerrilla war, units in cross-racial combat and captives held in prisoner of war camps, brutal, tragic accounts against both soldiers and civilian populations.
- ^ Moore, Frank (1861). The Rebellion Record. I. G.P. Putnam. pp. 195–197. ISBN 0-405-10877-X. Doc. 140. The places excepted in the Confederate States proclamation that "a war exists" were the places where slavery was allowed: States of Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, Missouri, and Delaware, and the Territories of Arizona, and New Mexico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas.
- ^ Texas v. White, 74 U.S. 700 (1868) at Cornell University Law School Supreme Court collection.
- ^ a b "Spain and the Confederate States". Charleston Mercury (Charleston, South Carolina). September 12, 1861. p. 1 – via accessiblearchives.com.
- ^ Mason, Virginia, 1833–1920 (1906). The public life and diplomatic correspondence of James M. Mason. p. 203.
- ^ Francis M. Carroll, "The American Civil War and British Intervention: The Threat of Anglo-American Conflict." Canadian Journal of History (2012) 47#1 pp. 94–95.
- ^ Blumenthal (1966) p. 151; Jones (2009) p. 321; Owsley (1959)
- ^ Young, Robert W. (1998). James Murray Mason : defender of the old South. Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press. p. 166. ISBN 9780870499982.
- ^ Blumenthal (1966)
- ^ Lebergott, Stanley (1983). "Why the South Lost: Commercial Purpose in the Confederacy, 1861–1865". Journal of American History. 70 (1): 61. doi:10.2307/1890521. JSTOR 1890521.
- ^ Thomas, Helen (2014). "Slave Narratives, the Romantic Imagination and Transatlantic Literature". In Ernest, Johnt (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the African American Slave Narrative. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199731480.013.013.
- ^ Flanders, Ralph Betts (1933). Plantation slavery in Georgia. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. p. 289.
- ^ Allen, Wm. G. (July 22, 1853). "Letter from Professor Wm. G. Allen [dated June 20, 1853]". The Liberator. p. 4 – via newspapers.com. Reprinted in Frederick Douglass' Paper, August 5, 1853.
- ^ Quarles, Benjamin (January 1954). "Ministers Without Portfolio". Journal of Negro History. 39 (1): 27–42. doi:10.2307/2715643. JSTOR 2715643. S2CID 149601373.
- ^ Richard Shannon (2008). Gladstone: God and Politics. p. 144. ISBN 9781847252036.
- ^ Thomas Paterson, et al. American foreign relations: A history, to 1920: Volume 1 (2009) pp. 149–155.
- ^ Howard Jones, Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War (2002), p. 48
- ^ Gentry, Judith Fenner (1970). "A Confederate Success in Europe: The Erlanger Loan". The Journal of Southern History. 36 (2): 157–188. doi:10.2307/2205869. JSTOR 2205869.
- ^ Lebergott, Stanley (1981). "Through the Blockade: The Profitability and Extent of Cotton Smuggling, 1861–1865". The Journal of Economic History. 41 (4): 867–888. doi:10.1017/S0022050700044946. JSTOR 2120650.
- ^ Alexander DeConde, ed. Encyclopedia of American foreign policy (2001) vol. 1 p. 202 and Stephen R. Wise, Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War, (1991), p. 86.
- ^ Wise, Stephen R. Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War. University of South Carolina Press, 1991 ISBN 0-87249-799-2ISBN 978-0-87249-799-3, p. 86. An example of agents working openly occurred in Hamilton in Bermuda, where a Confederate agent openly worked to help blockade runners.
- ^ The American Catholic Historical Researches. 1901. pp. 27–28.
- ^ Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War (2014) pp. 257–270.
- ^ Thomas, The Confederate Nation, pp. 219–220
- ^ Scholars such as Emory M. Thomas have characterized Girard's book as "more propaganda than anything else, but Girard caught one essential truth", the quote referenced. (Thomas, The Confederate Nation, p. 220.)
- ^ Fremantle, Arthur (1864). Three Months in the Southern States. University of Nebraska Press. p. 124. ISBN 9781429016667.
- ^ Thomas, The Confederate Nation, p. 220
- ^ Thomas, The Confederate Nation pp. 219, 220, 221.
- ^ Thomas, The Confederate Nation p. 243.
- ^ Richardson, James D., ed. (1905). A compilation of the messages and papers of the Confederacy: including the diplomatic correspondence, 1861–1865. Volume II. Nashville: United States Publishing Company. p. 697. Retrieved March 18, 2013.
- ^ Levine, Bruce (2013). The Fall of the House of Dixie. Random House. p. 248.
- ^ Michael Perman; Amy Murrell Taylor, eds. (2010). Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Cengage. p. 178. ISBN 978-0618875207.
- ^ James McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (1998)
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 342–343
- ^ James M. McPherson Professor of American History Princeton University (1996). Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War: Reflections on the American Civil War. Oxford U.P. p. 152. ISBN 9780199727834.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 348. "The enemy could not hold territory, a hostile people would close in behind. The Confederacy still existed wherever there was an army under her unfurled banners."
- ^ The cash crops circling the Seal are wheat, corn, tobacco, cotton, rice and sugar cane. Like Washington's equestrian statue honoring him at Union Square NYC 1856, slaveholding Washington is pictured in his uniform of the Revolution securing American independence. While armed, he does not have his sword drawn as he is depicted in the equestrian statue at the Virginia Capitol, Richmond, Virginia. The plates for the Seal were engraved in England but never received due to the Union Blockade.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 343
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 346
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 333–338.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 286. After capture by Federals, Memphis, TN became a major source of supply for Confederate armies, comparable to Nassau and its blockade runners.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 306. Confederate units harassed them throughout the war years by laying torpedo mines and loosing barrages from shoreline batteries.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 287–288. The principal ports on the Atlantic were Wilmington, North Carolina, Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia for supplies from Europe via Bermuda and Nassau. On the Gulf were Galveston, Texas and New Orleans, Louisiana for those from Havana, Cuba and Mexican ports of Tampico and Vera Cruz.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 296, 304. Two days later Lincoln proclaimed a blockade, declaring them pirates. Davis responded with letters of marque to protect privateers from outlaw status. Some of the early raiders were converted merchantmen seized in Southern ports at the outbreak of the war
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 299–302. The Torpedo Bureau seeded defensive water-borne mines in principal harbors and rivers to compromise the Union naval superiority. These "torpedoes" were said to have caused more loss in U.S. naval ships and transports than by any other cause. Despite a rage for Congressional appropriations and public "subscription ironclads", armored platforms constructed in blockaded ports lacked the requisite marine engines to become ironclad warships. The armored platforms intended to become ironclads were employed instead as floating batteries for port city defense.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 321
- ^ "1862blackCSN".
- ^ Joseph T. Glatthaar, Soldiering in the Army of Northern Virginia: A Statistical Portrait of the Troops Who Served under Robert E. Lee (2011) p. 3, ch. 9
- ^ Coulter, E. Merton, The Confederate States of America: 1861–1865, op. cit., pp. 313–315, 318.
- ^ Alfred L. Brophy, "'Necessity Knows No Law': Vested Rights and the Styles of Reasoning in the Confederate Conscription Cases", Mississippi Law Journal (2000) 69: 1123–1180.
- ^ Stephen V. Ash (2010). The Black Experience in the Civil War South. ABC-CLIO. p. 43. ISBN 9780275985240.
- ^ Rubin p. 104.
