Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ( / ɡ ɑ n d i , ɡ æ n d i / ; [2] 2 octubre 1869 a 30 enero 1948) fue un indio abogado, [3] nacionalista anti-colonial , [4] y especialista en ética política , [5] que empleó la resistencia no violenta para dirigir la exitosa campaña por la independencia de la India del dominio británico , [6] y, a su vez inspiraron los movimientos de derechos civilesy libertad en todo el mundo. El Mahātmā honorífico ( sánscrito : "gran alma", "venerable"), que se le aplicó por primera vez en 1914 en Sudáfrica, se utiliza ahora en todo el mundo. [7] [8]
| Mahatma Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi | |
|---|---|
 Fotografía de estudio de Gandhi, 1931 | |
| Nació | Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi 2 de octubre de 1869 |
| Fallecido | 30 de enero de 1948 (78 años) |
| Causa de la muerte | Asesinato |
| Monumentos | Raj Ghat , Gandhi Smriti |
| Ciudadanía | Raj británico (1869-1947) Dominio de la India (1947-1948) |
| alma mater | Alfred High School , Rajkot (1880 - noviembre de 1887) Samaldas Arts College , Bhavnagar (enero de 1880 - julio de 1888) Inner Temple , Londres (septiembre de 1888–1891) ( Estudiante informal de auditoría en University College, Londres entre 1888 y 1891) |
| Ocupación |
|
| Años activos | 1893-1948 |
| Era | Raj británico |
| Conocido por | El liderazgo de la campaña por la independencia de la India del dominio británico , la resistencia no violenta |
| Trabajo notable | La historia de mis experimentos con la verdad |
| Partido político | Congreso Nacional de la India (1920-1934) [1] |
| Movimiento | Movimiento de independencia de la India |
| Esposos) | |
| Niños | |
| Padres |
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| Firma | |
 | |
Nacido y criado en una familia hindú en la costa de Gujarat , India occidental , Gandhi se formó en derecho en el Inner Temple de Londres y fue llamado a la abogacía a los 22 años en junio de 1891. Después de dos años inciertos en la India, donde no pudo Comenzó una práctica legal exitosa, se mudó a Sudáfrica en 1893 para representar a un comerciante indio en una demanda. Continuó viviendo en Sudáfrica durante 21 años. Fue en Sudáfrica donde Gandhi formó una familia y empleó por primera vez la resistencia no violenta en una campaña por los derechos civiles. En 1915, con 45 años, regresó a la India. Se dispuso a organizar a los campesinos, agricultores y trabajadores urbanos para protestar contra la discriminación y el impuesto excesivo a la tierra. Asumiendo el liderazgo del Congreso Nacional Indio en 1921, Gandhi dirigió campañas a nivel nacional para aliviar la pobreza, expandir los derechos de las mujeres, construir la amistad religiosa y étnica, terminar con la intocabilidad y, sobre todo, para lograr Swaraj o el autogobierno. [9]
El mismo año, Gandhi adoptó el taparrabos indio, o dhoti corto y, en el invierno, un chal, ambos tejidos con hilo hilado a mano en una tradicional rueca india, o charkha , como marca de identificación con los pobres rurales de la India. A partir de entonces, vivió modestamente en una comunidad residencial autosuficiente , comió comida vegetariana simple y emprendió largos ayunos como un medio de auto-purificación y protesta política. Al llevar el nacionalismo anticolonial a los indios comunes, Gandhi los llevó a desafiar el impuesto a la sal impuesto por los británicos con la Marcha de la Sal de Dandi de 400 km (250 millas) en 1930, y luego a pedir a los británicos que abandonen la India en 1942. encarcelado durante muchos años, en muchas ocasiones, tanto en Sudáfrica como en la India.
La visión de Gandhi de una India independiente basada en el pluralismo religioso fue desafiada a principios de la década de 1940 por un nuevo nacionalismo musulmán que exigía una patria musulmana separada tallada en la India. [10] En agosto de 1947, Gran Bretaña concedió la independencia, pero el Imperio Indio Británico [10] se dividió en dos dominios , una India de mayoría hindú y Pakistán de mayoría musulmana . [11] Mientras muchos hindúes, musulmanes y sijs desplazados se dirigían a sus nuevas tierras, estalló la violencia religiosa, especialmente en Punjab y Bengala . Evitando la celebración oficial de la independencia en Delhi, Gandhi visitó las áreas afectadas, intentando brindar consuelo. En los meses siguientes, realizó varios ayunos hasta la muerte para detener la violencia religiosa. El último de ellos, realizado el 12 de enero de 1948 cuando tenía 78 años, [12] también tenía el objetivo indirecto de presionar a India para que pagara algunos activos en efectivo adeudados a Pakistán. [12] Algunos indios pensaron que Gandhi era demasiado complaciente. [12] [13] Entre ellos estaba Nathuram Godse , un nacionalista hindú , que asesinó a Gandhi el 30 de enero de 1948 disparándole tres balas en el pecho. [13]
El cumpleaños de Gandhi, el 2 de octubre, se conmemora en la India como Gandhi Jayanti , una fiesta nacional , y en todo el mundo como el Día Internacional de la No Violencia . Gandhi es comúnmente, aunque no formalmente, considerado el Padre de la Nación en la India, [14] [15] y comúnmente se le llamaba Bapu [16] ( Gujarati : cariño para padre , [17] papa [17] [18] ).
Biografía
Vida temprana y antecedentes
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi [19] nació el 2 de octubre de 1869 [20] en una familia Gujarati Modh Bania de Vaishya varna [21] en Porbandar (también conocido como Sudamapuri ), una ciudad costera en la península de Kathiawar y luego parte de estado principesco de Porbandar en la Agencia Kathiawar del Imperio Indio . Su padre, Karamchand Uttamchand Gandhi (1822-1885), se desempeñó como diwan (ministro principal) del estado de Porbandar. [22]
Aunque solo tenía una educación primaria y anteriormente había sido empleado de la administración estatal, Karamchand demostró ser un ministro en jefe capaz. [23] Durante su mandato, Karamchand se casó cuatro veces. Sus dos primeras esposas murieron jóvenes, después de que cada una dio a luz a una hija, y su tercer matrimonio no tuvo hijos. En 1857, Karamchand solicitó el permiso de su tercera esposa para volver a casarse; ese año, se casó con Putlibai (1844–1891), quien también venía de Junagadh, [23] y era de una familia Pranami Vaishnava . [24] [25] [26] [27] Karamchand y Putlibai tuvieron tres hijos durante la década siguiente: un hijo, Laxmidas (c. 1860-1914); una hija, Raliatbehn (1862-1960); y otro hijo, Karsandas (c. 1866-1913). [28] [29]
El 2 de octubre de 1869, Putlibai dio a luz a su último hijo, Mohandas, en una habitación oscura y sin ventanas en la planta baja de la residencia de la familia Gandhi en la ciudad de Porbandar. Cuando era niño, su hermana Raliat describió a Gandhi como "inquieto como el mercurio, ya sea jugando o deambulando. Uno de sus pasatiempos favoritos era retorcer las orejas a los perros". [30] Los clásicos indios, especialmente las historias de Shravana y el rey Harishchandra , tuvieron un gran impacto en Gandhi en su infancia. En su autobiografía admite que dejaron una huella imborrable en su mente. Él escribe: "Me obsesionó y debí haber actuado como Harishchandra para mí mismo innumerables veces". La autoidentificación temprana de Gandhi con la verdad y el amor como valores supremos se remonta a estos personajes épicos. [31] [32]
El trasfondo religioso de la familia era ecléctico. El padre de Gandhi, Karamchand, era hindú y su madre Putlibai era de una familia hindú Pranami Vaishnava . [33] [34] El padre de Gandhi era de la casta Modh Baniya en el varna de Vaishya . [35] Su madre provenía de la tradición medieval Pranami basada en el Krishna bhakti , cuyos textos religiosos incluyen el Bhagavad Gita , el Bhagavata Purana y una colección de 14 textos con enseñanzas que la tradición cree que incluyen la esencia de los Vedas , el Corán. y la Biblia. [34] [36] Gandhi fue profundamente influenciado por su madre, una dama extremadamente piadosa que "no pensaría en tomar sus comidas sin sus oraciones diarias ... ella tomaría los votos más difíciles y los cumpliría sin inmutarse. Para cumplir dos o tres ayunos consecutivos no eran nada para ella ". [37]
En 1874, el padre de Gandhi, Karamchand, dejó Porbandar para el estado más pequeño de Rajkot , donde se convirtió en consejero de su gobernante, el Thakur Sahib; aunque Rajkot era un estado menos prestigioso que Porbandar, la agencia política regional británica estaba ubicada allí, lo que le dio a los diwan del estado una medida de seguridad. [38] En 1876, Karamchand se convirtió en diwan de Rajkot y fue sucedido como diwan de Porbandar por su hermano Tulsidas. Luego, su familia se reunió con él en Rajkot. [39]
A los 9 años, Gandhi ingresó a la escuela local en Rajkot , cerca de su casa. Allí estudió los rudimentos de la aritmética, la historia, el idioma gujarati y la geografía. [39] A los 11 años, se unió a la High School en Rajkot, Alfred High School . [41] Era un estudiante promedio, ganó algunos premios, pero era un estudiante tímido y taciturno, sin interés en los juegos; sus únicos compañeros eran los libros y las lecciones escolares. [42]
En mayo de 1883, Mohandas, de 13 años, se casó con Kasturbai Makhanji Kapadia, de 14 años (su nombre de pila generalmente se abreviaba como "Kasturba" y cariñosamente como "Ba") en un matrimonio concertado , según la costumbre. de la región en ese momento. [43] En el proceso, perdió un año en la escuela, pero luego se le permitió recuperarlo acelerando sus estudios. [44] Su boda fue un evento conjunto, donde su hermano y su prima también se casaron. Al recordar el día de su matrimonio, dijo una vez: "Como no sabíamos mucho sobre el matrimonio, para nosotros solo significaba vestir ropa nueva, comer dulces y jugar con familiares". Como era la tradición imperante, la novia adolescente debía pasar mucho tiempo en la casa de sus padres y lejos de su marido. [45]
Al escribir muchos años después, Mohandas describió con pesar los sentimientos lujuriosos que sentía por su joven esposa, "incluso en la escuela solía pensar en ella, y la idea del anochecer y nuestro encuentro posterior me perseguía". Más tarde recordó sentirse celoso y posesivo con ella, como cuando visitaba un templo con sus novias, y ser sexualmente lujurioso en sus sentimientos por ella. [46]
A finales de 1885, el padre de Gandhi, Karamchand, murió. [47] Gandhi, que entonces tenía 16 años, y su esposa de 17 tuvieron su primer bebé, que sobrevivió solo unos días. Las dos muertes angustiaron a Gandhi. [47] La pareja Gandhi tuvo cuatro hijos más, todos hijos: Harilal , nacido en 1888; Manilal , nacido en 1892; Ramdas , nacido en 1897; y Devdas , nacido en 1900. [43]
En noviembre de 1887, Gandhi, de 18 años, se graduó de la escuela secundaria en Ahmedabad . [48] En enero de 1888, se matriculó en el Samaldas College en el estado de Bhavnagar , entonces la única institución de educación superior que otorgaba títulos en la región. Pero se retiró y regresó con su familia en Porbandar. [49]
Tres años en Londres
Estudiante de derecho
Gandhi provenía de una familia pobre y había abandonado la universidad más barata que podía pagar. [50] Mavji Dave Joshiji, un sacerdote brahmán y amigo de la familia, aconsejó a Gandhi ya su familia que debería considerar estudiar derecho en Londres. [51] En julio de 1888, su esposa Kasturba dio a luz a su primer hijo superviviente, Harilal. [52] Su madre no se sentía cómoda con el hecho de que Gandhi dejara a su esposa y su familia y se fuera tan lejos de casa. El tío de Gandhi, Tulsidas, también trató de disuadir a su sobrino. Gandhi quería ir. Para persuadir a su esposa y madre, Gandhi hizo un voto delante de su madre de que se abstendría de comer carne, alcohol y mujeres. El hermano de Gandhi, Laxmidas, que ya era abogado, aplaudió el plan de estudios de Gandhi en Londres y se ofreció a apoyarlo. Putlibai le dio a Gandhi su permiso y su bendición. [49] [53]
El 10 de agosto de 1888, Gandhi, de 18 años, salió de Porbandar hacia Mumbai, entonces conocida como Bombay. A su llegada, se quedó con la comunidad local de Modh Bania, cuyos ancianos le advirtieron que Inglaterra lo tentaría a comprometer su religión y comer y beber al estilo occidental. A pesar de que Gandhi les informó de su promesa a su madre y sus bendiciones, fue excomulgado de su casta. Gandhi ignoró esto, y el 4 de septiembre, zarpó de Bombay a Londres, y su hermano lo despidió. [52] [54] Gandhi asistió al University College de Londres , un colegio constitutivo de la Universidad de Londres .
En la UCL, estudió derecho y jurisprudencia y fue invitado a inscribirse en Inner Temple con la intención de convertirse en abogado . Su timidez y retraimiento de la niñez habían continuado durante su adolescencia. Conservó estos rasgos cuando llegó a Londres, pero se unió a un grupo de práctica de oratoria y superó su timidez lo suficiente como para ejercer la abogacía. [55]
Demostró un gran interés en el bienestar de las empobrecidas comunidades portuarias de Londres. En 1889, estalló una amarga disputa comercial en Londres, con los estibadores en huelga para obtener mejores salarios y condiciones, y marineros, constructores de barcos, muchachas de fábricas y otros que se unieron a la huelga en solidaridad. Los huelguistas tuvieron éxito, en parte gracias a la mediación del cardenal Manning , que llevó a Gandhi y a un amigo indio a visitar al cardenal y agradecerle su trabajo. [56]
Vegetarianismo y trabajo en comité
El tiempo de Gandhi en Londres estuvo influenciado por el voto que le había hecho a su madre. Trató de adoptar costumbres "inglesas", incluidas las clases de baile. Sin embargo, no apreciaba la insípida comida vegetariana que le ofrecía su casera y con frecuencia tenía hambre hasta que encontró uno de los pocos restaurantes vegetarianos de Londres. Influenciado por los escritos de Henry Salt , se unió a la London Vegetarian Society y fue elegido miembro de su comité ejecutivo [57] bajo la égida de su presidente y benefactor Arnold Hills . Un logro mientras estaba en el comité fue el establecimiento de un capítulo de Bayswater . [26] Algunos de los vegetarianos que conoció eran miembros de la Sociedad Teosófica , que se había fundado en 1875 para promover la hermandad universal y que se dedicaba al estudio de la literatura budista e hindú . Animaron a Gandhi a unirse a ellos en la lectura del Bhagavad Gita tanto en la traducción como en el original. [57]
Gandhi tenía una relación amistosa y productiva con Hills, pero los dos hombres tenían una opinión diferente sobre la membresía continua de LVS del miembro del comité, Dr. Thomas Allinson . Su desacuerdo es el primer ejemplo conocido de Gandhi desafiando la autoridad, a pesar de su timidez y su aversión temperamental a la confrontación.
Allinson había estado promoviendo métodos anticonceptivos recientemente disponibles , pero Hills los desaprobaba, creyendo que socavaban la moral pública. Creía que el vegetarianismo era un movimiento moral y que, por lo tanto, Allinson ya no debería seguir siendo miembro de la LVS. Gandhi compartió las opiniones de Hills sobre los peligros del control de la natalidad, pero defendió el derecho de Allinson a diferir. [58] Habría sido difícil para Gandhi desafiar a Hills; Hills era 12 años mayor que él y, a diferencia de Gandhi, era muy elocuente. Él financió el LVS y fue un capitán de la industria con su empresa Thames Ironworks que emplea a más de 6.000 personas en el East End de Londres . También fue un deportista muy exitoso que luego fundó el club de fútbol West Ham United . En su autobiografía de 1927 , vol. Yo , Gandhi escribí:
La pregunta me interesó profundamente ... Tenía un gran respeto por el Sr. Hills y su generosidad. Pero pensé que era bastante inapropiado excluir a un hombre de una sociedad vegetariana simplemente porque se negaba a considerar la moral puritana como uno de los objetos de la sociedad [58].