- ^ Levine pp. 146–147.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 308–311. The patchwork recruitment was (a) with and without state militia enrolment, (b) state Governor sponsorship and direct service under Davis, (c) for under six months, one year, three years and the duration of the war. Davis proposed recruitment for some period of years or the duration. Congress and the states equivocated. Governor Brown of Georgia became "the first and most persistent critic" of Confederate centralized military and civil power.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 310–311
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 328, 330–332. About 90% of West Pointers in the U.S. Army resigned to join the Confederacy. Notably, of Virginia's West Pointers, not 90% but 70% resigned for the Confederacy. Exemplary officers without military training included John B. Gordon, Nathan B. Forrest, James J. Pettigrew, John H. Morgan, Turner Ashby and John S. Mosby. Most preliminary officer training was had from Hardee's "Tactics", and thereafter by observation and experience in battle. The Confederacy had no officers training camps or military academies, although early on, cadets of the Virginia Military Institute and other military schools drilled enlisted troops in battlefield evolutions.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 310–311. Early 1862 "dried up the enthusiasm to volunteer" due to the impact of victory's battle casualties, the humiliation of defeats and the dislike of camp life with its monotony, confinement and mortal diseases. Immediately following the great victory at the Battle of Manassas, many believed the war was won and there was no need for more troops. Then the new year brought defeat over February 6–23: Fort Henry, Roanoke Island, Fort Donelson, Nashville – the first capital to fall. Among some not yet in uniform, the less victorious "Cause" seemed less glorious.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 312. The government funded parades and newspaper ad campaigns, $2,000,000 for recruitment in Kentucky alone. With a state-enacted draft, Governor Brown with a quota of 12,000 raised 22,000 Georgia militia.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 313, 332. Officially dropping 425 officers by board review in October was followed immediately by 1,300 "resignations". Some officers who resigned then served honorably as enlisted for the duration or until they were made casualties, others resigned and returned home until conscription.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 313
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 313–314. Military officers including Joseph E. Johnston and Robert E. Lee, advocated conscription. In the circumstances they persuaded Congressmen and newspaper editors. Some editors advocating conscription in early 1862 later became "savage critics of conscription and of Davis for his enforcement of it: Yancey of Alabama, Rhett of the Charleston 'Mercury', Pollard of the Richmond 'Examiner', and Senator Wigfall of Texas".
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 313–314, 319. Apart from their respective system exemptions, populations under Federal administration were subject to a "wheel of fortune" draft by aggregate number from each state in each draft, rather than the Confederate's universal selection by age. Overrun areas such as Kentucky and Missouri were not subject to the draft, these areas expanded as the war progressed. The act abolishing the substitute system and nullifying the principal's exemption was challenged in court as a violation of contract, but "no court of importance so held".
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 315–317.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 320. One such exemption was allowed for every 20 slaves on a plantation, the May 1863 reform required previous occupation and that the plantation of 20 slaves (or group of plantations within a five-mile area) had not been subdivided after the first exemption of April 1862.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 317–318. There were no organized political parties, but elective offices were also exempted. Virtually every position was contested with as many as twenty candidates for each office. Some scholars such as Martis interpret this as robust democratic society in wartime. Coulter attributes the widely new found enthusiasm for political careers as a means to "get out of the army or keep from getting into it". State Governor patronage expanded most notably in the tens of thousands in Georgia and North Carolina. In Greene County, Georgia, two dozen men ran for three offices; in protest, the women of the county ran a ticket of three men older than the 45 years conscription age.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 319.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederates States of America, p. 324.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 322–324, 326. The Conscription Bureau was run by Brigadier General Gabriel J. Rains until May 1863, Brigadier General Charles W. Field until July 1864, Colonel John S. Preston until "the bitter end". The "odium and disgrace" of conscription led many to volunteer. The Bureau was "undoubtedly very inefficient" as officers were culled from those unwanted for field service. Virginia had 26,000 volunteers to 9,000 conscripts. Governor Vance NC "vigorously supported conscription", uncharacteristically netting 21,343 conscripts to 8,000 volunteers. Necessary railroad positions once demeaned as "blacks only" were in 1864 taken by whites of military age.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 323–325, 327. Those governors with constitutional reservations refused to participate in conscription. In Fall 1864, Lee required of Davis a total number of 150,000 to match Grant's numbers, "else I fear a great calamity will befall us". This led to Davis appointing officers such as General Pillow to recruiting positions. As a military recruiting officer, Gideon J. Pillow for whom Fort Pillow, was named, brought in 25,000 for Braxton Bragg and Joseph E. Johnston.
- ^ Rable (1994) p. 265.
- ^ Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington (1942)
- ^ Stephens, Alexander H. (1870). A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (PDF). 2. Philadelphia, Pa. : National Pub. Co.; Chicago, Ill. : Zeigler, McCurdy. p. 36.
I maintain that it was inaugurated and begun, though no blow had been struck, when the hostile fleet, styled the 'Relief Squadron', with eleven ships, carrying two hundred and eighty-five guns and two thousand four hundred men, was sent out from New York and Norfolk, with orders from the authorities at Washington, to reinforce Fort Sumter peaceably, if permitted 'but forcibly if they must' ...
After the war, Confederate Vice President Alexander H. Stephens maintained that Lincoln's attempt to resupply Sumter was a disguised reinforcement and had provoked the war. - ^ Lincoln's proclamation calling for troops from the remaining states (bottom of page); Department of War details to States (top).
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 352–353.
- ^ The War of the Rebellion: a Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies; Series 1. 5. p. 56.4
- ^ Rice, Otis K. and Stephen W. Brown, West Virginia, A History, University of Kentucky Press, 1993, 2nd edition, p. 130
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 353.
- ^ Glatthaar, Joseph T., General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse, Free Press 2008. ISBN 978-0-684-82787-2, p. xiv. Inflicting intolerable casualties on invading Federal armies was a Confederate strategy to make the northern Unionists relent in their pursuit of restoring the Union.
- ^ Ambler, Charles, Francis H. Pierpont: Union War Governor of Virginia and Father of West Virginia, Univ. of North Carolina, 1937, p. 419, note 36. Letter of Adjutant General Henry L. Samuels, August 22, 1862, to Gov. Francis Pierpont listing 22 of 48 counties under sufficient control for soldier recruitment.
Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 3rd Session, Senate Bill S.531, February 14, 1863 "A bill supplemental to the act entitled 'An act for the Admission of the State of 'West Virginia' into the Union, and for other purposes' which would include the counties of "Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Mercer, McDowell, Pocahontas, Raleigh, Greenbrier, Monroe, Pendleton, Fayette, Nicholas, and Clay, now in the possession of the so-called confederate government". - ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 27. In the Mississippi River Valley, during the first half of February, central Tennessee's Fort Henry was lost and Fort Donelson fell with a small army. By the end of the month, Nashville, Tennessee was the first conquered Confederate state capital. On April 6–7, Federals turned back the Confederate offensive at the Battle of Shiloh, and three days later Island Number 10, controlling the upper Mississippi River, fell to a combined Army and Naval gunboat siege of three weeks.
Federal occupation of Confederate territory expanded to include northwestern Arkansas, south down the Mississippi River and east up the Tennessee River. The Confederate River Defense fleet sank two Union ships at Plum Point Bend (naval Fort Pillow), but they withdrew and Fort Pillow was captured downriver.
- ^ a b c d Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 28.