Se presentó una moción para destituir a Allinson, que fue debatida y votada por el comité. La timidez de Gandhi fue un obstáculo para su defensa de Allinson en la reunión del comité. Escribió sus puntos de vista en un papel, pero la timidez le impidió leer sus argumentos, por lo que Hills, el presidente, le pidió a otro miembro del comité que se los leyera. Aunque algunos otros miembros del comité estuvieron de acuerdo con Gandhi, se perdió la votación y se excluyó a Allinson. No hubo resentimientos, con Hills proponiendo el brindis en la cena de despedida de LVS en honor al regreso de Gandhi a la India. [59]
Llamado al bar
Gandhi, a los 22 años, fue llamado al colegio de abogados en junio de 1891 y luego se fue de Londres a la India, donde se enteró de que su madre había muerto mientras él estaba en Londres y que su familia le había ocultado la noticia. [57] Sus intentos de establecer una práctica jurídica en Bombay fracasaron porque era psicológicamente incapaz de interrogar a los testigos. Regresó a Rajkot para ganarse la vida modestamente redactando peticiones para los litigantes, pero se vio obligado a detenerse cuando tuvo problemas con el oficial británico Sam Sunny. [26] [57]
En 1893, un comerciante musulmán de Kathiawar llamado Dada Abdullah se puso en contacto con Gandhi. Abdullah era dueño de un gran negocio de transporte marítimo en Sudáfrica. Su primo lejano en Johannesburgo necesitaba un abogado, y preferían a alguien con herencia Kathiawari. Gandhi preguntó sobre su paga por el trabajo. Ofrecieron un salario total de £ 105 (~ $ 17.200 en dinero de 2019) más los gastos de viaje. Lo aceptó, sabiendo que sería un compromiso de al menos un año en la Colonia de Natal , Sudáfrica, también parte del Imperio Británico. [26] [60]
Activista de derechos civiles en Sudáfrica (1893-1914)
En abril de 1893, Gandhi, de 23 años, zarpó hacia Sudáfrica para ser el abogado del primo de Abdullah. [60] [61] Pasó 21 años en Sudáfrica, donde desarrolló sus puntos de vista políticos, ética y política. [62] [63]
Inmediatamente después de llegar a Sudáfrica, Gandhi enfrentó discriminación debido a su color de piel y herencia, como todas las personas de color. [64] No se le permitió sentarse con pasajeros europeos en la diligencia y se le dijo que se sentara en el suelo cerca del conductor, luego lo golpearon cuando se negó; en otro lugar lo arrojaron a una cuneta por atreverse a caminar cerca de una casa, en otro caso lo arrojaron de un tren en Pietermaritzburg después de negarse a dejar la primera clase. [65] [66] Se sentó en la estación de tren, tiritando toda la noche y reflexionando si debería regresar a la India o protestar por sus derechos. [66] Eligió protestar y se le permitió abordar el tren al día siguiente. [67] En otro incidente, el magistrado de un tribunal de Durban ordenó a Gandhi que se quitara el turbante, lo que él se negó a hacer. [68] A los indios no se les permitió caminar por los senderos públicos en Sudáfrica. Un oficial de policía echó a Gandhi del sendero a la calle sin previo aviso. [69]
Cuando Gandhi llegó a Sudáfrica, según Herman, se consideraba "primero un británico y después un indio". [70] Sin embargo, el prejuicio contra él y sus compatriotas de los británicos que Gandhi experimentó y observó le molestó profundamente. Le resultaba humillante luchar por comprender cómo algunas personas pueden sentir honor, superioridad o placer en prácticas tan inhumanas. [66] Gandhi comenzó a cuestionar la posición de su pueblo en el Imperio Británico . [71]
El caso de Abdullah que lo había llevado a Sudáfrica concluyó en mayo de 1894, y la comunidad india organizó una fiesta de despedida para Gandhi mientras se preparaba para regresar a la India. [72] Sin embargo, una nueva propuesta discriminatoria del gobierno de Natal llevó a Gandhi a extender su período original de estadía en Sudáfrica. Planeaba ayudar a los indios a oponerse a un proyecto de ley que les negaba el derecho al voto , un derecho que luego se propuso como un derecho europeo exclusivo. Le pidió a Joseph Chamberlain , el secretario colonial británico, que reconsiderara su posición sobre este proyecto de ley. [62] Aunque no pudo detener la aprobación del proyecto de ley, su campaña tuvo éxito en llamar la atención sobre las quejas de los indios en Sudáfrica. Ayudó a fundar el Congreso Indio de Natal en 1894, [26] [67] ya través de esta organización, moldeó a la comunidad india de Sudáfrica en una fuerza política unificada. En enero de 1897, cuando Gandhi aterrizó en Durban, una turba de colonos blancos lo atacó [73] y escapó sólo gracias a los esfuerzos de la esposa del superintendente de policía. Sin embargo, se negó a presentar cargos contra ningún miembro de la mafia. [26]
Durante la Guerra de los Bóers , Gandhi se ofreció como voluntario en 1900 para formar un grupo de camilleros como el Cuerpo de Ambulancias Indias de Natal . Según Arthur Herman, Gandhi quería refutar el estereotipo imperial británico de que los hindúes no eran aptos para actividades "masculinas" que implicaban peligro y esfuerzo, a diferencia de las " razas marciales " musulmanas . [74] Gandhi reunió a mil cien voluntarios indios para apoyar a las tropas de combate británicas contra los bóers. Fueron capacitados y certificados médicamente para servir en el frente. Fueron auxiliares en la Batalla de Colenso de un cuerpo de ambulancia voluntario blanco. En la batalla de Spion, Kop Gandhi y sus portadores se trasladaron a la línea del frente y tuvieron que llevar a los soldados heridos por millas hasta un hospital de campaña porque el terreno era demasiado accidentado para las ambulancias. Gandhi y otros treinta y siete indios recibieron la Medalla de Sudáfrica de la Reina . [75] [76]
En 1906, el gobierno de Transvaal promulgó una nueva ley que obligaba al registro de las poblaciones india y china de la colonia. En una reunión de protesta masiva celebrada en Johannesburgo el 11 de septiembre de ese año, Gandhi adoptó por primera vez su metodología todavía en evolución de Satyagraha (devoción a la verdad), o protesta no violenta. [77] Según Anthony Parel, Gandhi también fue influenciado por el texto moral tamil Tirukkuṛaḷ después de que León Tolstoi lo mencionara en su correspondencia que comenzaba con " Una carta a un hindú ". [78] [79] Gandhi instó a los indios a desafiar la nueva ley y sufrir los castigos por hacerlo. Habían surgido las ideas de Gandhi sobre las protestas, las habilidades de persuasión y las relaciones públicas. Los llevó a la India en 1915. [80] [81]
Europeos, indios y africanos
Gandhi centró su atención en los indios mientras estaba en Sudáfrica. Al principio no le interesaba la política. Sin embargo, esto cambió después de que fue discriminado e intimidado, como cuando un oficial de tren blanco lo expulsó de un vagón de tren debido al color de su piel. Después de varios incidentes de este tipo con los blancos en Sudáfrica , el pensamiento y el enfoque de Gandhi cambiaron, y sintió que debía resistir y luchar por los derechos. Entró en política al formar el Congreso Indio de Natal. [82] Según Ashwin Desai y Goolam Vahed, las opiniones de Gandhi sobre el racismo son polémicas y, en algunos casos, angustiantes para quienes lo admiran. Gandhi sufrió persecución desde el principio en Sudáfrica. Al igual que con otras personas de color, los funcionarios blancos le negaron sus derechos, y la prensa y la gente en las calles lo intimidaron y lo llamaron "parásito", "semi-bárbaro", "cancro", "culi escuálido", "hombre amarillo", y otros epítetos. La gente le escupía como expresión de odio racial. [83]
Mientras estaba en Sudáfrica, Gandhi se centró en la persecución racial de los indios, pero ignoró la de los africanos. En algunos casos, afirman Desai y Vahed, su comportamiento fue el de ser parte voluntaria de los estereotipos raciales y la explotación africana. [83] Durante un discurso en septiembre de 1896, Gandhi se quejó de que los blancos de la colonia británica de Sudáfrica degradaban a los hindúes y musulmanes indios a "un nivel de cafre ". [84] Los eruditos lo citan como un ejemplo de evidencia de que Gandhi en ese momento pensaba de manera diferente sobre los indios y los sudafricanos negros. [83] Como otro ejemplo dado por Herman, Gandhi, a la edad de 24 años, preparó un informe legal para la Asamblea de Natal en 1895, buscando los derechos de voto para los indios. Gandhi citó la historia de la raza y las opiniones de los orientalistas europeos de que "los anglosajones y los indios provienen del mismo linaje ario o más bien de los pueblos indoeuropeos", y argumentó que los indios no deberían agruparse con los africanos. [72]
Años más tarde, Gandhi y sus colegas sirvieron y ayudaron a los africanos como enfermeras y oponiéndose al racismo, según Nelson Mandela, ganador del Premio Nobel de la Paz . La imagen general de Gandhi, estado Desai y Vahed, se ha reinventado desde su asesinato como si siempre fuera un santo cuando en realidad su vida era más compleja, contenía verdades incómodas y fue una que evolucionó con el tiempo. [83] En contraste, otros académicos africanos afirman que la evidencia apunta a una rica historia de cooperación y esfuerzos por parte de Gandhi y el pueblo indio con sudafricanos no blancos contra la persecución de los africanos y el apartheid . [85]
En 1906, cuando los británicos declararon la guerra al Reino Zulú en Natal, Gandhi, a los 36 años, simpatizó con los Zulúes y animó a los voluntarios indios a ayudar como unidad de ambulancia. [86] Argumentó que los indios deberían participar en los esfuerzos de guerra para cambiar las actitudes y percepciones del pueblo británico contra la gente de color. [87] Gandhi, un grupo de 20 indios y negros de Sudáfrica se ofreció como voluntario como cuerpo de camilleros para tratar a soldados británicos heridos y víctimas zulúes. [86]
Los soldados blancos impidieron que Gandhi y su equipo trataran a los zulúes heridos, y los británicos mataron a tiros a algunos camilleros africanos con Gandhi. El equipo médico comandado por Gandhi operó menos de dos meses. [86] El voluntariado de Gandhi para ayudar como un "leal leal" durante la guerra zulú y otras guerras no hizo ninguna diferencia en la actitud británica, afirma Herman, y la experiencia africana fue parte de su gran desilusión con Occidente, transformándolo en un " no cooperador intransigente ". [87]
En 1910, Gandhi estableció, con la ayuda de su amigo Hermann Kallenbach , una comunidad idealista a la que llamaron Granja Tolstoi cerca de Johannesburgo. [88] Allí alimentó su política de resistencia pacífica. [89]
En los años posteriores a que los sudafricanos negros obtuvieran el derecho al voto en Sudáfrica (1994), Gandhi fue proclamado héroe nacional con numerosos monumentos. [90]
Lucha por la independencia de la India (1915-1947)
A petición de Gopal Krishna Gokhale , transmitida por CF Andrews , Gandhi regresó a la India en 1915. Trajo una reputación internacional como un destacado nacionalista indio, teórico y organizador comunitario.
Gandhi se unió al Congreso Nacional Indio y fue presentado a los problemas, la política y el pueblo indio principalmente por Gokhale . Gokhale fue un líder clave del Partido del Congreso mejor conocido por su moderación y moderación, y su insistencia en trabajar dentro del sistema. Gandhi tomó el enfoque liberal de Gokhale basado en las tradiciones británicas Whiggish y lo transformó para que pareciera indio. [91]
Gandhi asumió el liderazgo del Congreso en 1920 y comenzó a escalar las demandas hasta que el 26 de enero de 1930 el Congreso Nacional Indio declaró la independencia de la India. Los británicos no reconocieron la declaración, pero se entablaron negociaciones, y el Congreso asumió un papel en el gobierno provincial a fines de la década de 1930. Gandhi y el Congreso retiraron su apoyo al Raj cuando el virrey declaró la guerra a Alemania en septiembre de 1939 sin consulta. Las tensiones se intensificaron hasta que Gandhi exigió la independencia inmediata en 1942 y los británicos respondieron encarcelándolo a él y a decenas de miles de líderes del Congreso. Mientras tanto, la Liga Musulmana cooperó con Gran Bretaña y se movió, contra la fuerte oposición de Gandhi, a las demandas de un estado musulmán totalmente separado de Pakistán. En agosto de 1947, los británicos dividieron la tierra con India y Pakistán, cada uno logrando la independencia en términos que Gandhi desaprobaba. [92]
Papel en la Primera Guerra Mundial
En abril de 1918, durante la última parte de la Primera Guerra Mundial , el virrey invitó a Gandhi a una conferencia de guerra en Delhi. [93] Gandhi acordó reclutar activamente indios para el esfuerzo de guerra. [94] [95] En contraste con la Guerra Zulú de 1906 y el estallido de la Primera Guerra Mundial en 1914, cuando reclutó voluntarios para el Cuerpo de Ambulancias, esta vez Gandhi intentó reclutar combatientes. En un folleto de junio de 1918 titulado "Llamamiento al alistamiento", Gandhi escribió "Para lograr tal estado de cosas, deberíamos tener la capacidad de defendernos, es decir, la capacidad de portar armas y usarlas ... si queremos para aprender a usar las armas con la mayor rapidez posible, es nuestro deber alistarnos en el ejército ". [96] Sin embargo, sí estipuló en una carta al secretario privado del virrey que "personalmente no matará ni herirá a nadie, amigo o enemigo". [97]
La campaña de reclutamiento de guerra de Gandhi puso en tela de juicio su coherencia con la no violencia. El secretario privado de Gandhi señaló que "la cuestión de la coherencia entre su credo de ' Ahimsa ' (no violencia) y su campaña de reclutamiento se planteó no sólo entonces, sino que se ha debatido desde entonces". [94]
Agitaciones champaran
El primer gran logro de Gandhi se produjo en 1917 con la agitación de Champaran en Bihar. La agitación de Champaran enfrentó al campesinado local contra sus terratenientes, en gran parte británicos, respaldados por la administración local. El campesinado se vio obligado a cultivar Indigofera , un cultivo comercial para el tinte índigo cuya demanda había estado disminuyendo durante dos décadas, y se vieron obligados a vender sus cultivos a los plantadores a un precio fijo. Infeliz con esto, el campesinado apeló a Gandhi en su ashram en Ahmedabad. Siguiendo una estrategia de protesta no violenta, Gandhi tomó por sorpresa a la administración y ganó concesiones de las autoridades. [98]
Agitaciones de Kheda
En 1918, Kheda sufrió inundaciones y hambrunas y el campesinado exigía una exención de impuestos. Gandhi trasladó su cuartel general a Nadiad , [99] organizando decenas de simpatizantes y nuevos voluntarios de la región, siendo el más notable Vallabhbhai Patel . [100] Utilizando la no cooperación como técnica, Gandhi inició una campaña de firmas en la que los campesinos se comprometían a no pagar los ingresos incluso bajo la amenaza de confiscación de tierras. Un boicot social de mamlatdars y talatdars (funcionarios fiscales dentro del distrito) acompañó la agitación. Gandhi trabajó duro para ganar el apoyo público para la agitación en todo el país. Durante cinco meses, la administración se negó, pero finalmente, a fines de mayo de 1918, el gobierno cedió disposiciones importantes y relajó las condiciones de pago del impuesto sobre la renta hasta que terminó la hambruna. En Kheda, Vallabhbhai Patel representó a los agricultores en las negociaciones con los británicos, quienes suspendieron la recaudación de ingresos y liberaron a todos los prisioneros. [101]
Movimiento Khilafat
Toda revolución comienza con un solo acto de desafío.