- ^ a b Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 27. Federal occupation expanded into northern Virginia, and their control of the Mississippi extended south to Nashville, Tennessee.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 354. Federal sea-based amphibious forces captured Roanoke Island, North Carolina along with a large garrison in February. In March, Confederates abandoned forts at Fernandia and St. Augustine Florida, and lost New Berne, North Carolina. In April, New Orleans fell and Savannah, Georgia was closed by the Battle of Fort Pulaski. In May retreating Confederates burned their two pre-war Navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola. See Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 287, 306, 302
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 294, 296–7. Europeans refused to allow captured U.S. shipping to be sold for the privateers 95% share, so through 1862, Confederate privateering disappeared. The CSA Congress authorized a Volunteer Navy to man cruisers the following year.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 288–291. As many as half the Confederate blockade runners had British nationals serving as officers and crew. Confederate regulations required one-third, then one-half of the cargoes to be munitions, food and medicine.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 287, 306, 302, 306 and CSS Atlanta, USS Atlanta. Navy Heritage. In both events, as with the CSS Virginia, the Navy's bravery and fighting skill was compromised in combat by mechanical failure in the engines or steering. The joint combined Army-Navy defense by General Robert E. Lee, and his successor and Commodore Josiah Tattnall, repelled amphibious assault of Savannah for the duration of the war. Union General Tecumseh Sherman captured Savannah from the land side in December 1864. The British blockade runner Fingal was purchased and converted to the ironclad CSS Atlanta. It made two sorties, was captured by Union forces, repaired, and returned to service as the ironclad USS Atlanta supporting Grant's Siege of Petersburg.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 303. French shipyards built four corvettes, and two ironclad rams for the Confederacy, but the American minister prevented their delivery. British firms contracted to build two additional ironclad rams, but under threat from the U.S., the British government bought them for their own navy. Two of the converted blockade runners effectively raided up and down the Atlantic coast until the end of the war.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 354–356. McClellan's Peninsula Campaign caused the surprised Confederates to destroy their winter camp to mobilize against the threat to their Capital. They burned "a vast amount of supplies" to keep them from falling into enemy hands.
- ^ Nevin's analysis of the strategic highpoint of Confederate military scope and effectiveness is in contra-distinction to the conventional "last chance" battlefield imagery of the High-water mark of the Confederacy found at "The Angle" of the Battle of Gettysburg.
- ^ Allan Nevins, War for the Union (1960) pp. 289–290. Weak national leadership led to disorganized overall direction in contrast to improved organization in Washington. With another 10,000 men Lee and Bragg might have prevailed in the border states, but the local populations did not respond to their pleas to recruit additional soldiers.
- ^ Rice, Otis K.; Brown, Stephen W. (1993). West Virginia, A History (2nd ed.). Univ. of Kentucky Press. pp. 134–135. ISBN 0-8131-1854-9.
- ^ "The Civil War Comes to Charleston".
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 357
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 356
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 297–298. They were required to supply their own ships and equipment, but they received 90% of their captures at auction, 25% of any U.S. warships or transports captured or destroyed. Confederate cruisers raided merchant ship commerce but for one exception in 1864.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 305–306. The most successful Confederate merchant raider 1863–1864, CSS Alabama had ranged the Atlantic for two years, sinking 58 vessels worth $6,54,000 [sic?], but she was trapped and sunk in June by the chain-clad USS Kearsarge off Cherbourg, France.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, in 1862, CSS Atlanta, USS Atlanta. Navy Heritage, in 1863 the ironclad CSS Savannah
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 305
- ^ Mary Elizabeth Massey, Refugee Life in the Confederacy (1964)
- ^ Foote, Shelby (1974). The Civil War, a narrative: Vol III. p. 967. ISBN 0-394-74622-8.
Sherman was closing in on Raleigh, whose occupation tomorrow would make it the ninth of the eleven seceded state capitals to feel the tread of the invader. All, that is, but Austin and Tallahassee, whose survival was less the result of their ability to resist than it was of Federal oversight or disinterest.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 323–325, 327.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 287
- ^ The French-built ironclad CSS Stonewall had been purchased from Denmark and set sail from Spain in March. The crew of the CSS Shenandoah hauled down the last Confederate flag at Liverpool in the UK on November 5, 1865. John Baldwin; Ron Powers (May 2008). Last Flag Down: The Epic Journey of the Last Confederate Warship (May 6, 2008 ed.). Three Rivers Press. p. 368. ISBN 978-0-307-23656-2.
- ^ United States Government Printing Office, Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, United States Naval War Records Office, United States Office of Naval Records and Library, 1894 This article incorporates text from the public domain Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships.
- ^ Gallagher p. 157
- ^ Davis, Jefferson. A Short History of the Confederate States of America, 1890, 2010. ISBN 978-1-175-82358-8. Available free online as an ebook. Chapter LXXXVIII, "Re-establishment of the Union by force", p. 503. Retrieved March 14, 2012.
- ^ Dorris, J. T. (1928). "Pardoning the Leaders of the Confederacy". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 15 (1): 3–21. doi:10.2307/1891664. JSTOR 1891664.
- ^ Johnson, Andrew. "Proclamation 179 – Granting full pardon and amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States during the late Civil War", December 25, 1868. Accessed July 18, 2014.
- ^ Nichols, Roy Franklin (1926). "United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869". American Historical Review. 31 (2): 266–284. doi:10.2307/1838262. JSTOR 1838262.
- ^ Jefferson Davis (2008). The Papers of Jefferson Davis: June 1865 – December 1870. Louisiana State UP. p. 96. ISBN 9780807133415.
- ^ Nichols, "United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869".
- ^
- Deutsch, Eberhard P. (1966). "United States v. Jefferson Davis: Constitutional Issues in the Trial for Treason". American Bar Association Journal. 52 (2): 139–145. JSTOR 25723506.
- Deutsch, Eberhard P. (1966). "United States v. Jefferson Davis: Constitutional Issues in the Trial for Treason". American Bar Association Journal. 52 (3): 263–268. JSTOR 25723552.
- ^ John David Smith, ed. Interpreting American History: Reconstruction (Kent State University Press, 2016).
- ^ Cooper, William J.; Terrill, Tom E. (2009). The American South: a history. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. xix. ISBN 978-0-7425-6095-6.
- ^ Murray, Robert Bruce (2003). Legal Cases of the Civil War. Stackpole Books. pp. 155–159. ISBN 0-8117-0059-3.
- ^ Zuczek, Richard (2006). "Texas v. White (1869)". Encyclopedia of the Reconstruction Era. p. 649. ISBN 0-313-33073-5.
- ^ Owsley, Frank L. (1925). State Rights in the Confederacy. Chicago.
- ^ Thomas. The Confederate Nation. p. 155.
- ^ Owsley (1925). "Local Defense and the Overthrow of the Confederacy". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 11 (4): 492–525. doi:10.2307/1895910. JSTOR 1895910.
- ^ Rable (1994) 257. For a detailed criticism of Owsley's argument see Beringer, Richard E.; Still, William N. Jr.; Jones, Archer; Hattaway, Herman (1986). Why the South Lost the Civil War. University of Georgia Press. pp. 443–57. Brown declaimed against Davis Administration policies: "Almost every act of usurpation of power, or of bad faith, has been conceived, brought forth and nurtured in secret session."
- ^ See also Beringer, Richard; et al. (1986). Why the South Lost the Civil War. University of Georgia Press. pp. 64–83, 424–57.