En 1919, después de la Primera Guerra Mundial, Gandhi (de 49 años) buscó la cooperación política de los musulmanes en su lucha contra el imperialismo británico apoyando al Imperio Otomano que había sido derrotado en la Guerra Mundial. Antes de esta iniciativa de Gandhi, las disputas comunales y los disturbios religiosos entre hindúes y musulmanes eran comunes en la India británica, como los disturbios de 1917-18. Gandhi ya había apoyado a la corona británica con recursos y reclutando soldados indios para librar la guerra en Europa del lado británico. Este esfuerzo de Gandhi fue motivado en parte por la promesa británica de corresponder la ayuda con swaraj (autogobierno) a los indios después del final de la Primera Guerra Mundial. [102] El gobierno británico, en lugar del autogobierno, había ofrecido reformas menores. , decepcionando a Gandhi. [103] Gandhi anunció sus intenciones de satyagraha (desobediencia civil). Los funcionarios coloniales británicos hicieron su contraataque al aprobar la Ley Rowlatt , para bloquear el movimiento de Gandhi. La ley permitió al gobierno británico tratar a los participantes en desobediencia civil como criminales y le dio la base legal para arrestar a cualquier persona por "detención preventiva indefinida, encarcelamiento sin revisión judicial o cualquier necesidad de juicio". [104]
Gandhi sintió que la cooperación hindú-musulmana era necesaria para el progreso político contra los británicos. Aprovechó el movimiento Khilafat , en el que los musulmanes sunitas de la India, sus líderes como los sultanes de los estados principescos de la India y los hermanos Ali defendieron al califa turco como símbolo de solidaridad de la comunidad islámica sunita ( ummah ). Vieron al Califa como su medio para apoyar el Islam y la ley islámica después de la derrota del Imperio Otomano en la Primera Guerra Mundial. [105] [106] [107] El apoyo de Gandhi al movimiento Khilafat condujo a resultados mixtos. Inicialmente condujo a un fuerte apoyo musulmán a Gandhi. Sin embargo, los líderes hindúes, incluido Rabindranath Tagore, cuestionaron el liderazgo de Gandhi porque estaban en gran medida en contra de reconocer o apoyar al califa islámico sunita en Turquía. [104] [108] [109] [110]
El creciente apoyo musulmán a Gandhi, después de que defendiera la causa del Califa, detuvo temporalmente la violencia comunal hindú-musulmana. Ofreció evidencia de armonía entre comunidades en manifestaciones conjuntas de Rowlatt satyagraha , elevando la estatura de Gandhi como líder político de los británicos. [111] [112] Su apoyo al movimiento Khilafat también lo ayudó a dejar de lado a Muhammad Ali Jinnah , quien había anunciado su oposición al enfoque satyagraha del movimiento de no cooperación de Gandhi. Jinnah comenzó a crear su apoyo independiente y luego lideró la demanda de Pakistán Occidental y Oriental. Aunque estuvieron de acuerdo en términos generales sobre la independencia de la India, discreparon sobre los medios para lograrlo. Jinnah estaba principalmente interesado en tratar con los británicos a través de la negociación constitucional, en lugar de intentar agitar a las masas. [113] [114] [115]
A fines de 1922, el movimiento Khilafat se había derrumbado. [116] El Atatürk de Turquía había terminado con el Califato , el movimiento Khilafat terminó y el apoyo musulmán a Gandhi se evaporó en gran medida. [106] [107] Los líderes y delegados musulmanes abandonaron a Gandhi y su Congreso. [117] Reavivaron los conflictos comunales entre hindúes y musulmanes. Los disturbios religiosos mortales reaparecieron en numerosas ciudades, 91 solo en las Provincias Unidas de Agra y Oudh . [118] [119]
No cooperación
Con su libro Hind Swaraj (1909), Gandhi, de 40 años, declaró que el dominio británico se estableció en la India con la cooperación de los indios y que había sobrevivido sólo gracias a esta cooperación. Si los indios se negaban a cooperar, el dominio británico colapsaría y vendría el swaraj. [120]
En febrero de 1919, Gandhi advirtió al virrey de la India con una comunicación por cable que si los británicos aprobaban la Ley Rowlatt , apelaría a los indios para que iniciaran la desobediencia civil. [121] El gobierno británico lo ignoró y aprobó la ley, declarando que no cedería a las amenazas. La satyagraha desobediencia civil siguió, con la gente reunirse para protestar por la Ley Rowlatt. El 30 de marzo de 1919, agentes de la ley británicos abrieron fuego contra una asamblea de personas desarmadas, reunidas pacíficamente, que participaban en satyagraha en Delhi. [121]
La gente se amotinó en represalia. El 6 de abril de 1919, un día festivo hindú, pidió a una multitud que recordara no herir o matar a los británicos, sino expresar su frustración con la paz, boicotear los productos británicos y quemar cualquier ropa británica que tuvieran. Hizo hincapié en el uso de la no violencia hacia los británicos y entre ellos, incluso si el otro lado usaba la violencia. Las comunidades de toda la India anunciaron planes para reunirse en mayor número para protestar. El gobierno le advirtió que no entrara en Delhi. Gandhi desafió la orden. El 9 de abril, Gandhi fue arrestado. [121]
La gente se amotinó. El 13 de abril de 1919, personas, incluidas mujeres con niños, se reunieron en un parque de Amritsar, y un oficial británico llamado Reginald Dyer los rodeó y ordenó a sus tropas que dispararan contra ellos. La masacre resultante de Jallianwala Bagh (o masacre de Amritsar) de cientos de civiles sij e hindú enfureció al subcontinente, pero fue aclamada por algunos británicos y parte de los medios de comunicación británicos como una respuesta apropiada. Gandhi en Ahmedabad, el día después de la masacre de Amritsar, no criticó a los británicos y en cambio criticó a sus compatriotas por no usar el amor exclusivamente para lidiar con el odio del gobierno británico. [121] Gandhi exigió que la gente detuviera toda violencia, detuviera toda destrucción de propiedad, y se apresuró a morir para presionar a los indios para que detuvieran sus disturbios. [122]
La masacre y la respuesta no violenta de Gandhi a ella conmovieron a muchos, pero también hicieron que algunos sikhs e hindúes se sintieran molestos porque Dyer se estaba saliendo con la suya. Los británicos formaron comités de investigación, que Gandhi pidió a los indios que boicotearan. [121] Los acontecimientos que se desarrollaron, la masacre y la respuesta británica, llevaron a Gandhi a la creencia de que los indios nunca recibirán un trato justo y equitativo bajo los gobernantes británicos, y centró su atención en Swaraj o el autogobierno y la independencia política de la India. [123] En 1921, Gandhi era el líder del Congreso Nacional Indio. [107] Reorganizó el Congreso. Con el Congreso ahora detrás de él, y el apoyo musulmán provocado por su respaldo al movimiento Khilafat para restaurar el Califa en Turquía, [107] Gandhi tenía el apoyo político y la atención del Raj británico . [110] [104] [106]
Gandhi expandió su plataforma de no cooperación no violenta para incluir la política swadeshi : el boicot de los productos fabricados en el extranjero, especialmente los productos británicos. Vinculado a esto estaba su defensa de que todos los indios usaran khadi (tela hecha en casa) en lugar de textiles hechos en Gran Bretaña. Gandhi exhortó a los hombres y mujeres indios, ricos o pobres, a pasar tiempo todos los días haciendo girar khadi en apoyo del movimiento independentista. [124] Además de boicotear los productos británicos, Gandhi instó a la gente a boicotear las instituciones y los tribunales británicos, renunciar al empleo en el gobierno y renunciar a los títulos y honores británicos . Gandhi comenzó así su viaje encaminado a paralizar económica, política y administrativamente al gobierno de la India británica. [125]
El atractivo de la "no cooperación" creció, su popularidad social atrajo la participación de todos los estratos de la sociedad india. Gandhi fue arrestado el 10 de marzo de 1922, juzgado por sedición y condenado a seis años de prisión. Comenzó su sentencia el 18 de marzo de 1922. Con Gandhi aislado en prisión, el Congreso Nacional de la India se dividió en dos facciones, una dirigida por Chitta Ranjan Das y Motilal Nehru que favorecía la participación del partido en las legislaturas, y la otra dirigida por Chakravarti Rajagopalachari y Sardar Vallabhbhai. Patel , oponiéndose a este movimiento. [126] Además, la cooperación entre hindúes y musulmanes terminó cuando el movimiento Khilafat colapsó con el ascenso de Atatürk en Turquía. Los líderes musulmanes abandonaron el Congreso y comenzaron a formar organizaciones musulmanas. La base política detrás de Gandhi se había dividido en facciones. Gandhi fue puesto en libertad en febrero de 1924 por una operación de apendicitis , después de haber cumplido solo dos años. [127]
Salt Satyagraha (Marcha de la sal)
Después de su liberación anticipada de prisión por delitos políticos en 1924, durante la segunda mitad de la década de 1920, Gandhi continuó persiguiendo a swaraj . Impulsó una resolución en el Congreso de Calcuta en diciembre de 1928 en la que pedía al gobierno británico que concediera a la India el estatus de dominio o se enfrentara a una nueva campaña de no cooperación con la independencia completa del país como objetivo. [128] Después de su apoyo a la Primera Guerra Mundial con las tropas de combate indias, y el fracaso del movimiento Khilafat en la preservación del gobierno del Califa en Turquía, seguido por un colapso en el apoyo musulmán a su liderazgo, algunos como Subhas Chandra Bose y Bhagat Singh. cuestionó sus valores y enfoque no violento. [106] [129] Si bien muchos líderes hindúes defendieron una demanda de independencia inmediata, Gandhi revisó su propio llamado a una espera de un año, en lugar de dos. [128]
Los británicos no respondieron favorablemente a la propuesta de Gandhi. Líderes políticos británicos como Lord Birkenhead y Winston Churchill anunciaron su oposición a "los apaciguadores de Gandhi" en sus discusiones con diplomáticos europeos que simpatizaban con las demandas indias. [130] El 31 de diciembre de 1929, se desplegó la bandera de la India en Lahore . Gandhi dirigió el Congreso en una celebración el 26 de enero de 1930 del Día de la Independencia de la India en Lahore. Este día fue conmemorado por casi todas las demás organizaciones indias. Luego, Gandhi lanzó un nuevo Satyagraha contra el impuesto a la sal en marzo de 1930. Gandhi envió un ultimátum en forma de carta cortés a Lord Irwin, el virrey de la India, el 2 de marzo. Gandhi condenó el gobierno británico en la carta, describiéndolo como "una maldición" que "ha empobrecido a millones de tontos por un sistema de explotación progresiva y por una administración civil y militar ruinosamente cara ... Nos ha reducido políticamente a la servidumbre". Gandhi también mencionó en la carta que el virrey recibía un salario "más de cinco mil veces el ingreso promedio de la India". [131] La violencia británica, prometió Gandhi, sería derrotada por la no violencia india.
Esto fue destacado por la Marcha de la Sal a Dandi del 12 de marzo al 6 de abril, donde, junto con 78 voluntarios, marchó 388 kilómetros (241 millas) desde Ahmedabad a Dandi, Gujarat para hacer sal él mismo, con la intención declarada de romper la sal. leyes. La marcha tomó 25 días para cubrir 240 millas con Gandhi hablando a menudo a grandes multitudes en el camino. Miles de indios se unieron a él en Dandi. El 5 de mayo fue internado bajo un reglamento que data de 1827 en previsión de una protesta que había planeado. La protesta en la fábrica de sal de Dharasana el 21 de mayo siguió adelante sin que él lo viera. Un periodista estadounidense horrorizado, Webb Miller , describió la respuesta británica así:
En completo silencio, los hombres de Gandhi se detuvieron y se detuvieron a cien metros de la empalizada. Una columna escogida avanzó entre la multitud, vadeó las zanjas y se acercó a la empalizada de alambre de púas ... a una orden, decenas de policías nativos se abalanzaron sobre los manifestantes que avanzaban y les lanzaron golpes en la cabeza con sus lathis de acero. palos]. Ninguno de los manifestantes ni siquiera levantó un brazo para defenderse de los golpes. Bajaron como bolos. Desde donde me encontraba escuché el repugnante golpe de los garrotes en los cráneos desprotegidos ... Los derribados cayeron desparramados, inconscientes o retorciéndose con los cráneos fracturados o los hombros rotos. [132]
Esto se prolongó durante horas hasta que unos 300 o más manifestantes fueron golpeados, muchos heridos de gravedad y dos muertos. En ningún momento ofrecieron resistencia.
Esta campaña fue una de las más exitosas para alterar el control británico sobre la India; Gran Bretaña respondió encarcelando a más de 60.000 personas. [133] Las estimaciones del Congreso, sin embargo, sitúan la cifra en 90.000. Entre ellos se encontraba uno de los lugartenientes de Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru .
Según Sarma, Gandhi reclutó mujeres para participar en las campañas de impuestos a la sal y el boicot de productos extranjeros, lo que dio a muchas mujeres una nueva confianza en sí mismas y dignidad en la corriente principal de la vida pública india. [134] Sin embargo, otros eruditos como Marilyn French afirman que Gandhi prohibió a las mujeres unirse a su movimiento de desobediencia civil porque temía que lo acusaran de usar a las mujeres como escudo político. [135] Cuando las mujeres insistieron en unirse al movimiento y participar en manifestaciones públicas, Gandhi pidió a los voluntarios que obtuvieran los permisos de sus tutores y solo las mujeres que pudieran organizar el cuidado de los niños deberían unirse a él. [136] Independientemente de las aprehensiones y puntos de vista de Gandhi, las mujeres indias se unieron a la Marcha de la Sal por miles para desafiar los impuestos británicos sobre la sal y el monopolio de la extracción de sal. Después del arresto de Gandhi, las mujeres marcharon y formaron piquetes en las tiendas por su cuenta, aceptando la violencia y el abuso verbal de las autoridades británicas por la causa de la manera que Gandhi inspiró. [135]
Gandhi como héroe popular
El Congreso de la India en la década de 1920 apeló a los campesinos de Andhra Pradesh creando obras de teatro en idioma telugu que combinaban la mitología y las leyendas indias, las vinculaban con las ideas de Gandhi y retrataban a Gandhi como un mesías , una reencarnación de los líderes y santos nacionalistas indios antiguos y medievales. Las obras crearon apoyo entre los campesinos empapados de la cultura hindú tradicional, según Murali, y este esfuerzo convirtió a Gandhi en un héroe popular en las aldeas de habla telugu, una figura sagrada parecida a un mesías. [137]
Según Dennis Dalton, fueron las ideas las responsables de su amplio seguimiento. Gandhi criticó la civilización occidental como impulsada por la "fuerza bruta y la inmoralidad", contrastando con su categorización de la civilización india como impulsada por la "fuerza del alma y la moralidad". [138] Gandhi capturó la imaginación de la gente de su herencia con sus ideas sobre cómo ganar "el odio con amor". Estas ideas se evidencian en sus panfletos de la década de 1890, en Sudáfrica, donde también era popular entre los trabajadores contratados indios . Después de su regreso a la India, la gente acudió a él porque reflejaba sus valores. [138]
Gandhi también hizo una intensa campaña yendo de un rincón rural del subcontinente indio a otro. Usó terminología y frases como Rama -rajya del Ramayana , Prahlada como icono paradigmático y símbolos culturales como otra faceta de swaraj y satyagraha . [139] Estas ideas sonaron extrañas fuera de la India, durante su vida, pero resonaron fácil y profundamente con la cultura y los valores históricos de su pueblo. [138] [140]
Negociaciones
El gobierno, representado por Lord Irwin , decidió negociar con Gandhi. El Pacto Gandhi-Irwin se firmó en marzo de 1931. El gobierno británico acordó liberar a todos los presos políticos, a cambio de la suspensión del movimiento de desobediencia civil. Según el pacto, Gandhi fue invitado a asistir a la Mesa Redonda en Londres para discusiones y como único representante del Congreso Nacional Indio. La conferencia fue una decepción para Gandhi y los nacionalistas. Gandhi esperaba discutir la independencia de la India, mientras que la parte británica se centró en los príncipes y las minorías indias más que en una transferencia de poder. El sucesor de Lord Irwin, Lord Willingdon , adoptó una línea dura contra la India como nación independiente y comenzó una nueva campaña para controlar y someter al movimiento nacionalista. Gandhi fue arrestado nuevamente y el gobierno intentó y fracasó en negar su influencia aislándolo por completo de sus seguidores. [141]
En Gran Bretaña, Winston Churchill , un destacado político conservador que entonces estaba fuera de su cargo pero luego se convirtió en su primer ministro, se convirtió en un crítico vigoroso y elocuente de Gandhi y se opuso a sus planes a largo plazo. Churchill a menudo ridiculizaba a Gandhi, diciendo en un discurso de 1931 ampliamente difundido:
Es alarmante y también nauseabundo ver al señor Gandhi, un abogado sedicioso del Middle Temple, que ahora se hace pasar por un faquir de un tipo muy conocido en Oriente, caminando semidesnudo por los escalones del palacio virreinal ... para parlamentar en igualdad de condiciones con el representante del Rey-Emperador. [142]
La amargura de Churchill contra Gandhi creció en la década de 1930. Llamó a Gandhi como el "sedicioso en su puntería" cuyo genio maligno y amenaza multiforme atacaba al imperio británico. Churchill lo llamó dictador, un " Mussolini hindú ", fomentando una guerra racial, tratando de reemplazar al Raj con compinches brahmanes , jugando con la ignorancia de las masas indias, todo para beneficio egoísta. [143] Churchill intentó aislar a Gandhi, y su crítica a Gandhi fue ampliamente cubierta por la prensa europea y estadounidense. Ganó el apoyo comprensivo de Churchill, pero también aumentó el apoyo a Gandhi entre los europeos. Los acontecimientos aumentaron la ansiedad de Churchill de que "los propios británicos se rendirían por pacifismo y conciencia fuera de lugar". [143]
Conferencias de mesa redonda
Durante las discusiones entre Gandhi y el gobierno británico durante 1931-1932 en las Conferencias de la Mesa Redonda , Gandhi, que ahora tiene alrededor de 62 años, buscó reformas constitucionales como preparación para el fin del dominio británico colonial y comenzar el autogobierno de los indios. [144] La parte británica buscó reformas que mantuvieran el subcontinente indio como colonia. Los negociadores británicos propusieron reformas constitucionales en un modelo de dominio británico que estableció electorados separados basados en divisiones religiosas y sociales. Los británicos cuestionaron el partido del Congreso y la autoridad de Gandhi para hablar en nombre de toda la India. [145] Invitaron a líderes religiosos indios, como musulmanes y sijs, a presionar en sus demandas a lo largo de líneas religiosas, así como a BR Ambedkar como líder representativo de los intocables. [144] Gandhi se opuso vehementemente a una constitución que consagraba derechos o representaciones basadas en divisiones comunales, porque temía que no uniría a las personas sino que las dividiría, perpetuaría su estatus y desviaría la atención de la lucha de la India para poner fin al dominio colonial. [146] [147]
La conferencia de la Segunda Mesa Redonda fue la única vez que salió de la India entre 1914 y su muerte en 1948. Rechazó la oferta del gobierno de alojamiento en un hotel caro del West End , prefiriendo quedarse en el East End para vivir entre la gente de clase trabajadora. como lo hizo en la India. [148] Se instaló en una pequeña celda-dormitorio en Kingsley Hall durante los tres meses que duró su estadía y fue recibido con entusiasmo por East Enders. [149] Durante este tiempo renovó sus vínculos con el movimiento vegetariano británico.
Después de que Gandhi regresó de la conferencia de la Segunda Mesa Redonda, comenzó una nueva satyagraha . Fue arrestado y encarcelado en la cárcel de Yerwada , Pune. Mientras estaba en prisión, el gobierno británico promulgó una nueva ley que otorgó a los intocables un electorado separado. Llegó a ser conocido como el Premio Comunal . [150] En protesta, Gandhi inició un ayuno hasta la muerte, mientras estaba en prisión. [151] La protesta pública resultante obligó al gobierno, en consultas con Ambedkar, a reemplazar el Premio Comunal con un pacto de compromiso de Poona . [152] [153]
Política del Congreso
En 1934, Gandhi renunció a la membresía del partido del Congreso. No estaba en desacuerdo con la posición del partido, pero sintió que si renunciaba, su popularidad entre los indios dejaría de sofocar la membresía del partido, que en realidad variaba, incluidos comunistas, socialistas, sindicalistas, estudiantes, conservadores religiosos y aquellos que estaban a favor de los negocios. convicciones, y que estas diversas voces tendrían la oportunidad de hacerse oír. Gandhi también quería evitar ser un objetivo de la propaganda de Raj dirigiendo un partido que había aceptado temporalmente un acuerdo político con el Raj. [154]
Gandhi volvió a la política activa de nuevo en 1936, con la presidencia de Nehru y la sesión de Lucknow del Congreso. Aunque Gandhi quería un enfoque total en la tarea de ganar la independencia y no especulaciones sobre el futuro de la India, no impidió que el Congreso adoptara el socialismo como su objetivo. Gandhi tuvo un enfrentamiento con Subhas Chandra Bose, quien había sido elegido presidente en 1938, y quien anteriormente había expresado su falta de fe en la no violencia como medio de protesta. [155] A pesar de la oposición de Gandhi, Bose ganó un segundo mandato como presidente del Congreso, contra el candidato de Gandhi, el Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya ; pero abandonó el Congreso cuando los líderes de toda la India dimitieron en masa en protesta por su abandono de los principios introducidos por Gandhi. [156] [157] Gandhi declaró que la derrota de Sitaramayya fue su derrota. [158]
Movimiento de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y Salir de la India
Gandhi se opuso a proporcionar cualquier ayuda al esfuerzo de guerra británico e hizo campaña contra cualquier participación india en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. [159] La campaña de Gandhi no contó con el apoyo de las masas indias y muchos líderes indios como Sardar Patel y Rajendra Prasad. Su campaña fue un fracaso. [159] Más de 2,5 millones de indios ignoraron a Gandhi, se ofrecieron como voluntarios y se unieron al ejército británico para luchar en varios frentes de las fuerzas aliadas. [159]
La oposición de Gandhi a la participación india en la Segunda Guerra Mundial fue motivada por su creencia de que la India no podía ser parte de una guerra que aparentemente se libraba por la libertad democrática mientras esa libertad se le negaba a la propia India. [160] También condenó el nazismo y el fascismo, una opinión que ganó el respaldo de otros líderes indios. A medida que avanzaba la guerra, Gandhi intensificó su demanda de independencia, pidiendo a los británicos que abandonen la India en un discurso de 1942 en Mumbai. [161] Esta fue la revuelta más definitiva de Gandhi y del Partido del Congreso destinada a asegurar la salida británica de la India. [162] El gobierno británico respondió rápidamente al discurso de Quit India, y pocas horas después del discurso de Gandhi arrestó a Gandhi ya todos los miembros del Comité de Trabajo del Congreso. [163] Sus compatriotas tomaron represalias por los arrestos dañando o incendiando cientos de estaciones de ferrocarril y comisarías de policía propiedad del gobierno y cortando cables telegráficos. [164]
In 1942, Gandhi now nearing age 73, urged his people to completely stop co-operating with the imperial government. In this effort, he urged that they neither kill nor injure British people, but be willing to suffer and die if violence is initiated by the British officials.[161] He clarified that the movement would not be stopped because of any individual acts of violence, saying that the "ordered anarchy" of "the present system of administration" was "worse than real anarchy."[165][166] He urged Indians to Karo ya maro ("Do or die") in the cause of their rights and freedoms.[161][167]
Gandhi's arrest lasted two years, as he was held in the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. During this period, his long time secretary Mahadev Desai died of a heart attack, his wife Kasturba died after 18 months' imprisonment on 22 February 1944; and Gandhi suffered a severe malaria attack.[164] While in jail, he agreed to an interview with Stuart Gelder, a British journalist. Gelder then composed and released an interview summary, cabled it to the mainstream press, that announced sudden concessions Gandhi was willing to make, comments that shocked his countrymen, the Congress workers and even Gandhi. The latter two claimed that it distorted what Gandhi actually said on a range of topics and falsely repudiated the Quit India movement.[164]
Gandhi was released before the end of the war on 6 May 1944 because of his failing health and necessary surgery; the Raj did not want him to die in prison and enrage the nation. He came out of detention to an altered political scene – the Muslim League for example, which a few years earlier had appeared marginal, "now occupied the centre of the political stage"[168] and the topic of Muhammad Ali Jinnah's campaign for Pakistan was a major talking point. Gandhi and Jinnah had extensive correspondence and the two men met several times over a period of two weeks in September 1944, where Gandhi insisted on a united religiously plural and independent India which included Muslims and non-Muslims of the Indian subcontinent coexisting. Jinnah rejected this proposal and insisted instead for partitioning the subcontinent on religious lines to create a separate Muslim India (later Pakistan).[10][169] These discussions continued through 1947.[170]
While the leaders of Congress languished in jail, the other parties supported the war and gained organizational strength. Underground publications flailed at the ruthless suppression of Congress, but it had little control over events.[171] At the end of the war, the British gave clear indications that power would be transferred to Indian hands. At this point Gandhi called off the struggle, and around 100,000 political prisoners were released, including the Congress's leadership.[172]
Partition and independence
Gandhi opposed the partition of the Indian subcontinent along religious lines.[173] The Indian National Congress and Gandhi called for the British to Quit India. However, the Muslim League demanded "Divide and Quit India".[174][175] Gandhi suggested an agreement which required the Congress and the Muslim League to co-operate and attain independence under a provisional government, thereafter, the question of partition could be resolved by a plebiscite in the districts with a Muslim majority.[176]
Jinnah rejected Gandhi's proposal and called for Direct Action Day, on 16 August 1946, to press Muslims to publicly gather in cities and support his proposal for the partition of the Indian subcontinent into a Muslim state and non-Muslim state. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Muslim League Chief Minister of Bengal – now Bangladesh and West Bengal, gave Calcutta's police special holiday to celebrate the Direct Action Day.[177] The Direct Action Day triggered a mass murder of Calcutta Hindus and the torching of their property, and holidaying police were missing to contain or stop the conflict.[178] The British government did not order its army to move in to contain the violence.[177] The violence on Direct Action Day led to retaliatory violence against Muslims across India. Thousands of Hindus and Muslims were murdered, and tens of thousands were injured in the cycle of violence in the days that followed.[179] Gandhi visited the most riot-prone areas to appeal a stop to the massacres.[178]
Archibald Wavell, the Viceroy and Governor-General of British India for three years through February 1947, had worked with Gandhi and Jinnah to find a common ground, before and after accepting Indian independence in principle. Wavell condemned Gandhi's character and motives as well as his ideas. Wavell accused Gandhi of harbouring the single minded idea to "overthrow British rule and influence and to establish a Hindu raj", and called Gandhi a "malignant, malevolent, exceedingly shrewd" politician.[180] Wavell feared a civil war on the Indian subcontinent, and doubted Gandhi would be able to stop it.[180]
The British reluctantly agreed to grant independence to the people of the Indian subcontinent, but accepted Jinnah's proposal of partitioning the land into Pakistan and India. Gandhi was involved in the final negotiations, but Stanley Wolpert states the "plan to carve up British India was never approved of or accepted by Gandhi".[181]
The partition was controversial and violently disputed. More than half a million were killed in religious riots as 10 million to 12 million non-Muslims (Hindus and Sikhs mostly) migrated from Pakistan into India, and Muslims migrated from India into Pakistan, across the newly created borders of India, West Pakistan and East Pakistan.[182]
Gandhi spent the day of independence not celebrating the end of the British rule but appealing for peace among his countrymen by fasting and spinning in Calcutta on 15 August 1947. The partition had gripped the Indian subcontinent with religious violence and the streets were filled with corpses.[183] Some writers credit Gandhi's fasting and protests for stopping the religious riots and communal violence.[180]
Death
At 5:17 pm on 30 January 1948, Gandhi was with his grandnieces in the garden of Birla House (now Gandhi Smriti), on his way to address a prayer meeting, when Nathuram Godse, a Hindu nationalist, fired three bullets into his chest from a pistol at close range. According to some accounts, Gandhi died instantly.[184][185] In other accounts, such as one prepared by an eyewitness journalist, Gandhi was carried into the Birla House, into a bedroom. There he died about 30 minutes later as one of Gandhi's family members read verses from Hindu scriptures.[186]
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru addressed his countrymen over the All-India Radio saying:[187]
Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for millions and millions in this country.[188]
Godse, a Hindu nationalist with links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha,[189] made no attempt to escape; several other conspirators were soon arrested as well.[190][191] They were tried in court at Delhi's Red Fort. At his trial, Godse did not deny the charges nor express any remorse. According to Claude Markovits, a French historian noted for his studies of colonial India, Godse stated that he killed Gandhi because of his complacence towards Muslims, holding Gandhi responsible for the frenzy of violence and sufferings during the subcontinent's partition into Pakistan and India. Godse accused Gandhi of subjectivism and of acting as if only he had a monopoly of the truth. Godse was found guilty and executed in 1949.[192][193]
Gandhi's death was mourned nationwide. Over a million people joined the five-mile-long funeral procession that took over five hours to reach Raj Ghat from Birla house, where he was assassinated, and another million watched the procession pass by.[194] Gandhi's body was transported on a weapons carrier, whose chassis was dismantled overnight to allow a high-floor to be installed so that people could catch a glimpse of his body. The engine of the vehicle was not used; instead four drag-ropes manned by 50 people each pulled the vehicle.[195] All Indian-owned establishments in London remained closed in mourning as thousands of people from all faiths and denominations and Indians from all over Britain converged at India House in London.[196]
Gandhi's assassination dramatically changed the political landscape. Nehru became his political heir. According to Markovits, while Gandhi was alive, Pakistan's declaration that it was a "Muslim state" had led Indian groups to demand that it be declared a "Hindu state".[192] Nehru used Gandhi's martyrdom as a political weapon to silence all advocates of Hindu nationalism as well as his political challengers. He linked Gandhi's assassination to politics of hatred and ill-will.[192]
According to Guha, Nehru and his Congress colleagues called on Indians to honour Gandhi's memory and even more his ideals.[197][198] Nehru used the assassination to consolidate the authority of the new Indian state. Gandhi's death helped marshal support for the new government and legitimise the Congress Party's control, leveraged by the massive outpouring of Hindu expressions of grief for a man who had inspired them for decades. The government suppressed the RSS, the Muslim National Guards, and the Khaksars, with some 200,000 arrests.[199]
For years after the assassination, states Markovits, "Gandhi's shadow loomed large over the political life of the new Indian Republic". The government quelled any opposition to its economic and social policies, despite these being contrary to Gandhi's ideas, by reconstructing Gandhi's image and ideals.[200]
Funeral and memorials
Gandhi was cremated in accordance with Hindu tradition. Gandhi's ashes were poured into urns which were sent across India for memorial services.[201] Most of the ashes were immersed at the Sangam at Allahabad on 12 February 1948, but some were secretly taken away. In 1997, Tushar Gandhi immersed the contents of one urn, found in a bank vault and reclaimed through the courts, at the Sangam at Allahabad.[202][203] Some of Gandhi's ashes were scattered at the source of the Nile River near Jinja, Uganda, and a memorial plaque marks the event. On 30 January 2008, the contents of another urn were immersed at Girgaum Chowpatty. Another urn is at the palace of the Aga Khan in Pune (where Gandhi was held as a political prisoner from 1942 to 1944) and another in the Self-Realization Fellowship Lake Shrine in Los Angeles.[202][204]
The Birla House site where Gandhi was assassinated is now a memorial called Gandhi Smriti. The place near Yamuna river where he was cremated is the Rāj Ghāt memorial in New Delhi.[205] A black marble platform, it bears the epigraph "Hē Rāma" (Devanagari: हे ! राम or, Hey Raam). These are widely believed to be Gandhi's last words after he was shot, though the veracity of this statement has been disputed.[206]
Principios, prácticas y creencias
Gandhi's statements, letters and life have attracted much political and scholarly analysis of his principles, practices and beliefs, including what influenced him. Some writers present him as a paragon of ethical living and pacifism, while others present him as a more complex, contradictory and evolving character influenced by his culture and circumstances.[207][208]
Influences
Gandhi grew up in a Hindu and Jain religious atmosphere in his native Gujarat, which were his primary influences, but he was also influenced by his personal reflections and literature of Hindu Bhakti saints, Advaita Vedanta, Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, and thinkers such as Tolstoy, Ruskin and Thoreau.[209][210] At age 57 he declared himself to be Advaitist Hindu in his religious persuasion, but added that he supported Dvaitist viewpoints and religious pluralism.[211][212][213]
Gandhi was influenced by his devout Vaishnava Hindu mother, the regional Hindu temples and saint tradition which co-existed with Jain tradition in Gujarat.[209][214] Historian R.B. Cribb states that Gandhi's thought evolved over time, with his early ideas becoming the core or scaffolding for his mature philosophy. He committed himself early to truthfulness, temperance, chastity, and vegetarianism.[215]
Gandhi's London lifestyle incorporated the values he had grown up with. When he returned to India in 1891, his outlook was parochial and he could not make a living as a lawyer. This challenged his belief that practicality and morality necessarily coincided. By moving in 1893 to South Africa he found a solution to this problem and developed the central concepts of his mature philosophy.[216]
According to Bhikhu Parekh, three books that influenced Gandhi most in South Africa were William Salter's Ethical Religion (1889); Henry David Thoreau's On the Duty of Civil Disobedience (1849); and Leo Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God Is Within You (1894). Ruskin inspired his decision to live an austere life on a commune, at first on the Phoenix Farm in Natal and then on the Tolstoy Farm just outside Johannesburg, South Africa.[64] The most profound influence on Gandhi were those from Hinduism, Christianity and Jainism, states Parekh, with his thoughts "in harmony with the classical Indian traditions, specially the Advaita or monistic tradition".[217]
According to Indira Carr and others, Gandhi was influenced by Vaishnavism, Jainism and Advaita Vedanta.[218][219] Balkrishna Gokhale states that Gandhi was influenced by Hinduism and Jainism, and his studies of Sermon on the Mount of Christianity, Ruskin and Tolstoy.[220]
Additional theories of possible influences on Gandhi have been proposed. For example, in 1935, N. A. Toothi stated that Gandhi was influenced by the reforms and teachings of the Swaminarayan tradition of Hinduism. According to Raymond Williams, Toothi may have overlooked the influence of the Jain community, and adds close parallels do exist in programs of social reform in the Swaminarayan tradition and those of Gandhi, based on "nonviolence, truth-telling, cleanliness, temperance and upliftment of the masses."[221][222] Historian Howard states the culture of Gujarat influenced Gandhi and his methods.[223]
Leo Tolstoy
Along with the book mentioned above, in 1908 Leo Tolstoy wrote A Letter to a Hindu, which said that only by using love as a weapon through passive resistance could the Indian people overthrow colonial rule. In 1909, Gandhi wrote to Tolstoy seeking advice and permission to republish A Letter to a Hindu in Gujarati. Tolstoy responded and the two continued a correspondence until Tolstoy's death in 1910 (Tolstoy's last letter was to Gandhi).[224] The letters concern practical and theological applications of nonviolence.[225] Gandhi saw himself a disciple of Tolstoy, for they agreed regarding opposition to state authority and colonialism; both hated violence and preached non-resistance. However, they differed sharply on political strategy. Gandhi called for political involvement; he was a nationalist and was prepared to use nonviolent force. He was also willing to compromise.[226] It was at Tolstoy Farm where Gandhi and Hermann Kallenbach systematically trained their disciples in the philosophy of nonviolence.[227]
Shrimad Rajchandra
Gandhi credited Shrimad Rajchandra, a poet and Jain philosopher, as his influential counsellor. In Modern Review, June 1930, Gandhi wrote about their first encounter in 1891 at Dr. P.J. Mehta's residence in Bombay. He was introduced to Shrimad by Dr. Pranjivan Mehta.[228] Gandhi exchanged letters with Rajchandra when he was in South Africa, referring to him as Kavi (literally, "poet"). In 1930, Gandhi wrote, "Such was the man who captivated my heart in religious matters as no other man ever has till now."[229] 'I have said elsewhere that in moulding my inner life Tolstoy and Ruskin vied with Kavi. But Kavi's influence was undoubtedly deeper if only because I had come in closest personal touch with him.'[230]