- ^ a b Rable (1994). The Confederate Republic: A Revolution Against Politics. Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 258, 259. ISBN 9780807821442.
- ^ Moretta, John (1999). "Pendleton Murrah and States Rights in Civil War Texas". Civil War History. 45 (2): 126–146. doi:10.1353/cwh.1999.0101.
- ^ Moore, Albert Burton (1924). Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy. p. 295.
- ^ Cooper (2000) p. 462. Rable (1994) pp. 2–3. Rable wrote, "But despite heated arguments and no little friction between the competing political cultures of unity and liberty, antiparty and broader fears about politics in general shaped civic life. These beliefs could obviously not eliminate partisanship or prevent Confederates from holding on to and exploiting old political prejudices. ... Even the most bitter foes of the Confederate government, however, refused to form an opposition party, and the Georgia dissidents, to cite the most prominent example, avoided many traditional political activities. Only in North Carolina did there develop anything resembling a party system, and there the central values of the Confederacy's two political cultures had a far more powerful influence on political debate than did organizational maneuvering."
- ^ Donald, David Herbert, ed. (1996). Why the North Won the Civil War. pp. 112–113. Potter wrote in his contribution to this book, "Where parties do not exist, criticism of the administration is likely to remain purely an individual matter; therefore the tone of the criticism is likely to be negative, carping, and petty, as it certainly was in the Confederacy. But where there are parties, the opposition group is strongly impelled to formulate real alternative policies and to press for the adoption of these policies on a constructive basis. ... But the absence of a two-party system meant the absence of any available alternative leadership, and the protest votes which were cast in the [1863 Confederate mid-term] election became more expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction rather than implements of a decision to adopt new and different policies for the Confederacy."
- ^ a b Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 105–106
- ^ a b Fred A. Bailey, "E. Merton Coulter," in Reading Southern History: Essays on Interpreters and Interpretations, ed. Glenn Feldman (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2001).
- ^ a b Eric Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory Of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993; Revised, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996, p. xii
- ^ a b Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers, p. xii
- ^ a b Eric Foner, Black Legislators, pp. 119–20, 180
- ^ Escott, Paul (1992). After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism. Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-1807-9.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 108, 113, 103
- ^ "Jefferson Davis (1808–1889)". Encyclopedia Virginia. Retrieved March 12, 2012.
- ^ Davis p. 248.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 22. The Texas delegation had four in the U.S. Congress, seven in the Montgomery Convention.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 23. While the Texas delegation was seated, and is counted in the "original seven" states of the Confederacy, its referendum to ratify secession had not taken place, so its delegates did not yet vote on instructions from their state legislature.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 23–26.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 25, 27
- ^ a b Martis, Kenneth C. (1994). The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America: 1861–1865. Simon & Schuster. p. 1. ISBN 0-13-389115-1.
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, pp. 72–73
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 3
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, pp. 90–91
- ^ ""Legal Materials on the Confederate States of America in the Schaffer Law Library", Albany Law School". Albanylaw.edu. Archived from the original on November 3, 2007. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Constitution of the Confederate States of America – Wikisource, the free online library. Retrieved July 6, 2018.
- ^ a b [Moise, E. Warren, Rebellion in the Temple of Justice (iUniverse 2003)]
- ^ "Records of District Courts of the United States, National Archives". Archives.gov. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Walter Flavius McCaleb, "The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy." American Historical Review 12#1 (1906), pp. 66–74 online
- ^ "U.S. Postal Issue Used in the Confederacy (1893)". Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Retrieved January 29, 2011.
- ^ McCaleb, Walter Flavius (1906). "The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy". The American Historical Review. 12 (1): 66–74. doi:10.2307/1832885. JSTOR 1832885.
- ^
- Garrison, L. R. (1915). "Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department, I". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 19 (2): 111–141. JSTOR 30234666.
- Garrison, L. R. (1916). "Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department, II". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 19 (3): 232–250. JSTOR 30237275.
- ^ "Confederate States Post Office". Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Retrieved November 17, 2010.
- ^ Neely (1999) p. 1
- ^ Neely (1999) p. 172. Neely notes that. "Most surprising of all, the Confederacy at a greater rate than the North arrested persons who held opposition political views at least in part because they held them, despite the Confederacy's vaunted lack of political parties. Such arrests were more common before 1863 while memories of the votes on secession remained fresh."
- ^ Neely (1993) pp. 11, 16.
- ^ Wiley, Bell Irvin (1938). Southern Negroes, 1861–1865. pp. 21, 66–69.
- ^ Martha S. Putney (2003). Blacks in the United States Army: Portraits Through History. McFarland. p. 13. ISBN 9780786415939.
- ^ "African Americans In The Civil War". History Net: Where History Comes Alive – World & US History Online.
- ^ Litwack, Leon F. (1979). Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery. New York: Knopf. pp. 30–36, 105–66. ISBN 0-394-50099-7.
- ^ Vorenberg, Michael, ed. (2010). The Emancipation Proclamation: A Brief History with Documents.
- ^ Kolchin, Peter (2015). "Reexamining Southern Emancipation in Comparative Perspective". Journal of Southern History. 81 (1): 7–40.
- ^ Thomas, The Confederate Nation pp. 13–14
- ^ R. Douglas Hurt, Agriculture and the Confederacy: Policy, Productivity, and Power in the Civil War South (2015)
- ^ William L. Barney (2011). The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Civil War. Oxford Up. p. 291. ISBN 9780199878147.
- ^ Leslie Alexander (2010). Encyclopedia of African American History. ABC-CLIO. p. 351. ISBN 9781851097746.
- ^ Thomas The Confederate Nation pp. 12–15
- ^ Thomas The Confederate Nation pp. 15–16
- ^ Thomas The Confederate Nation p. 16
- ^ Thomas Conn Bryan (2009). Confederate Georgia. U. of Georgia Press. pp. 105–9. ISBN 9780820334998.
- ^ Tariff of the Confederate States of America, May 21, 1861.
- ^ Ian Drury, ed. American Civil War: Naval & Economic Warfare (2003) p. 138. ISBN 0-00-716458-0. "The Confederacy underwent a government-led industrial revolution during the war, but its economy was slowly strangled."
- ^ Hankey, John P. (2011). "The Railroad War". Trains. Kalmbach Publishing Company. 71 (3): 24–35.
- ^ Ramsdell, Charles W. (1917). "The Confederate Government and the Railroads". The American Historical Review. 22 (4): 794–810. doi:10.2307/1836241. JSTOR 1836241.
- ^ Mary Elizabeth Massey. Ersatz in the Confederacy (1952) p. 128.
- ^ Ramsdell, "The Confederate Government and the Railroads", pp. 809–810.
- ^ Spencer Jones, "The Influence of Horse Supply Upon Field Artillery in the American Civil War", Journal of Military History, (April 2010), 74#2 pp. 357–377
- ^ Sharrer, G. Terry (1995). "The Great Glanders Epizootic, 1861–1866: A Civil War Legacy". Agricultural History. 69 (1): 79–97. JSTOR 3744026. PMID 11639801.
- ^ Keith Miller, "Southern Horse", Civil War Times, (February 2006) 45#1 pp. 30–36 online
- ^ Cooper, William J. (2010). Jefferson Davis, American. Knopf Doubleday. p. 378. ISBN 9780307772640.