Gandhi, in his autobiography, called Rajchandra his "guide and helper" and his "refuge [...] in moments of spiritual crisis". He had advised Gandhi to be patient and to study Hinduism deeply.[231][232][233]
Religious texts
During his stay in South Africa, along with scriptures and philosophical texts of Hinduism and other Indian religions, Gandhi read translated texts of Christianity such as the Bible, and Islam such as the Quran.[234] A Quaker mission in South Africa attempted to convert him to Christianity. Gandhi joined them in their prayers and debated Christian theology with them, but refused conversion stating he did not accept the theology therein or that Christ was the only son of God.[234][235][236]
His comparative studies of religions and interaction with scholars, led him to respect all religions as well as become concerned about imperfections in all of them and frequent misinterpretations.[234] Gandhi grew fond of Hinduism, and referred to the Bhagavad Gita as his spiritual dictionary and greatest single influence on his life.[234][237][238] Later, Gandhi translated the Gita into Gujarati in 1930.[239]
Sufism
Gandhi was acquainted with Sufi Islam's Chishti Order during his stay in South Africa. He attended Khanqah gatherings there at Riverside. According to Margaret Chatterjee, Gandhi as a Vaishnava Hindu shared values such as humility, devotion and brotherhood for the poor that is also found in Sufism.[240][241] Winston Churchill also compared Gandhi to a Sufi fakir.[142]
On wars and nonviolence
Support for wars
Gandhi participated in forming the Indian Ambulance Corps in the South African war against the Boers, on the British side in 1899.[242] Both the Dutch settlers called Boers and the imperial British at that time discriminated against the coloured races they considered as inferior, and Gandhi later wrote about his conflicted beliefs during the Boer war. He stated that "when the war was declared, my personal sympathies were all with the Boers, but my loyalty to the British rule drove me to participation with the British in that war. I felt that, if I demanded rights as a British citizen, it was also my duty, as such to participate in the defence of the British Empire. so I collected together as many comrades as possible, and with very great difficulty got their services accepted as an ambulance corps."[243]
During World War I (1914–1918), nearing the age of 50, Gandhi supported the British and its allied forces by recruiting Indians to join the British army, expanding the Indian contingent from about 100,000 to over 1.1 million.[103][242] He encouraged Indian people to fight on one side of the war in Europe and Africa at the cost of their lives.[242] Pacifists criticised and questioned Gandhi, who defended these practices by stating, according to Sankar Ghose, "it would be madness for me to sever my connection with the society to which I belong".[242] According to Keith Robbins, the recruitment effort was in part motivated by the British promise to reciprocate the help with swaraj (self-government) to Indians after the end of World War I.[102] After the war, the British government offered minor reforms instead, which disappointed Gandhi.[103] He launched his satyagraha movement in 1919. In parallel, Gandhi's fellowmen became sceptical of his pacifist ideas and were inspired by the ideas of nationalism and anti-imperialism.[244]
In a 1920 essay, after the World War I, Gandhi wrote, "where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise violence." Rahul Sagar interprets Gandhi's efforts to recruit for the British military during the War, as Gandhi's belief that, at that time, it would demonstrate that Indians were willing to fight. Further, it would also show the British that his fellow Indians were "their subjects by choice rather than out of cowardice." In 1922, Gandhi wrote that abstinence from violence is effective and true forgiveness only when one has the power to punish, not when one decides not to do anything because one is helpless.[245]
After World War II engulfed Britain, Gandhi actively campaigned to oppose any help to the British war effort and any Indian participation in the war. According to Arthur Herman, Gandhi believed that his campaign would strike a blow to imperialism.[159] Gandhi's position was not supported by many Indian leaders, and his campaign against the British war effort was a failure. The Hindu leader, Tej Bahadur Sapru, declared in 1941, states Herman, "A good many Congress leaders are fed up with the barren program of the Mahatma".[159] Over 2.5 million Indians ignored Gandhi, volunteered and joined on the British side. They fought and died as a part of the Allied forces in Europe, North Africa and various fronts of the World War II.[159]
Truth and Satyagraha
Gandhi dedicated his life to discovering and pursuing truth, or Satya, and called his movement satyagraha, which means "appeal to, insistence on, or reliance on the Truth".[246] The first formulation of the satyagraha as a political movement and principle occurred in 1920, which he tabled as "Resolution on Non-cooperation" in September that year before a session of the Indian Congress. It was the satyagraha formulation and step, states Dennis Dalton, that deeply resonated with beliefs and culture of his people, embedded him into the popular consciousness, transforming him quickly into Mahatma.[247]
Gandhi based Satyagraha on the Vedantic ideal of self-realization, ahimsa (nonviolence), vegetarianism, and universal love. William Borman states that the key to his satyagraha is rooted in the Hindu Upanishadic texts.[248] According to Indira Carr, Gandhi's ideas on ahimsa and satyagraha were founded on the philosophical foundations of Advaita Vedanta.[249] I. Bruce Watson states that some of these ideas are found not only in traditions within Hinduism, but also in Jainism or Buddhism, particularly those about non-violence, vegetarianism and universal love, but Gandhi's synthesis was to politicise these ideas.[250] Gandhi's concept of satya as a civil movement, states Glyn Richards, are best understood in the context of the Hindu terminology of Dharma and Ṛta.[251]
Gandhi stated that the most important battle to fight was overcoming his own demons, fears, and insecurities. Gandhi summarised his beliefs first when he said "God is Truth". He would later change this statement to "Truth is God". Thus, satya (truth) in Gandhi's philosophy is "God".[252] Gandhi, states Richards, described the term "God" not as a separate power, but as the Being (Brahman, Atman) of the Advaita Vedanta tradition, a nondual universal that pervades in all things, in each person and all life.[251] According to Nicholas Gier, this to Gandhi meant the unity of God and humans, that all beings have the same one soul and therefore equality, that atman exists and is same as everything in the universe, ahimsa (non-violence) is the very nature of this atman.[253]
The essence of Satyagraha is "soul force" as a political means, refusing to use brute force against the oppressor, seeking to eliminate antagonisms between the oppressor and the oppressed, aiming to transform or "purify" the oppressor. It is not inaction but determined passive resistance and non-co-operation where, states Arthur Herman, "love conquers hate".[256] A euphemism sometimes used for Satyagraha is that it is a "silent force" or a "soul force" (a term also used by Martin Luther King Jr. during his "I Have a Dream" speech). It arms the individual with moral power rather than physical power. Satyagraha is also termed a "universal force", as it essentially "makes no distinction between kinsmen and strangers, young and old, man and woman, friend and foe."[257]
Gandhi wrote: "There must be no impatience, no barbarity, no insolence, no undue pressure. If we want to cultivate a true spirit of democracy, we cannot afford to be intolerant. Intolerance betrays want of faith in one's cause."[258] Civil disobedience and non-co-operation as practised under Satyagraha are based on the "law of suffering",[259] a doctrine that the endurance of suffering is a means to an end. This end usually implies a moral upliftment or progress of an individual or society. Therefore, non-co-operation in Satyagraha is in fact a means to secure the co-operation of the opponent consistently with truth and justice.[260]
While Gandhi's idea of satyagraha as a political means attracted a widespread following among Indians, the support was not universal. For example, Muslim leaders such as Jinnah opposed the satyagraha idea, accused Gandhi to be reviving Hinduism through political activism, and began effort to counter Gandhi with Muslim nationalism and a demand for Muslim homeland.[261][262][263] The untouchability leader Ambedkar, in June 1945, after his decision to convert to Buddhism and a key architect of the Constitution of modern India, dismissed Gandhi's ideas as loved by "blind Hindu devotees", primitive, influenced by spurious brew of Tolstoy and Ruskin, and "there is always some simpleton to preach them".[264][265] Winston Churchill caricatured Gandhi as a "cunning huckster" seeking selfish gain, an "aspiring dictator", and an "atavistic spokesman of a pagan Hinduism". Churchill stated that the civil disobedience movement spectacle of Gandhi only increased "the danger to which white people there [British India] are exposed".[266]
Nonviolence
Although Gandhi was not the originator of the principle of nonviolence, he was the first to apply it in the political field on a large scale.[267] The concept of nonviolence (ahimsa) has a long history in Indian religious thought, with it being considered the highest dharma (ethical value virtue), a precept to be observed towards all living beings (sarvbhuta), at all times (sarvada), in all respects (sarvatha), in action, words and thought.[268] Gandhi explains his philosophy and ideas about ahimsa as a political means in his autobiography The Story of My Experiments with Truth.[269][270][271]
Gandhi was criticised for refusing to protest the hanging of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Udham Singh and Rajguru.[272][273] He was accused of accepting a deal with the King's representative Irwin that released civil disobedience leaders from prison and accepted the death sentence against the highly popular revolutionary Bhagat Singh, who at his trial had replied, "Revolution is the inalienable right of mankind".[129] However Congressmen, who were votaries of non-violence, defended Bhagat Singh and other revolutionary nationalists being tried in Lahore.[274]
Gandhi's views came under heavy criticism in Britain when it was under attack from Nazi Germany, and later when the Holocaust was revealed. He told the British people in 1940, "I would like you to lay down the arms you have as being useless for saving you or humanity. You will invite Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini to take what they want of the countries you call your possessions... If these gentlemen choose to occupy your homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free passage out, you will allow yourselves, man, woman, and child, to be slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance to them."[275] George Orwell remarked that Gandhi's methods confronted "an old-fashioned and rather shaky despotism which treated him in a fairly chivalrous way", not a totalitarian power, "where political opponents simply disappear."[276]
In a post-war interview in 1946, he said, "Hitler killed five million Jews. It is the greatest crime of our time. But the Jews should have offered themselves to the butcher's knife. They should have thrown themselves into the sea from cliffs... It would have aroused the world and the people of Germany... As it is they succumbed anyway in their millions."[277] Gandhi believed this act of "collective suicide", in response to the Holocaust, "would have been heroism".[278]
Gandhi as a politician, in practice, settled for less than complete non-violence. His method of non-violent Satyagraha could easily attract masses and it fitted in with the interests and sentiments of business groups, better-off people and dominant sections of peasantry, who did not want an uncontrolled and violent social revolution which could create losses for them. His doctrine of ahimsa lay at the core of unifying role played by the Gandhian Congress.[279] But during Quit India movement even many staunch Gandhians used 'violent means'.[280]
On inter-religious relations
Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs
Gandhi believed that Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism were traditions of Hinduism, with a shared history, rites and ideas. At other times, he acknowledged that he knew little about Buddhism other than his reading of Edwin Arnold's book on it. Based on that book, he considered Buddhism to be a reform movement and the Buddha to be a Hindu.[281] He stated he knew Jainism much more, and he credited Jains to have profoundly influenced him. Sikhism, to Gandhi, was an integral part of Hinduism, in the form of another reform movement. Sikh and Buddhist leaders disagreed with Gandhi, a disagreement Gandhi respected as a difference of opinion.[281][282]
Muslims
Gandhi had generally positive and empathetic views of Islam, and he extensively studied the Quran. He viewed Islam as a faith that proactively promoted peace, and felt that non-violence had a predominant place in the Quran.[283] He also read the Islamic prophet Muhammad's biography, and argued that it was "not the sword that won a place for Islam in those days in the scheme of life. It was the rigid simplicity, the utter self-effacement of the Prophet, the scrupulous regard for pledges, his intense devotion to his friends and followers, his intrepidity, his fearlessness, his absolute trust in God and in his own mission."[284] Gandhi had a large Indian Muslim following, who he encouraged to join him in a mutual nonviolent jihad against the social oppression of their time. Prominent Muslim allies in his nonviolent resistance movement included Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Abdul Ghaffar Khan. However, Gandhi's empathy towards Islam, and his eager willingness to valorise peaceful Muslim social activists, was viewed by many Hindus as an appeasement of Muslims and later became a leading cause for his assassination at the hands of intolerant Hindu extremists.[285]
While Gandhi expressed mostly positive views of Islam, he did occasionally criticise Muslims.[283] He stated in 1925 that he did not criticise the teachings of the Quran, but he did criticise the interpreters of the Quran. Gandhi believed that numerous interpreters have interpreted it to fit their preconceived notions.[286] He believed Muslims should welcome criticism of the Quran, because "every true scripture only gains from criticism". Gandhi criticised Muslims who "betray intolerance of criticism by a non-Muslim of anything related to Islam", such as the penalty of stoning to death under Islamic law. To Gandhi, Islam has "nothing to fear from criticism even if it be unreasonable".[287][288] He also believed there were material contradictions between Hinduism and Islam,[288] and he criticised Muslims along with communists that were quick to resort to violence.[289]
One of the strategies Gandhi adopted was to work with Muslim leaders of pre-partition India, to oppose the British imperialism in and outside the Indian subcontinent.[106][107] After the World War I, in 1919–22, he won Muslim leadership support of Ali Brothers by backing the Khilafat Movement in favour the Islamic Caliph and his historic Ottoman Caliphate, and opposing the secular Islam supporting Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. By 1924, Atatürk had ended the Caliphate, the Khilafat Movement was over, and Muslim support for Gandhi had largely evaporated.[106][290][107]
In 1925, Gandhi gave another reason to why he got involved in the Khilafat movement and the Middle East affairs between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Gandhi explained to his co-religionists (Hindu) that he sympathised and campaigned for the Islamic cause, not because he cared for the Sultan, but because "I wanted to enlist the Mussalman's sympathy in the matter of cow protection".[291] According to the historian M. Naeem Qureshi, like the then Indian Muslim leaders who had combined religion and politics, Gandhi too imported his religion into his political strategy during the Khilafat movement.[292]
In the 1940s, Gandhi pooled ideas with some Muslim leaders who sought religious harmony like him, and opposed the proposed partition of British India into India and Pakistan. For example, his close friend Badshah Khan suggested that they should work towards opening Hindu temples for Muslim prayers, and Islamic mosques for Hindu prayers, to bring the two religious groups closer.[293] Gandhi accepted this and began having Muslim prayers read in Hindu temples to play his part, but was unable to get Hindu prayers read in mosques. The Hindu nationalist groups objected and began confronting Gandhi for this one-sided practice, by shouting and demonstrating inside the Hindu temples, in the last years of his life.[294][193][295]
Christians
Gandhi criticised as well as praised Christianity. He was critical of Christian missionary efforts in British India, because they mixed medical or education assistance with demands that the beneficiary convert to Christianity.[296] According to Gandhi, this was not true "service" but one driven by an ulterior motive of luring people into religious conversion and exploiting the economically or medically desperate. It did not lead to inner transformation or moral advance or to the Christian teaching of "love", but was based on false one-sided criticisms of other religions, when Christian societies faced similar problems in South Africa and Europe. It led to the converted person hating his neighbours and other religions, and divided people rather than bringing them closer in compassion. According to Gandhi, "no religious tradition could claim a monopoly over truth or salvation".[296][297] Gandhi did not support laws to prohibit missionary activity, but demanded that Christians should first understand the message of Jesus, and then strive to live without stereotyping and misrepresenting other religions. According to Gandhi, the message of Jesus was not to humiliate and imperialistically rule over other people considering them inferior or second class or slaves, but that "when the hungry are fed and peace comes to our individual and collective life, then Christ is born".[298]
Gandhi believed that his long acquaintance with Christianity had made him like it as well as find it imperfect. He asked Christians to stop humiliating his country and his people as heathens, idolators and other abusive language, and to change their negative views of India. He believed that Christians should introspect on the "true meaning of religion" and get a desire to study and learn from Indian religions in the spirit of universal brotherhood.[298] According to Eric Sharpe – a professor of Religious Studies, though Gandhi was born in a Hindu family and later became Hindu by conviction, many Christians in time thought of him as an "exemplary Christian and even as a saint".[299]
Some colonial era Christian preachers and faithfuls considered Gandhi as a saint.[300][301][302] Biographers from France and Britain have drawn parallels between Gandhi and Christian saints. Recent scholars question these romantic biographies and state that Gandhi was neither a Christian figure nor mirrored a Christian saint.[303] Gandhi's life is better viewed as exemplifying his belief in the "convergence of various spiritualities" of a Christian and a Hindu, states Michael de Saint-Cheron.[303]
Jews
According to Kumaraswamy, Gandhi initially supported Arab demands with respect to Palestine. He justified this support by invoking Islam, stating that "non-Muslims cannot acquire sovereign jurisdiction" in Jazirat al-Arab (the Arabian Peninsula).[304] These arguments, states Kumaraswamy, were a part of his political strategy to win Muslim support during the Khilafat movement. In the post-Khilafat period, Gandhi neither negated Jewish demands nor did he use Islamic texts or history to support Muslim claims against Israel. Gandhi's silence after the Khilafat period may represent an evolution in his understanding of the conflicting religious claims over Palestine, according to Kumaraswamy.[304] In 1938, Gandhi spoke in favour of Jewish claims, and in March 1946, he said to the Member of British Parliament Sidney Silverman, "if the Arabs have a claim to Palestine, the Jews have a prior claim", a position very different from his earlier stance.[304][305]
Gandhi discussed the persecution of the Jews in Germany and the emigration of Jews from Europe to Palestine through his lens of Satyagraha.[183][306] In 1937, Gandhi discussed Zionism with his close Jewish friend Hermann Kallenbach.[307] He said that Zionism was not the right answer to the problems faced by Jews[308] and instead recommended Satyagraha. Gandhi thought the Zionists in Palestine represented European imperialism and used violence to achieve their goals; he argued that "the Jews should disclaim any intention of realizing their aspiration under the protection of arms and should rely wholly on the goodwill of Arabs. No exception can possibly be taken to the natural desire of the Jews to find a home in Palestine. But they must wait for its fulfillment till Arab opinion is ripe for it."[183]
In 1938, Gandhi stated that his "sympathies are all with the Jews. I have known them intimately in South Africa. Some of them became life-long companions." Philosopher Martin Buber was highly critical of Gandhi's approach and in 1939 wrote an open letter to him on the subject. Gandhi reiterated his stance that "the Jews seek to convert the Arab heart", and use "satyagraha in confronting the Arabs" in 1947.[309] According to Simone Panter-Brick, Gandhi's political position on Jewish-Arab conflict evolved over the 1917–1947 period, shifting from a support for the Arab position first, and for the Jewish position in the 1940s.[310]
On life, society and other application of his ideas
Vegetarianism, food, and animals
Gandhi was brought up as a vegetarian by his devout Hindu mother.[311][312] The idea of vegetarianism is deeply ingrained in Hindu Vaishnavism and Jain traditions in India, such as in his native Gujarat, where meat is considered as a form of food obtained by violence to animals.[313][314] Gandhi's rationale for vegetarianism was largely along those found in Hindu and Jain texts. Gandhi believed that any form of food inescapably harms some form of living organism, but one should seek to understand and reduce the violence in what one consumes because "there is essential unity of all life".[312][315]
Gandhi believed that some life forms are more capable of suffering, and non-violence to him meant not having the intent as well as active efforts to minimise hurt, injury or suffering to all life forms.[315] Gandhi explored food sources that reduced violence to various life forms in the food chain. He believed that slaughtering animals is unnecessary, as other sources of foods are available.[313] He also consulted with vegetarianism campaigners during his lifetime, such as with Henry Stephens Salt. Food to Gandhi was not only a source of sustaining one's body, but a source of his impact on other living beings, and one that affected his mind, character and spiritual well being.[316][317][318] He avoided not only meat, but also eggs and milk. Gandhi wrote the book The Moral Basis of Vegetarianism and wrote for the London Vegetarian Society's publication.[319]
Beyond his religious beliefs, Gandhi stated another motivation for his experiments with diet. He attempted to find the most non-violent vegetarian meal that the poorest human could afford, taking meticulous notes on vegetables and fruits, and his observations with his own body and his ashram in Gujarat.[320][321] He tried fresh and dry fruits (Fruitarianism), then just sun dried fruits, before resuming his prior vegetarian diet on advice of his doctor and concerns of his friends. His experiments with food began in the 1890s and continued for several decades.[320][321] For some of these experiments, Gandhi combined his own ideas with those found on diet in Indian yoga texts. He believed that each vegetarian should experiment with their diet because, in his studies at his ashram he saw "one man's food may be poison for another".[322][323]
Gandhi championed animal rights in general. Other than making vegetarian choices, he actively campaigned against dissection studies and experimentation on live animals (vivisection) in the name of science and medical studies.[313] He considered it a violence against animals, something that inflicted pain and suffering. He wrote, "Vivisection in my opinion is the blackest of all the blackest crimes that man is at present committing against God and His fair creation."[324]
Fasting
Gandhi used fasting as a political device, often threatening suicide unless demands were met. Congress publicised the fasts as a political action that generated widespread sympathy. In response, the government tried to manipulate news coverage to minimise his challenge to the Raj. He fasted in 1932 to protest the voting scheme for separate political representation for Dalits; Gandhi did not want them segregated. The British government stopped the London press from showing photographs of his emaciated body, because it would elicit sympathy. Gandhi's 1943 hunger strike took place during a two-year prison term for the anticolonial Quit India movement. The government called on nutritional experts to demystify his action, and again no photos were allowed. However, his final fast in 1948, after the end of British rule in India, his hunger strike was lauded by the British press and this time did include full-length photos.[325]
Alter states that Gandhi's fasting, vegetarianism and diet was more than a political leverage, it was a part of his experiments with self restraint and healthy living. He was "profoundly skeptical of traditional Ayurveda", encouraging it to study the scientific method and adopt its progressive learning approach. Gandhi believed yoga offered health benefits. He believed that a healthy nutritional diet based on regional foods and hygiene were essential to good health.[326] Recently ICMR made Gandhi's health records public in a book 'Gandhi and Health@150'. These records indicate that despite being underweight at 46.7 kg Gandhi was generally healthy. He avoided modern medication and experimented extensively with water and earth healing. While his cardio records show his heart was normal, there were several instances he suffered from ailments like Malaria and was also operated on twice for piles and appendicitis. Despite health challenges, Gandhi was able to walk about 79000 km in his lifetime which comes to an average of 18 km per day and is equivalent to walking around the earth twice.[327]
Women
Gandhi strongly favoured the emancipation of women, and urged "the women to fight for their own self-development." He opposed purdah, child marriage, dowry and sati.[328] A wife is not a slave of the husband, stated Gandhi, but his comrade, better half, colleague and friend, according to Lyn Norvell.[328] In his own life however, according to Suruchi Thapar-Bjorkert, Gandhi's relationship with his wife were at odds with some of these values.[136]
At various occasions, Gandhi credited his orthodox Hindu mother, and his wife, for first lessons in satyagraha.[329] He used the legends of Hindu goddess Sita to expound women's innate strength, autonomy and "lioness in spirit" whose moral compass can make any demon "as helpless as a goat".[329] To Gandhi, the women of India were an important part of the "swadeshi movement" (Buy Indian), and his goal of decolonising the Indian economy.[329]
Some historians such as Angela Woollacott and Kumari Jayawardena state that even though Gandhi often and publicly expressed his belief in the equality of sexes, yet his vision was one of gender difference and complementarity between them. Women, to Gandhi, should be educated to be better in the domestic realm and educate the next generation. His views on women's rights were less liberal and more similar to puritan-Victorian expectations of women, states Jayawardena, than other Hindu leaders with him who supported economic independence and equal gender rights in all aspects.[330][331]
Brahmacharya: abstinence from sex and food
Along with many other texts, Gandhi studied Bhagavad Gita while in South Africa.[332] This Hindu scripture discusses jnana yoga, bhakti yoga and karma yoga along with virtues such as non-violence, patience, integrity, lack of hypocrisy, self restraint and abstinence.[333] Gandhi began experiments with these, and in 1906 at age 37, although married and a father, he vowed to abstain from sexual relations.[332]
Gandhi's experiment with abstinence went beyond sex, and extended to food. He consulted the Jain scholar Rajchandra, whom he fondly called Raychandbhai.[334] Rajchandra advised him that milk stimulated sexual passion. Gandhi began abstaining from cow's milk in 1912, and did so even when doctors advised him to consume milk.[232][335] According to Sankar Ghose, Tagore described Gandhi as someone who did not abhor sex or women, but considered sexual life as inconsistent with his moral goals.[336]
Gandhi tried to test and prove to himself his brahmacharya. The experiments began some time after the death of his wife in February 1944. At the start of his experiment, he had women sleep in the same room but in different beds. He later slept with women in the same bed but clothed, and finally, he slept naked with women. In April 1945, Gandhi referenced being naked with several "women or girls" in a letter to Birla as part of the experiments.[337] According to the 1960s memoir of his grandniece Manu, Gandhi feared in early 1947 that he and she may be killed by Muslims in the run up to India's independence in August 1947, and asked her when she was 18 years old if she wanted to help him with his experiments to test their "purity", for which she readily accepted.[338] Gandhi slept naked in the same bed with Manu with the bedroom doors open all night. Manu stated that the experiment had no "ill effect" on her. Gandhi also shared his bed with 18-year-old Abha, wife of his grandnephew Kanu. Gandhi would sleep with both Manu and Abha at the same time.[338][339] None of the women who participated in the brahmachari experiments of Gandhi indicated that they had sex or that Gandhi behaved in any sexual way. Those who went public said they felt as though they were sleeping with their aging mother.[336][337][340]
According to Sean Scalmer, Gandhi in his final year of life was an ascetic, and his sickly skeletal figure was caricatured in Western media.[341] In February 1947, he asked his confidants such as Birla and Ramakrishna if it was wrong for him to experiment his brahmacharya oath.[336] Gandhi's public experiments, as they progressed, were widely discussed and criticised by his family members and leading politicians. However, Gandhi said that if he would not let Manu sleep with him, it would be a sign of weakness. Some of his staff resigned, including two of his newspaper's editors who had refused to print some of Gandhi's sermons dealing with his experiments.[338] Nirmalkumar Bose, Gandhi's Bengali interpreter, for example, criticised Gandhi, not because Gandhi did anything wrong, but because Bose was concerned about the psychological effect on the women who participated in his experiments.[339] Veena Howard states Gandhi's views on brahmacharya and religious renunciation experiments were a method to confront women issues in his times.[342]
Untouchability and castes
Gandhi spoke out against untouchability early in his life.[343] Before 1932, he and his associates used the word antyaja for untouchables. In a major speech on untouchability at Nagpur in 1920, Gandhi called it a great evil in Hindu society but observed that it was not unique to Hinduism, having deeper roots, and stated that Europeans in South Africa treated "all of us, Hindus and Muslims, as untouchables; we may not reside in their midst, nor enjoy the rights which they do".[344] Calling the doctrine of untouchability intolerable, he asserted that the practice could be eradicated, that Hinduism was flexible enough to allow eradication, and that a concerted effort was needed to persuade people of the wrong and to urge them to eradicate it.[344]
According to Christophe Jaffrelot, while Gandhi considered untouchability to be wrong and evil, he believed that caste or class is based on neither inequality nor inferiority.[343] Gandhi believed that individuals should freely intermarry whomever they wish, but that no one should expect everyone to be his friend: every individual, regardless of background, has a right to choose whom he will welcome into his home, whom he will befriend, and whom he will spend time with.[343][344]
In 1932, Gandhi began a new campaign to improve the lives of the untouchables, whom he began to call harijans, "the children of god".[345] On 8 May 1933, Gandhi began a 21-day fast of self-purification and launched a year-long campaign to help the harijan movement.[346] This campaign was not universally embraced by the Dalit community: Ambedkar and his allies felt Gandhi was being paternalistic and was undermining Dalit political rights. Ambedkar described him as "devious and untrustworthy".[347] He accused Gandhi as someone who wished to retain the caste system.[151] Ambedkar and Gandhi debated their ideas and concerns, each trying to persuade the other.[348][349] It was during the Harijan tour that he faced the first assassination attempt. While in Poona, a bomb was thrown by an unidentified assailant (described only as a sanatani in the press[350]) at a car belonging to his entourage but Gandhi and his family escaped as they were in the car that was following. Gandhi later declared that he "cannot believe that any sane sanatanist could ever encourage the insane act ... The sorrowful incident has undoubtedly advanced the Harijan cause. It is easy to see that causes prosper by the martyrdom of those who stand for them."[351]
In 1935, Ambedkar announced his intentions to leave Hinduism and join Buddhism.[151] According to Sankar Ghose, the announcement shook Gandhi, who reappraised his views and wrote many essays with his views on castes, intermarriage, and what Hinduism says on the subject. These views contrasted with those of Ambedkar.[352] Yet in the elections of 1937, excepting some seats in Mumbai which Ambedkar's party won, India's untouchables voted heavily in favour of Gandhi's campaign and his party, the Congress.[353]
Gandhi and his associates continued to consult Ambedkar, keeping him influential. Ambedkar worked with other Congress leaders through the 1940s and wrote large parts of India's constitution in the late 1940s, but did indeed convert to Buddhism in 1956.[151] According to Jaffrelot, Gandhi's views evolved between the 1920s and 1940s; by 1946, he actively encouraged intermarriage between castes. His approach, too, to untouchability differed from Ambedkar's, championing fusion, choice, and free intermixing, while Ambedkar envisioned each segment of society maintaining its group identity, and each group then separately advancing the "politics of equality".[343]
Ambedkar's criticism of Gandhi continued to influence the Dalit movement past Gandhi's death. According to Arthur Herman, Ambedkar's hatred for Gandhi and Gandhi's ideas was so strong that, when he heard of Gandhi's assassination, he remarked after a momentary silence a sense of regret and then added, "My real enemy is gone; thank goodness the eclipse is over now".[264][354] According to Ramachandra Guha, "ideologues have carried these old rivalries into the present, with the demonization of Gandhi now common among politicians who presume to speak in Ambedkar's name."[355]
Nai Talim, basic education
Gandhi rejected the colonial Western format of the education system. He stated that it led to disdain for manual work, generally created an elite administrative bureaucracy. Gandhi favoured an education system with far greater emphasis on learning skills in practical and useful work, one that included physical, mental and spiritual studies. His methodology sought to treat all professions equal and pay everyone the same.[356][357]
Gandhi called his ideas Nai Talim (literally, 'new education'). He believed that the Western style education violated and destroyed the indigenous cultures. A different basic education model, he believed, would lead to better self awareness, prepare people to treat all work equally respectable and valued, and lead to a society with less social diseases.[358][359]
Nai Talim evolved out of his experiences at the Tolstoy Farm in South Africa, and Gandhi attempted to formulate the new system at the Sevagram ashram after 1937.[357] Nehru government's vision of an industrialised, centrally planned economy after 1947 had scant place for Gandhi's village-oriented approach.[360]
In his autobiography, Gandhi wrote that he believed every Hindu child must learn Sanskrit because its historic and spiritual texts are in that language.[44]
Swaraj, self-rule
Gandhi believed that swaraj not only can be attained with non-violence, but it can also be run with non-violence. A military is unnecessary, because any aggressor can be thrown out using the method of non-violent non-co-operation. While the military is unnecessary in a nation organised under swaraj principle, Gandhi added that a police force is necessary given human nature. However, the state would limit the use of weapons by the police to the minimum, aiming for their use as a restraining force.[361]
According to Gandhi, a non-violent state is like an "ordered anarchy".[361] In a society of mostly non-violent individuals, those who are violent will sooner or later accept discipline or leave the community, stated Gandhi.[361] He emphasised a society where individuals believed more in learning about their duties and responsibilities, not demanded rights and privileges. On returning from South Africa, when Gandhi received a letter asking for his participation in writing a world charter for human rights, he responded saying, "in my experience, it is far more important to have a charter for human duties."[362]