- ^ Burdekin, Richard; Langdana, Farrokh (1993). "War Finance in the Southern Confederacy, 1861–1865". Explorations in Economic History. 30 (3): 352–376. doi:10.1006/exeh.1993.1015.
- ^ Wright, John D. (2001). The Language of the Civil War. p. 41. ISBN 9781573561358.
- ^ "1861 O 50C MS Seated Liberty Half Dollars | NGC". www.ngccoin.com.
- ^ "Confederate Coinage: A Short-lived Dream". PCGS.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 151–153, 127
- ^ Kidd, Jessica Fordham (2006). "Privation and Pride: Life in Blockaded Alabama". Alabama Heritage Magazine. 82: 8–15.
- ^ Massey, Mary Elizabeth (1952). Ersatz in the Confederacy: Shortages and Substitutes on the Southern Homefront. pp. 71–73.
- ^ Coulter, E. Merton (1927). "The Movement for Agricultural Reorganization in the Cotton South during the Civil War". Agricultural History. 1 (1): 3–17. JSTOR 3739261.
- ^ Thompson, C. Mildred (1915). Reconstruction In Georgia: Economic, Social, Political 1865–1872. pp. 14–17, 22.
- ^ McCurry, Stephanie (2011). "Bread or Blood!". Civil War Times. 50 (3): 36–41.
- ^ Williams, Teresa Crisp; Williams, David (2002). "'The Women Rising': Cotton, Class, and Confederate Georgia's Rioting Women". Georgia Historical Quarterly. 86 (1): 49–83. JSTOR 40584640.
- ^ Chesson, Michael B. (1984). "Harlots or Heroines? A New Look at the Richmond Bread Riot". Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. 92 (2): 131–175. JSTOR 4248710.
- ^ Titus, Katherine R. (2011). "The Richmond Bread Riot of 1863: Class, Race, and Gender in the Urban Confederacy". The Gettysburg College Journal of the Civil War Era. 2 (6): 86–146.
- ^ Paskoff, Paul F. (2008). "Measures of War: A Quantitative Examination of the Civil War's Destructiveness in the Confederacy". Civil War History. 54 (1): 35–62. doi:10.1353/cwh.2008.0007.
- ^ a b Paskoff, "Measures of War"
- ^ Ezell, John Samuel (1963). The South since 1865. pp. 27–28.
- ^ Frank, Lisa Tendrich, ed. (2008). Women in the American Civil War.
- ^ Faust, Drew Gilpin (1996). Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press. pp. 139–152. ISBN 0-8078-2255-8.
- ^ Jabour, Anya (2007). Scarlett's Sisters: Young Women in the Old South. U of North Carolina Press. pp. 273–280. ISBN 978-0-8078-3101-4.
- ^ Coulter, Ellis Merton. The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 Retrieved 2012-06-13, published in LSU's History of the South series, on p. 118 notes that beginning in March 1861, the Stars-and-Bars was used "all over the Confederacy".
- ^ Sansing, David. Brief History of the Confederate Flags at "Mississippi History Now" online Mississippi Historical Society. Second National Flag, "the stainless banner" references, Devereaux D. Cannon, Jr., The Flags of the Confederacy, An Illustrated History (St. Lukes Press, 1988), 22–24. Section Heading "Second and Third National Flags". Retrieved October 4, 2012.
- ^ Sansing, David, Brief History of the Confederate Flags at "Mississippi History Now" online Mississippi Historical Socie ty. Third National Flag, "the bloodstained banner" references 19. Southern Historical Society Papers (cited hereafter as SHSP, volume number, date for the first entry, and page number), 24, 118. Section Heading "Second and Third National Flags". Retrieved October 4, 2012.
- ^ Two-thirds of soldiers' deaths occurred due to disease. Nofi, Al (June 13, 2001). "Statistics on the War's Costs". Louisiana State University. Archived from the original on July 11, 2007. Retrieved September 8, 2008.
- ^ "1860 Census of Population and Housing". Census.gov. January 7, 2009. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ "Form available for viewing atshows how data on slave ownership was collected" (PDF). C.ancestry.com. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 7, 2011. Retrieved September 1, 2008.
- ^ Calculated by dividing the number of owners (obtained via the census) by the number of free persons.
- ^ Selected Statistics on Slavery in the United States, Webster State University https://faculty.weber.edu/kmackay/selected_statistics_on_slavery_i.htm.
- ^ Figures for Virginia include the future West Virginia
- ^ Rows may not add to 100% due to rounding
- ^ All data for this section taken from the University of Virginia Library, Historical Census Browser, Census Data for Year 1860 Archived October 11, 2014, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population of the 100 Largest Urban Places: 1860, Internet Release date: June 15, 1998". Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Dabney 1990 p. 182
- ^ Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan, eds. Religion and the American Civil War (1998) excerpt and text search.
- ^ Pamela Robinson-Durso, "Chaplains in the Confederate Army." Journal of Church and State 33 (1991): 747+.
- ^ W. Harrison Daniel, "Southern Presbyterians in the Confederacy." North Carolina Historical Review 44.3 (1967): 231–255. online
- ^ W. Harrison Daniel, "The Southern Baptists in the Confederacy." Civil War History 6.4 (1960): 389–401.
- ^ G. Clinton Prim. "Southern Methodism in the Confederacy". Methodist history 23.4 (1985): 240–249.
- ^ Edgar Legare Pennington, "The Confederate Episcopal Church and the Southern Soldiers." Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 17.4 (1948): 356–383. online
- ^ David T. Gleeson, The Green and the Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America (2013).
- ^ Sidney J. Romero, "Louisiana Clergy and the Confederate Army". Louisiana History 2.3 (1961): 277–300. JSTOR 4230621.
- ^ W. Harrison Daniel, "Southern Protestantism and Army Missions in the Confederacy". Mississippi Quarterly 17.4 (1964): 179+.
- ^ Eicher, Civil War High Commands.
Referencias
- Bowman, John S. (ed), The Civil War Almanac, New York: Bison Books, 1983
- Eicher, John H., & Eicher, David J., Civil War High Commands, Stanford University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8047-3641-3
- Martis, Kenneth C. The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865 (1994) ISBN 0-13-389115-1
Otras lecturas
Overviews and reference
- American Annual Cyclopaedia for 1861 (N.Y.: Appleton's, 1864), an encyclopedia of events in the U.S. and CSA (and other countries); covers each state in detail
- Appletons' annual cyclopedia and register of important events: Embracing political, military, and ecclesiastical affairs; public documents; biography, statistics, commerce, finance, literature, science, agriculture, and mechanical industry, Volume 3 1863 (1864), thorough coverage of the events of 1863
- Beringer, Richard E., Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones, and William N. Still Jr. Why the South Lost the Civil War. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986. ISBN 0-8203-0815-3.
- Boritt, Gabor S., and others., Why the Confederacy Lost, (1992)
- Coulter, E. Merton The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865, 1950
- Current, Richard N., ed. Encyclopedia of the Confederacy (4 vol), 1993. 1900 pages, articles by scholars.
- Davis, William C. (2003). Look Away! A History of the Confederate States of America. New York: Free Press. ISBN 0-684-86585-8.
- Eaton, Clement A History of the Southern Confederacy, 1954
- Faust, Patricia L., ed. Historical Times Illustrated History of the Civil War. New York: Harper & Row, 1986. ISBN 978-0-06-273116-6.
- Gallagher, Gary W. The Confederate War. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0-674-16056-9.