Swaraj to Gandhi did not mean transferring colonial era British power brokering system, favours-driven, bureaucratic, class exploitative structure and mindset into Indian hands. He warned such a transfer would still be English rule, just without the Englishman. "This is not the Swaraj I want", said Gandhi.[363][364] Tewari states that Gandhi saw democracy as more than a system of government; it meant promoting both individuality and the self-discipline of the community. Democracy meant settling disputes in a nonviolent manner; it required freedom of thought and expression. For Gandhi, democracy was a way of life.[365]
Hindu nationalism and revivalism
Some scholars state Gandhi supported a religiously diverse India,[366] while others state that the Muslim leaders who championed the partition and creation of a separate Muslim Pakistan considered Gandhi to be Hindu nationalist or revivalist.[367][368] For example, in his letters to Mohammad Iqbal, Jinnah accused Gandhi to be favouring a Hindu rule and revivalism, that Gandhi led Indian National Congress was a fascist party.[369]
In an interview with C.F. Andrews, Gandhi stated that if we believe all religions teach the same message of love and peace between all human beings, then there is neither any rationale nor need for proselytisation or attempts to convert people from one religion to another.[370] Gandhi opposed missionary organisations who criticised Indian religions then attempted to convert followers of Indian religions to Islam or Christianity. In Gandhi's view, those who attempt to convert a Hindu, "they must harbour in their breasts the belief that Hinduism is an error" and that their own religion is "the only true religion".[370][371] Gandhi believed that people who demand religious respect and rights must also show the same respect and grant the same rights to followers of other religions. He stated that spiritual studies must encourage "a Hindu to become a better Hindu, a Mussalman to become a better Mussalman, and a Christian a better Christian."[370]
According to Gandhi, religion is not about what a man believes, it is about how a man lives, how he relates to other people, his conduct towards others, and one's relationship to one's conception of god.[372] It is not important to convert or to join any religion, but it is important to improve one's way of life and conduct by absorbing ideas from any source and any religion, believed Gandhi.[372]
Gandhian economics
Gandhi believed in the sarvodaya economic model, which literally means "welfare, upliftment of all".[373] This, states Bhatt, was a very different economic model than the socialism model championed and followed by free India by Nehru – India's first prime minister. To both, according to Bhatt, removing poverty and unemployment were the objective, but the Gandhian economic and development approach preferred adapting technology and infrastructure to suit the local situation, in contrast to Nehru's large scale, socialised state owned enterprises.[374]
To Gandhi, the economic philosophy that aims at "greatest good for the greatest number" was fundamentally flawed, and his alternative proposal sarvodaya set its aim at the "greatest good for all". He believed that the best economic system not only cared to lift the "poor, less skilled, of impoverished background" but also empowered to lift the "rich, highly skilled, of capital means and landlords". Violence against any human being, born poor or rich, is wrong, believed Gandhi.[373][375] He stated that the mandate theory of majoritarian democracy should not be pushed to absurd extremes, individual freedoms should never be denied, and no person should ever be made a social or economic slave to the "resolutions of majorities".[376]
Gandhi challenged Nehru and the modernisers in the late 1930s who called for rapid industrialisation on the Soviet model; Gandhi denounced that as dehumanising and contrary to the needs of the villages where the great majority of the people lived.[377] After Gandhi's assassination, Nehru led India in accordance with his personal socialist convictions.[378][379] Historian Kuruvilla Pandikattu says "it was Nehru's vision, not Gandhi's, that was eventually preferred by the Indian State."[380]
Gandhi called for ending poverty through improved agriculture and small-scale cottage rural industries.[381] Gandhi's economic thinking disagreed with Marx, according to the political theory scholar and economist Bhikhu Parekh. Gandhi refused to endorse the view that economic forces are best understood as "antagonistic class interests".[382] He argued that no man can degrade or brutalise the other without degrading and brutalising himself and that sustainable economic growth comes from service, not from exploitation. Further, believed Gandhi, in a free nation, victims exist only when they co-operate with their oppressor, and an economic and political system that offered increasing alternatives gave power of choice to the poorest man.[382]
While disagreeing with Nehru about the socialist economic model, Gandhi also critiqued capitalism that was driven by endless wants and a materialistic view of man. This, he believed, created a vicious vested system of materialism at the cost of other human needs, such as spirituality and social relationships.[382] To Gandhi, states Parekh, both communism and capitalism were wrong, in part because both focused exclusively on a materialistic view of man, and because the former deified the state with unlimited power of violence, while the latter deified capital. He believed that a better economic system is one which does not impoverish one's culture and spiritual pursuits.[383]
Gandhism
Gandhism designates the ideas and principles Gandhi promoted; of central importance is nonviolent resistance. A Gandhian can mean either an individual who follows, or a specific philosophy which is attributed to, Gandhism.[98] M. M. Sankhdher argues that Gandhism is not a systematic position in metaphysics or in political philosophy. Rather, it is a political creed, an economic doctrine, a religious outlook, a moral precept, and especially, a humanitarian world view. It is an effort not to systematise wisdom but to transform society and is based on an undying faith in the goodness of human nature.[384] However Gandhi himself did not approve of the notion of "Gandhism", as he explained in 1936:
There is no such thing as "Gandhism", and I do not want to leave any sect after me. I do not claim to have originated any new principle or doctrine. I have simply tried in my own way to apply the eternal truths to our daily life and problems...The opinions I have formed and the conclusions I have arrived at are not final. I may change them tomorrow. I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills.[385]
Obras literarias
Gandhi was a prolific writer. One of Gandhi's earliest publications, Hind Swaraj, published in Gujarati in 1909, became "the intellectual blueprint" for India's independence movement. The book was translated into English the next year, with a copyright legend that read "No Rights Reserved".[386] For decades he edited several newspapers including Harijan in Gujarati, in Hindi and in the English language; Indian Opinion while in South Africa and, Young India, in English, and Navajivan, a Gujarati monthly, on his return to India. Later, Navajivan was also published in Hindi. In addition, he wrote letters almost every day to individuals and newspapers.[387]
Gandhi also wrote several books including his autobiography, The Story of My Experiments with Truth (Gujarātī "સત્યના પ્રયોગો અથવા આત્મકથા"), of which he bought the entire first edition to make sure it was reprinted.[347] His other autobiographies included: Satyagraha in South Africa about his struggle there, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, a political pamphlet, and a paraphrase in Gujarati of John Ruskin's Unto This Last.[388] This last essay can be considered his programme on economics. He also wrote extensively on vegetarianism, diet and health, religion, social reforms, etc. Gandhi usually wrote in Gujarati, though he also revised the Hindi and English translations of his books.[389]
Gandhi's complete works were published by the Indian government under the name The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi in the 1960s. The writings comprise about 50,000 pages published in about a hundred volumes. In 2000, a revised edition of the complete works sparked a controversy, as it contained a large number of errors and omissions.[390] The Indian government later withdrew the revised edition.[391]
Legado y representaciones en la cultura popular
- The word Mahatma, while often mistaken for Gandhi's given name in the West, is taken from the Sanskrit words maha (meaning Great) and atma (meaning Soul). Rabindranath Tagore is said to have accorded the title to Gandhi.[392] In his autobiography, Gandhi nevertheless explains that he never valued the title, and was often pained by it.[393][394][395]
- Innumerable streets, roads and localities in India are named after M.K.Gandhi. These include M.G.Road (the main street of a number of Indian cities including Mumbai and Bangalore), Gandhi Market (near Sion, Mumbai) and Gandhinagar (the capital of the state of Gujarat, Gandhi's birthplace).[396]
- Florian asteroid 120461 Gandhi was named in his honor in September 2020.[397]
Followers and international influence
Gandhi influenced important leaders and political movements. Leaders of the civil rights movement in the United States, including Martin Luther King Jr., James Lawson, and James Bevel, drew from the writings of Gandhi in the development of their own theories about nonviolence.[398][399][400] King said "Christ gave us the goals and Mahatma Gandhi the tactics."[401] King sometimes referred to Gandhi as "the little brown saint."[402] Anti-apartheid activist and former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, was inspired by Gandhi.[403] Others include Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan,[404] Steve Biko, and Aung San Suu Kyi.[405]
In his early years, the former President of South Africa Nelson Mandela was a follower of the nonviolent resistance philosophy of Gandhi.[403] Bhana and Vahed commented on these events as "Gandhi inspired succeeding generations of South African activists seeking to end White rule. This legacy connects him to Nelson Mandela...in a sense, Mandela completed what Gandhi started."[406]
Gandhi's life and teachings inspired many who specifically referred to Gandhi as their mentor or who dedicated their lives to spreading Gandhi's ideas. In Europe, Romain Rolland was the first to discuss Gandhi in his 1924 book Mahatma Gandhi, and Brazilian anarchist and feminist Maria Lacerda de Moura wrote about Gandhi in her work on pacifism. In 1931, notable European physicist Albert Einstein exchanged written letters with Gandhi, and called him "a role model for the generations to come" in a letter writing about him.[407] Einstein said of Gandhi:
Mahatma Gandhi's life achievement stands unique in political history. He has invented a completely new and humane means for the liberation war of an oppressed country, and practised it with greatest energy and devotion. The moral influence he had on the consciously thinking human being of the entire civilised world will probably be much more lasting than it seems in our time with its overestimation of brutal violent forces. Because lasting will only be the work of such statesmen who wake up and strengthen the moral power of their people through their example and educational works. We may all be happy and grateful that destiny gifted us with such an enlightened contemporary, a role model for the generations to come. Generations to come will scarce believe that such a one as this walked the earth in flesh and blood.
Lanza del Vasto went to India in 1936 intending to live with Gandhi; he later returned to Europe to spread Gandhi's philosophy and founded the Community of the Ark in 1948 (modelled after Gandhi's ashrams). Madeleine Slade (known as "Mirabehn") was the daughter of a British admiral who spent much of her adult life in India as a devotee of Gandhi.[408][409]
In addition, the British musician John Lennon referred to Gandhi when discussing his views on nonviolence.[410] At the Cannes Lions International Advertising Festival in 2007, former US Vice-President and environmentalist Al Gore spoke of Gandhi's influence on him.[411]
US President Barack Obama in a 2010 address to the Parliament of India said that:
I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the message he shared with America and the world.[412]
Obama in September 2009 said that his biggest inspiration came from Gandhi. His reply was in response to the question 'Who was the one person, dead or live, that you would choose to dine with?'. He continued that "He's somebody I find a lot of inspiration in. He inspired Dr. King with his message of nonviolence. He ended up doing so much and changed the world just by the power of his ethics."[413]
Time Magazine named The 14th Dalai Lama, Lech Wałęsa, Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez, Aung San Suu Kyi, Benigno Aquino, Jr., Desmond Tutu, and Nelson Mandela as Children of Gandhi and his spiritual heirs to nonviolence.[414] The Mahatma Gandhi District in Houston, Texas, United States, an ethnic Indian enclave, is officially named after Gandhi.[415]
Gandhi's ideas had a significant influence on 20th-century philosophy. It began with his engagement with Romain Rolland and Martin Buber. Jean-Luc Nancy said that the French philosopher Maurice Blanchot engaged critically with Gandhi from the point of view of "European spirituality".[416] Since then philosophers including Hannah Arendt, Etienne Balibar and Slavoj Žižek found that Gandhi was a necessary reference to discuss morality in politics. Recently in the light of climate change Gandhi's views on technology are gaining importance in the fields of environmental philosophy and philosophy of technology.[416]
Global days that celebrate Gandhi
In 2007, the United Nations General Assembly declared Gandhi's birthday 2 October as "the International Day of Nonviolence."[417] First proposed by UNESCO in 1948, as the School Day of Nonviolence and Peace (DENIP in Spanish),[418] 30 January is observed as the School Day of Nonviolence and Peace in schools of many countries[419] In countries with a Southern Hemisphere school calendar, it is observed on 30 March.[419]
Awards
Time magazine named Gandhi the Man of the Year in 1930. The University of Nagpur awarded him an LL.D. in 1937.[420] Gandhi was also the runner-up to Albert Einstein as "Person of the Century"[421] at the end of 1999. The Government of India awarded the annual Gandhi Peace Prize to distinguished social workers, world leaders and citizens. Nelson Mandela, the leader of South Africa's struggle to eradicate racial discrimination and segregation, was a prominent non-Indian recipient. In 2011, Time magazine named Gandhi as one of the top 25 political icons of all time.[422]
Gandhi did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize, although he was nominated five times between 1937 and 1948, including the first-ever nomination by the American Friends Service Committee,[423] though he made the short list only twice, in 1937 and 1947.[424] Decades later, the Nobel Committee publicly declared its regret for the omission, and admitted to deeply divided nationalistic opinion denying the award.[424] Gandhi was nominated in 1948 but was assassinated before nominations closed. That year, the committee chose not to award the peace prize stating that "there was no suitable living candidate" and later research shows that the possibility of awarding the prize posthumously to Gandhi was discussed and that the reference to no suitable living candidate was to Gandhi.[424] Geir Lundestad, Secretary of Norwegian Nobel Committee in 2006 said, "The greatest omission in our 106-year history is undoubtedly that Mahatma Gandhi never received the Nobel Peace prize. Gandhi could do without the Nobel Peace prize, whether Nobel committee can do without Gandhi is the question".[425] When the 14th Dalai Lama was awarded the Prize in 1989, the chairman of the committee said that this was "in part a tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi".[424] In the summer of 1995, the North American Vegetarian Society inducted him posthumously into the Vegetarian Hall of Fame.[426]
Father of the Nation
Indians widely describe Gandhi as the father of the nation.[14][15] Origin of this title is traced back to a radio address (on Singapore radio) on 6 July 1944 by Subhash Chandra Bose where Bose addressed Gandhi as "The Father of the Nation".[427] On 28 April 1947, Sarojini Naidu during a conference also referred Gandhi as "Father of the Nation".[428][429] However, in response to an RTI application in 2012, the Government of India stated that the Constitution of India did not permit any titles except ones acquired through education or military service.[430]
Film, theatre and literature
A five-hour nine-minute long biographical documentary film,[431] Mahatma: Life of Gandhi, 1869–1948, made by Vithalbhai Jhaveri[432] in 1968, quoting Gandhi's words and using black and white archival footage and photographs, captures the history of those times. Ben Kingsley portrayed him in Richard Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi,[433] which won the Academy Award for Best Picture. It was based on the biography by Louis Fischer.[434] The 1996 film The Making of the Mahatma documented Gandhi's time in South Africa and his transformation from an inexperienced barrister to recognised political leader.[435] Gandhi was a central figure in the 2006 Bollywood comedy film Lage Raho Munna Bhai. Jahnu Barua's Maine Gandhi Ko Nahin Mara (I did not kill Gandhi), places contemporary society as a backdrop with its vanishing memory of Gandhi's values as a metaphor for the senile forgetfulness of the protagonist of his 2005 film,[436] writes Vinay Lal.[437]
The 1979 opera Satyagraha by American composer Philip Glass is loosely based on Gandhi's life.[438][439] The opera's libretto, taken from the Bhagavad Gita, is sung in the original Sanskrit.[440]
Anti-Gandhi themes have also been showcased through films and plays. The 1995 Marathi play Gandhi Virudh Gandhi explored the relationship between Gandhi and his son Harilal. The 2007 film, Gandhi, My Father was inspired on the same theme. The 1989 Marathi play Me Nathuram Godse Boltoy and the 1997 Hindi play Gandhi Ambedkar criticised Gandhi and his principles.[441][442]
Several biographers have undertaken the task of describing Gandhi's life. Among them are D. G. Tendulkar with his Mahatma. Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in eight volumes, Chaman Nahal's Gandhi Quartet, and Pyarelal and Sushila Nayyar with their Mahatma Gandhi in 10 volumes. The 2010 biography, Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle With India by Joseph Lelyveld contained controversial material speculating about Gandhi's sexual life.[443] Lelyveld, however, stated that the press coverage "grossly distort[s]" the overall message of the book.[444] The 2014 film Welcome Back Gandhi takes a fictionalised look at how Gandhi might react to modern day India.[445] The 2019 play Bharat Bhagya Vidhata, inspired by Pujya Gurudevshri Rakeshbhai and produced by Sangeet Natak Akademi and Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur takes a look at how Gandhi cultivated the values of truth and non-violence.[446]
"Mahatma Gandhi" is used by Cole Porter in his lyrics for the song You're the Top which is included in the 1934 musical Anything Goes. In the song, Porter rhymes "Mahatma Gandhi' with "Napoleon Brandy."