- Heidler, David S., and Jeanne T. Heidler, eds. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000. ISBN 978-0-393-04758-5. 2740 pages.
- McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. Oxford History of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. ISBN 978-0-19-503863-7. standard military history of the war; Pulitzer Prize
- Nevins, Allan. The War for the Union. Vol. 1, The Improvised War 1861–1862. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1959. ISBN 0-684-10426-1; The War for the Union. Vol. 2, War Becomes Revolution 1862–1863. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1960. ISBN 1-56852-297-5; The War for the Union. Vol. 3, The Organized War 1863–1864. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971. ISBN 0-684-10428-8; The War for the Union. Vol. 4, The Organized War to Victory 1864–1865. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971. ISBN 1-56852-299-1. The most detailed history of the war.
- Roland, Charles P. The Confederacy, (1960) brief survey
- Rubin, Anne Sarah (2005). A Shattered Nation. doi:10.5149/9780807888957_rubin. ISBN 9780807829288.
- Thomas, Emory M. The Confederate Nation, 1861–1865. New York: Harper & Row, 1979. ISBN 978-0-06-014252-0. Standard political-economic-social history
- Wakelyn, Jon L. Biographical Dictionary of the Confederacy Greenwood Press ISBN 0-8371-6124-X
- Weigley, Russell F. A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861–1865. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2000. ISBN 0-253-33738-0.
Historiography
- Bailey, Anne J.; Sutherland, Daniel E. (1999). "The History and Historians of Civil War Arkansas". The Arkansas Historical Quarterly. 58 (3): 233. doi:10.2307/40026228. JSTOR 40026228.
- Boles, John B. and Evelyn Thomas Nolen, eds. Interpreting Southern History: Historiographical Essays in Honor of Sanford W. Higginbotham (1987)
- Decredico, Mary (2007). "The Confederate Home Front". A Companion to the Civil War and Reconstruction. pp. 258–276. doi:10.1002/9780470998717.ch15. ISBN 9780470998717.
- Foote, Lorien. "Rethinking the Confederate home front." Journal of the Civil War Era 7.3 (2017): 446-465 online.
- Gary w. Gallagher (2009). "Disaffection, Persistence, and Nation: Some Directions in Recent Scholarship on the Confederacy". Civil War History. 55 (3): 329–353. doi:10.1353/cwh.0.0065.
- Grant, Susan-Mary, and Brian Holden Reid, eds. The American civil war: explorations and reconsiderations (Longman, 2000.)
- Hettle, Wallace. Inventing Stonewall Jackson: A Civil War Hero in History and Memory (LSU Press, 2011).
- Link, Arthur S. and Rembert W. Patrick, eds. Writing Southern History: Essays in Historiography in Honor of Fletcher M. Green (1965)
- Sternhell, Yael A. "Revisionism Reinvented? The Antiwar Turn in Civil War Scholarship." Journal of the Civil War Era 3.2 (2013): 239–256 online.
- Woodworth, Steven E. ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), 750 pages of historiography and bibliography
State studies
- Tucker, Spencer, ed. American Civil War: A State-by-State Encyclopedia (2 vol 2015) 1019pp
Border states
- Ash, Stephen V. Middle Tennessee society transformed, 1860–1870: war and peace in the Upper South (2006)
- Cooling, Benjamin Franklin. Fort Donelson's Legacy: War and Society in Kentucky and Tennessee, 1862–1863 (1997)
- Cottrell, Steve. Civil War in Tennessee (2001) 142pp
- Crofts, Daniel W. Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis. (1989) ISBN 0-8078-1809-7.
- Dollar, Kent, and others. Sister States, Enemy States: The Civil War in Kentucky and Tennessee (2009)
- Durham, Walter T. Nashville: The Occupied City, 1862–1863 (1985); Reluctant Partners: Nashville and the Union, 1863–1865 (1987)
- Mackey, Robert R. The Uncivil War: Irregular Warfare in the Upper South, 1861–1865 (University of Oklahoma Press, 2014)
- Temple, Oliver P. East Tennessee and the civil war (1899) 588pp online edition
Alabama and Mississippi
- Fleming, Walter L. Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama (1905). the most detailed study; Dunning School full text online from Project Gutenberg
- Rainwater, Percy Lee. Mississippi: storm center of secession, 1856–1861 (1938)
- Rigdon, John. A Guide to Alabama Civil War Research (2011)
- Smith, Timothy B. Mississippi in the Civil War: The Home Front University Press of Mississippi, (2010) 265 pages; Examines the declining morale of Mississippians as they witnessed extensive destruction and came to see victory as increasingly improbable
- Sterkx, H. E. Partners in Rebellion: Alabama Women in the Civil War (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1970)
- Storey, Margaret M. "Civil War Unionists and the Political Culture of Loyalty in Alabama, 1860–1861". Journal of Southern History (2003): 71–106. in JSTOR
- Storey, Margaret M., Loyalty and Loss: Alabama's Unionists in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2004.
- Towns, Peggy Allen. Duty Driven: The Plight of North Alabama's African Americans During the Civil War (2012)
Florida and Georgia
- DeCredico, Mary A. Patriotism for Profit: Georgia's Urban Entrepreneurs and the Confederate War Effort (1990)
- Fowler, John D. and David B. Parker, eds. Breaking the Heartland: The Civil War in Georgia (2011)
- Hill, Louise Biles. Joseph E. Brown and the Confederacy. (1972); He was the governor
- Inscoe, John C. (2011). The Civil War in Georgia: A New Georgia Encyclopedia Companion. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 9780820341828.
- Johns, John Edwin. Florida During the Civil War (University of Florida Press, 1963)
- Johnson, Michael P. Toward A Patriarchal Republic: The Secession of Georgia (1977)
- Mohr, Clarence L. On the Threshold of Freedom: Masters and Slaves in Civil War Georgia (1986)
- Nulty, William H. Confederate Florida: The Road to Olustee (University of Alabama Press, 1994)
- Parks, Joseph H. Joseph E. Brown of Georgia (LSU Press, 1977) 612 pages; Governor
- Wetherington, Mark V. Plain Folk's Fight: The Civil War and Reconstruction in Piney Woods Georgia (2009)
Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and West
- Bailey, Anne J., and Daniel E. Sutherland, eds. Civil War Arkansas: beyond battles and leaders (Univ of Arkansas Pr, 2000)
- Ferguson, John Lewis, ed. Arkansas and the Civil War (Pioneer Press, 1965)
- Ripley, C. Peter. Slaves and Freedmen in Civil War Louisiana (LSU Press, 1976)
- Snyder, Perry Anderson. Shreveport, Louisiana, during the Civil War and Reconstruction (1979)
- Underwood, Rodman L. Waters of Discord: The Union Blockade of Texas During the Civil War (McFarland, 2003)
- Winters, John D. The Civil War in Louisiana (LSU Press, 1991)
- Woods, James M. Rebellion and Realignment: Arkansas's Road to Secession. (1987)
- Wooster, Ralph A. Civil War Texas (Texas A&M University Press, 2014)
North and South Carolina
- Barrett, John G. The Civil War in North Carolina (1995)
- Carbone, John S. The Civil War in Coastal North Carolina (2001)
- Cauthen, Charles Edward; Power, J. Tracy. South Carolina goes to war, 1860–1865 (1950)
- Hardy, Michael C. North Carolina in the Civil War (2011)
- Inscoe, John C. The Heart of Confederate Appalachia: Western North Carolina in the Civil War (2003)
- Lee, Edward J. and Ron Chepesiuk, eds. South Carolina in the Civil War: The Confederate Experience in Letters and Diaries (2004), primary sources
- Miller, Richard F., ed. States at War, Volume 6: The Confederate States Chronology and a Reference Guide for South Carolina in the Civil War (UP of New England, 2018).
Virginia
- Ash, Stephen V. Rebel Richmond: Life and Death in the Confederate Capital (UNC Press, 2019).
- Ayers, Edward L. and others. Crucible of the Civil War: Virginia from Secession to Commemoration (2008)
- Bryan, T. Conn. Confederate Georgia (1953), the standard scholarly survey
- Davis, William C. and James I. Robertson, Jr., eds. Virginia at War 1861. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0-8131-2372-1; Virginia at War 1862 (2007); Virginia at War 1863 (2009); Virginia at War 1864 (2009); Virginia at War 1865 (2012)
- Snell, Mark A. West Virginia and the Civil War, Mountaineers Are Always Free, (2011) ISBN 978-1-59629-888-0.
- Wallenstein, Peter, and Bertram Wyatt-Brown, eds. Virginia's Civil War (2008)
- Furgurson, Ernest B. Ashes of Glory: Richmond at War (1997) ISBN 978-0679746607
Social history, gender
- Bever, Megan L. "Prohibition, Sacrifice, and Morality in the Confederate States, 1861–1865." Journal of Southern History 85.2 (2019): 251–284 online.
- Brown, Alexis Girardin. "The Women Left Behind: Transformation of the Southern Belle, 1840–1880" (2000) Historian 62#4 pp 759–778.
- Cashin, Joan E. "Torn Bonnets and Stolen Silks: Fashion, Gender, Race, and Danger in the Wartime South." Civil War History 61#4 (2015): 338–361. online
- Chesson, Michael B. "Harlots or Heroines? A New Look at the Richmond Bread Riot." Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 92#2 (1984): 131–175. in JSTOR
- Clinton, Catherine, and Silber, Nina, eds. Divided Houses: Gender and the Civil War (1992)
- Davis, William C. and James I. Robertson Jr., eds. Virginia at War, 1865 (2012).
- Elliot, Jane Evans. Diary of Mrs. Jane Evans Elliot, 1837–1882 (1908)
- Faust, Drew Gilpin. Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War (1996)
- Faust, Drew Gilpin. This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (2008)
- Frank, Lisa Tendrich, ed. Women in the American Civil War (2008)
- Frank, Lisa Tendrich. The Civilian War: Confederate Women and Union Soldiers during Sherman's March (LSU Press, 2015).
- Gleeson. David T. The Green and the Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America (U of North Carolina Press, 2013); online review
- Glymph, Thavolia. The Women's Fight: The Civil War's Battles for Home, Freedom, and Nation (UNC Press, 2019).
- Hilde, Libra Rose. Worth a Dozen Men: Women and Nursing in the Civil War South (U of Virginia Press, 2012).
- Levine, Bruce. The Fall of the House of Dixie: The Civil War and the Social Revolution That Transformed the South (2013)
- Lowry, Thomas P. The Story the Soldiers Wouldn't Tell: Sex in the Civil War (Stackpole Books, 1994).
- Massey, Mary. Bonnet Brigades: American Women and the Civil War (1966), excellent overview North and South; reissued as Women in the Civil War (1994)
- "Bonnet Brigades at Fifty: Reflections on Mary Elizabeth Massey and Gender in Civil War History," Civil War History (2015) 61#4 pp 400–444.
- Massey, Mary Elizabeth. Refugee Life in the Confederacy, (1964)
- Mobley, Joe A. (2008). Weary of war: life on the Confederate home front. Praeger. ISBN 9780275992026.
- Rable, George C. Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (1989)
- Slap, Andrew L. and Frank Towers, eds. Confederate Cities: The Urban South during the Civil War Era (U of Chicago Press, 2015). 302 pp.
- Stokes, Karen. South Carolina Civilians in Sherman's Path: Stories of Courage Amid Civil War Destruction (The History Press, 2012).
- Strong, Melissa J. "'The Finest Kind of Lady': Hegemonic Femininity in American Women’s Civil War Narratives." Women's Studies 46.1 (2017): 1–21 online.
- Swanson, David A., and Richard R. Verdugo. "The Civil War’s Demographic Impact on White Males in the Eleven Confederate States: An Analysis by State and Selected Age Groups." Journal of Political & Military Sociology 46.1 (2019): 1–26.
- Whites, LeeAnn. The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender: Augusta, Georgia, 1860–1890 (1995)
- Wiley, Bell Irwin Confederate Women (1975) online
- Wiley, Bell Irwin The Plain People of the Confederacy (1944) online
- Woodward, C. Vann, ed. Mary Chesnut's Civil War, 1981, detailed diary; primary source
African Americans
- Andrews, William L. Slavery and Class in the American South: A Generation of Slave Narrative Testimony, 1840–1865 (Oxford UP, 2019).
- Ash, Stephen V. The Black Experience in the Civil War South (2010).
- Bartek, James M. "The Rhetoric of Destruction: Racial Identity and Noncombatant Immunity in the Civil War Era." (PhD Dissertation, University of Kentucky, 2010). online; Bibliography pp. 515–52.
- Frankel, Noralee. Freedom's Women: Black Women and Families in Civil War Era Mississippi (1999).
- Lang, Andrew F. In the Wake of War: Military Occupation, Emancipation, and Civil War America (LSU Press, 2017).
- Levin, Kevin M. Searching for Black Confederates: The Civil War’s Most Persistent Myth (UNC Press, 2019).
- Litwack, Leon F. Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (1979), on freed slaves
- Reidy, Joseph P. Illusions of Emancipation: The Pursuit of Freedom and Equality in the Twilight of Slavery (UNC Press, 2019).
- Wiley, Bell Irwin Southern Negroes: 1861–1865 (1938)
Soldiers
- Broomall, James J. Private Confederacies: The Emotional Worlds of Southern Men as Citizens and Soldiers (UNC Press, 2019).
- Donald, David. "The Confederate as a Fighting Man." Journal of Southern History 25.2 (1959): 178–193. online
- Faust, Drew Gilpin. "Christian Soldiers: The Meaning of Revivalism in the Confederate Army." Journal of Southern History 53.1 (1987): 63–90 online.
- McNeill, William J. "A Survey of Confederate Soldier Morale During Sherman's Campaign Through Georgia and the Carolinas." Georgia Historical Quarterly 55.1 (1971): 1–25.
- Scheiber, Harry N. "The Pay of Confederate Troops and Problems of Demoralization: A Case of Administrative Failure." Civil War History 15.3 (1969): 226–236 online.
- Sheehan-Dean, Aaron. Why Confederates Fought: Family and Nation in Civil War Virginia (U of North Carolina Press, 2009).
- Watson, Samuel J. "Religion and combat motivation in the Confederate armies." Journal of Military History 58.1 (1994): 29+.
- Wiley, Bell Irwin. The life of Johnny Reb; the common soldier of the Confederacy (1971) online
- Wooster, Ralph A., and Robert Wooster. "'Rarin'for a Fight': Texans in the Confederate Army." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 84.4 (1981): 387–426 online.
Intellectual history
- Bernath, Michael T. Confederate Minds: The Struggle for Intellectual Independence in the Civil War South (University of North Carolina Press; 2010) 412 pages. Examines the efforts of writers, editors, and other "cultural nationalists" to free the South from the dependence on Northern print culture and educational systems.
- Bonner, Robert E., "Proslavery Extremism Goes to War: The Counterrevolutionary Confederacy and Reactionary Militarism", Modern Intellectual History, 6 (August 2009), 261–85.
- Downing, David C. A South Divided: Portraits of Dissent in the Confederacy. (2007). ISBN 978-1-58182-587-9
- Faust, Drew Gilpin. The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South. (1988)
- Hutchinson, Coleman. Apples and Ashes: Literature, Nationalism, and the Confederate States of America. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2012.
- Lentz, Perry Carlton Our Missing Epic: A Study in the Novels about the American Civil War, 1970
- Rubin, Anne Sarah. A Shattered Nation: The Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, 1861–1868, 2005 A cultural study of Confederates' self images
Political history
- Alexander, Thomas B., and Beringer, Richard E. The Anatomy of the Confederate Congress: A Study of the Influences of Member Characteristics on Legislative Voting Behavior, 1861–1865, (1972)
- Cooper, William J, Jefferson Davis, American (2000), standard biography
- Davis, William C. A Government of Our Own: The Making of the Confederacy. New York: The Free Press, a division of Macmillan, Inc., 1994. ISBN 978-0-02-907735-1.
- Eckenrode, H. J., Jefferson Davis: President of the South, 1923
- Levine, Bruce. Confederate Emancipation: Southern Plans to Free and Arm Slaves during the Civil War. (2006)
- Martis, Kenneth C., "The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865" (1994) ISBN 0-13-389115-1
- Neely, Mark E. Jr., Confederate Bastille: Jefferson Davis and Civil Liberties (1993)
- Neely, Mark E. Jr. Southern Rights: Political Prisoners and the Myth of Confederate Constitutionalism. (1999) ISBN 0-8139-1894-4
- George C. Rable The Confederate Republic: A Revolution against Politics, 1994
- Rembert, W. Patrick Jefferson Davis and His Cabinet (1944).
- Williams, William M. Justice in Grey: A History of the Judicial System of the Confederate States of America (1941)
- Yearns, Wilfred Buck The Confederate Congress (1960)
Foreign affairs
- Blumenthal, Henry. "Confederate Diplomacy: Popular Notions and International Realities", Journal of Southern History, Vol. 32, No. 2 (May 1966), pp. 151–171 in JSTOR
- Cleland, Beau. "The Confederate States of America and the British Empire: Neutral Territory and Civil Wars." Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 16.4 (2016): 171–181. online
- Daddysman, James W. The Matamoros Trade: Confederate Commerce, Diplomacy, and Intrigue. (1984) online
- Foreman, Amanda. A World on Fire: Britain's Crucial Role in the American Civil War (2011) especially on Brits inside the Confederacy;
- Hubbard, Charles M. The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy (1998)
- Jones, Howard. Blue and Gray Diplomacy: A History of Union and Confederate Foreign Relations (2009) online
- Jones, Howard. Union in Peril: The Crisis Over British Intervention in the Civil War. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, Bison Books, 1997. ISBN 978-0-8032-7597-3. Originally published: Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992.
- Mahin, Dean B. One War at a Time: The International Dimensions of the American Civil War. Washington, DC: Brassey's, 2000. ISBN 978-1-57488-301-5. Originally published: Washington, DC: Brassey's, 1999.
- Merli, Frank J. The Alabama, British Neutrality, and the American Civil War (2004). 225 pages.
- Owsley, Frank. King Cotton Diplomacy: Foreign Relations of the Confederate States of America (2nd ed. 1959) online
- Sainlaude, Steve. France and the American Civil War: A Diplomatic History (2019) excerpt
Economic history
- Black, III, Robert C. The Railroads of the Confederacy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1952, 1988. OCLC 445590.
- Bonner, Michael Brem. "Expedient Corporatism and Confederate Political Economy", Civil War History, 56 (March 2010), 33–65.
- Dabney, Virginius Richmond: The Story of a City. Charlottesville: The University of Virginia Press, 1990 ISBN 0-8139-1274-1
- Grimsley, Mark The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy toward Southern Civilians, 1861–1865, 1995
- Hurt, R. Douglas. Agriculture and the Confederacy: Policy, Productivity, and Power in the Civil War South (2015)
- Massey, Mary Elizabeth Ersatz in the Confederacy: Shortages and Substitutes on the Southern Homefront (1952)
- Paskoff, Paul F. "Measures of War: A Quantitative Examination of the Civil War's Destructiveness in the Confederacy", Civil War History (2008) 54#1 pp 35–62 in Project MUSE
- Ramsdell, Charles. Behind the Lines in the Southern Confederacy, 1994.
- Roark, James L. Masters without Slaves: Southern Planters in the Civil War and Reconstruction, 1977.
- Thomas, Emory M. The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience, 1992
Primary sources
- Carter, Susan B., ed. The Historical Statistics of the United States: Millennial Edition (5 vols), 2006
- Commager, Henry Steele. The Blue and the Gray: The Story of the Civil War As Told by Participants. 2 vols. Indianapolis and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1950. OCLC 633931399. Many reprints.
- Davis, Jefferson. The Rise of the Confederate Government. New York: Barnes & Noble, 2010. Original edition: 1881. ISBN 978-1-4351-2066-2.
- Davis, Jefferson. The Fall of the Confederate Government. New York: Barnes & Noble, 2010. Original edition: 1881. ISBN 978-1-4351-2067-9.
- Harwell, Richard B., The Confederate Reader (1957)
- Hettle, Wallace, ed. The Confederate Homefront: A History in Documents (LSU Press, 2017) 214 pages
- Jones, John B. A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, edited by Howard Swiggert, [1935] 1993. 2 vols.
- Richardson, James D., ed. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, Including the Diplomatic Correspondence 1861–1865, 2 volumes, 1906.
- Yearns, W. Buck and Barret, John G., eds. North Carolina Civil War Documentary, 1980.
- Confederate official government documents major online collection of complete texts in HTML format, from University of North Carolina
- Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 (7 vols), 1904. Available online at the Library of Congress0
enlaces externos
- Confederate offices Index of Politicians by Office Held or Sought
- Civil War Research & Discussion Group -*Confederate States of Am. Army and Navy Uniforms, 1861
- The Countryman, 1862–1866, published weekly by Turnwold, Ga., edited by J.A. Turner
- The Federal and the Confederate Constitution Compared
- "Confederate Currency". Archived from the original on July 19, 2011. Retrieved March 8, 2008.CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
- Confederate Postage Stamps
- Photographs of the original Confederate Constitution and other Civil War documents owned by the Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the University of Georgia Libraries.
- Photographic History of the Civil War, 10 vols., 1912.
- DocSouth: Documenting the American South – numerous online text, image, and audio collections.
- The Boston Athenæum has over 4000 Confederate imprints, including rare books, pamphlets, government documents, manuscripts, serials, broadsides, maps, and sheet music that have been conserved and digitized.
- Oklahoma Digital Maps: Digital Collections of Oklahoma and Indian Territory
- Confederate States of America Collection at the Library of Congress
- Religion in the CSA: Confederate Veteran Magazine, May, 1922
- Works by or about Confederate States of America at Internet Archive
- Works by Confederate States of America at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- Works by Confederate States of America at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)