Current impact within India
India, with its rapid economic modernisation and urbanisation, has rejected Gandhi's economics[447] but accepted much of his politics and continues to revere his memory. Reporter Jim Yardley notes that, "modern India is hardly a Gandhian nation, if it ever was one. His vision of a village-dominated economy was shunted aside during his lifetime as rural romanticism, and his call for a national ethos of personal austerity and nonviolence has proved antithetical to the goals of an aspiring economic and military power." By contrast, Gandhi is "given full credit for India's political identity as a tolerant, secular democracy."[448]
Gandhi's birthday, 2 October, is a national holiday in India, Gandhi Jayanti. Gandhi's image also appears on paper currency of all denominations issued by Reserve Bank of India, except for the one rupee note.[449] Gandhi's date of death, 30 January, is commemorated as a Martyrs' Day in India.[450]
There are three temples in India dedicated to Gandhi.[451] One is located at Sambalpur in Orissa and the second at Nidaghatta village near Kadur in Chikmagalur district of Karnataka and the third one at Chityal in the district of Nalgonda, Telangana.[451][452] The Gandhi Memorial in Kanyakumari resembles central Indian Hindu temples and the Tamukkam or Summer Palace in Madurai now houses the Mahatma Gandhi Museum.[453]
Descendants
Gandhi's children and grandchildren live in India and other countries. Grandson Rajmohan Gandhi is a professor in Illinois and an author of Gandhi's biography titled Mohandas,[454] while another, Tarun Gandhi, has authored several authoritative books on his grandfather. Another grandson, Kanu Ramdas Gandhi (the son of Gandhi's third son Ramdas), was found living in an old age home in Delhi despite having taught earlier in the United States.[455][456]
Ver también
- Gandhi cap
- Gandhi Teerth – Gandhi International Research Institute and Museum for Gandhian study, research on Mahatma Gandhi and dialogue
- List of civil rights leaders
- List of peace activists
- Seven Social Sins (AKA Seven Blunders of the World)
- Trikaranasuddhi
Referencias
- ^ "The Mahatma - Life Chronology". Gandhi Ashram.
- ^ "Gandhi". Archived 14 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
- ^ B. R. Nanda (2019), "Mahatma Gandhi", Encyclopædia Britannica Quote: "Mahatma Gandhi, byname of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, (born October 2, 1869, Porbandar, India – died January 30, 1948, Delhi), Indian lawyer, politician, ..."
- ^ Ganguly, Debjani; Docker, John (2008), Rethinking Gandhi and Nonviolent Relationality: Global Perspectives, Routledge, pp. 4–, ISBN 978-1-134-07431-0 Quote: "... marks Gandhi as a hybrid cosmopolitan figure who transformed ... anti-colonial nationalist politics in the twentieth-century in ways that neither indigenous nor westernized Indian nationalists could."
- ^ Parel, Anthony J (2016), Pax Gandhiana: The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, Oxford University Press, pp. 202–, ISBN 978-0-19-049146-8 Quote: "Gandhi staked his reputation as an original political thinker on this specific issue. Hitherto, violence had been used in the name of political rights, such as in street riots, regicide, or armed revolutions. Gandhi believes there is a better way of securing political rights, that of nonviolence, and that this new way marks an advance in political ethics."
- ^ Stein, Burton (2010), A History of India, John Wiley & Sons, pp. 289–, ISBN 978-1-4443-2351-1,
Gandhi was the leading genius of the later, and ultimately successful, campaign for India's independence.
- ^ McGregor, Ronald Stuart (1993). The Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 799. ISBN 978-0-19-864339-5. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: (mahā- (S. "great, mighty, large, ..., eminent") + ātmā (S. "1. soul, spirit; the self, the individual; the mind, the heart; 2. the ultimate being."): "high-souled, of noble nature; a noble or venerable man."
- ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Gandhi: The Man, His People, and the Empire. p. 172. ISBN 978-0-520-25570-8.
...Kasturba would accompany Gandhi on his departure from Cape Town for England in July 1914 en route to India. ... In different South African towns (Pretoria, Cape Town, Bloemfontein, Johannesburg, and the Natal cities of Durban and Verulam), the struggle's martyrs were honoured and the Gandhi's bade farewell. Addresses in Durban and Verulam referred to Gandhi as a 'Mahatma', 'great soul'. He was seen as a great soul because he had taken up the poor's cause. The whites too said good things about Gandhi, who predicted a future for the Empire if it respected justice.
- ^ Maeleine Slade, Mirabehn. Gleanings Gathered at Bapu's Feet. Ahmedabad: Navjivan publications. Retrieved 4 March 2019.
- ^ a b c Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Retrieved 1 September 2013. Quote: "the Muslim League had only caught on among South Asian Muslims during the Second World War. ... By the late 1940s, the League and the Congress had impressed in the British their own visions of a free future for Indian people. ... one, articulated by the Congress, rested on the idea of a united, plural India as a home for all Indians and the other, spelt out by the League, rested on the foundation of Muslim nationalism and the carving out of a separate Muslim homeland." (p. 18)
- ^ Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Retrieved 1 September 2013. Quote: "South Asians learned that the British Indian Empire would be partitioned on 3 June 1947. They heard about it on the radio, from relations and friends, by reading newspapers and, later, through government pamphlets. Among a population of almost four hundred million, where the vast majority lived in the countryside, ..., it is hardly surprising that many ... did not hear the news for many weeks afterward. For some, the butchery and forced relocation of the summer months of 1947 may have been the first they know about the creation of the two new states rising from the fragmentary and terminally weakened British empire in India." (p. 1)
- ^ a b c Brown (1991), p. 380: "Despite and indeed because of his sense of helplessness Delhi was to be the scene of what he called his greatest fast. ... His decision was made suddenly, though after considerable thought – he gave no hint of it even to Nehru and Patel who were with him shortly before he announced his intention at a prayer-meeting on 12 January 1948. He said he would fast until communal peace was restored, real peace rather than the calm of a dead city imposed by police and troops. Patel and the government took the fast partly as condemnation of their decision to withhold a considerable cash sum still outstanding to Pakistan as a result of the allocation of undivided India's assets because the hostilities that had broken out in Kashmir; ... But even when the government agreed to pay out the cash, Gandhi would not break his fast: that he would only do after a large number of important politicians and leaders of communal bodies agreed to a joint plan for restoration of normal life in the city."
- ^ a b Cush, Denise; Robinson, Catherine; York, Michael (2008). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Taylor & Francis. p. 544. ISBN 978-0-7007-1267-0. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: "The apotheosis of this contrast is the assassination of Gandhi in 1948 by a militant Nathuram Godse, on the basis of his 'weak' accommodationist approach towards the new state of Pakistan." (p. 544)
- ^ a b "Gandhi not formally conferred 'Father of the Nation' title: Govt". The Indian Express. 11 July 2012. Archived from the original on 6 September 2014.
- ^ a b "Constitution doesn't permit 'Father of the Nation' title: Government". The Times of India. 26 October 2012. Archived from the original on 7 January 2017.
- ^ Nehru, Jawaharlal. An Autobiography. Bodley Head.
- ^ a b McAllister, Pam (1982). Reweaving the Web of Life: Feminism and Nonviolence. New Society Publishers. p. 194. ISBN 978-0-86571-017-7. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: "With love, Yours, Bapu (You closed with the term of endearment used by your close friends, the term you used with all the movement leaders, roughly meaning 'Papa'." Another letter written in 1940 shows similar tenderness and caring.
- ^ Eck, Diana L. (2003). Encountering God: A Spiritual Journey from Bozeman to Banaras. Beacon Press. p. 210. ISBN 978-0-8070-7301-8. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: "... his niece Manu, who, like others called this immortal Gandhi 'Bapu,' meaning not 'father,' but the familiar, 'daddy'." (p. 210)
- ^ Todd, Anne M. (2012). Mohandas Gandhi. Infobase Publishing. p. 8. ISBN 978-1-4381-0662-5.
The name Gandhi means "grocer", although Mohandas's father and grandfather were politicians not grocers.
- ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 1–3.
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- ^ a b Guha 2015 pp. 19–21
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- ^ Guha 2015, p. 21
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- ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 2, 8, 269
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- ^ Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber & Rudolph, Lloyd I. (1983). Gandhi: The Traditional Roots of Charisma. University of Chicago Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-226-73136-0.
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- ^ a b Guha 2015, p. 29
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- ^ a b Guha 2015, p. 32
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- ^ Thomas Weber (2004). Gandhi as Disciple and Mentor. Cambridge University Press. pp. 19–25. ISBN 978-1-139-45657-9.
- ^ From auto-biography Chapter 22, https://www.mkgandhi.org/autobio/chap22.htm
- ^ a b c d Brown (1991).
- ^ a b "Shyness my shield". Autobiography. 1927.
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- ^ a b Herman (2008), pp. 82–83
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- ^ "Into that Heaven of Freedom: The impact of apartheid on an Indian family's diasporic history", Mohamed M Keshavjee, 2015, by Mawenzi House Publishers, Ltd., Toronto, ON, Canada, ISBN 978-1-927494-27-1
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- ^ a b Herman (2008), pp. 88–89
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- ^ Herman (2008) chapter 6.
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The Hindu Kural
- ^ Parel, Anthony J. (2002), "Gandhi and Tolstoy", in M. P. Mathai; M. S. John; Siby K. Joseph (eds.), Meditations on Gandhi : a Ravindra Varma festschrift, New Delhi: Concept, pp. 96–112, ISBN 978-81-7022-961-2, retrieved 8 September 2012
- ^ Guha, Ramachandra (2013), Gandhi Before India, Vol. 1, Ch. 22, Allen Lane, ISBN 0-670-08387-9.
- ^ Charles R. DiSalvo (2013). M.K. Gandhi, Attorney at Law: The Man before the Mahatma. pp. 14–15. ISBN 978-0-520-95662-9.
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- ^ a b c d Ashwin Desai; Goolem Vahed (2015). The South African Gandhi: Stretcher-Bearer of Empire. Stanford University Press. pp. 22–26, 33–38. ISBN 978-0-8047-9717-7.
- ^ "Ram Guha is wrong. Gandhi went from a racist young man to a racist middle-aged man". 24 December 2018.
- ^ Edward Ramsamy; Michael Mbanaso; Chima Korieh. Minorities and the State in Africa. Cambria Press. pp. 71–73. ISBN 978-1-62196-874-0.
- ^ a b c Herman (2008), pp. 136–37.
- ^ a b Herman (2008), pp. 154–57, 280–81
- ^ For Kallenbach and the naming of Tolstoy Farm, see Vashi, Ashish (31 March 2011) "For Gandhi, Kallenbach was a Friend and Guide", The Times of India. Retrieved 1 January 2019.
For Johannesburg, see "Gandhi – A Medium for Truth" (link to article in Philosophy Now magazine) Archived 24 March 2014 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved March 2014. - ^ Corder, Catherine; Plaut, Martin (2014). "Gandhi's Decisive South African 1913 Campaign: A Personal Perspective from the Letters of Betty Molteno". South African Historical Journal. 66 (1): 22–54. doi:10.1080/02582473.2013.862565. S2CID 162635102.
- ^ Smith, Colleen (1 October 2006). "Mbeki: Mahatma Gandhi Satyagraha 100th Anniversary (01/10/2006)". Speeches. Polityorg.za. Archived from the original on 2 May 2013. Retrieved 20 January 2012.
- ^ Prashad, Ganesh (September 1966). "Whiggism in India". Political Science Quarterly. 81 (3): 412–31. doi:10.2307/2147642. JSTOR 2147642.
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- ^ Chronology of Mahatma Gandhi's Life:India 1918 in WikiSource based on the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Based on public domain volumes.
- ^ a b Desai, Mahadev Haribhai (1930). "Preface". Day-to-day with Gandhi: secretary's diary. Hemantkumar Nilkanth (translation). Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan. ISBN 978-81-906237-2-8. Alt URL
- ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "Recruiting Campaign" Archived 2 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Gandhi (1965), Collected Works, Vol 17. Archived 15 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine Chapter "67. Appeal for enlistment", Nadiad, 22 June 1918.
- ^ Gandhi (1965), Collected Works, Vol 17. Archived 15 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine "Chapter 8. Letter to J. L. Maffey", Nadiad, 30 April 1918.
- ^ a b Hardiman, David (April 2001). "Champaran and Gandhi: Planters, Peasants and Gandhian Politics by Jacques Pouchepadass (Review)". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 11 (1): 99–101. doi:10.1017/S1356186301450152. JSTOR 25188108.
- ^ "Satyagraha Laboratories of Mahatma Gandhi". Indian National Congress website. All India Congress Committee. 2004. Archived from the original on 6 December 2006. Retrieved 25 February 2012.
- ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 196–97.
- ^ Brown, Judith M. (1974). Gandhi's Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915–1922. Cambridge University Press. pp. 94–102. ISBN 978-0-521-09873-1.
- ^ a b Keith Robbins (2002). The First World War. Oxford University Press. pp. 133–37. ISBN 978-0-19-280318-4.
- ^ a b c Michael J. Green; Nicholas Szechenyi (2017). A Global History of the Twentieth Century: Legacies and Lessons from Six National Perspectives. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 89–90. ISBN 978-1-4422-7972-8.
- ^ a b c Minault, Gail (1982) The Khilafat Movement Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India, Columbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-05072-0, pp. 68–72, 78–82, 96–102, 108–09
- ^ Minault, Gail (1982) The Khilafat Movement Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India, Columbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-05072-0, pp. 4–8
- ^ a b c d e f Sarah C.M. Paine (2015). Nation Building, State Building, and Economic Development: Case Studies and Comparisons. Routledge. pp. 20–21. ISBN 978-1-317-46409-9.
- ^ a b c d e f Ghose, Sankar (1991). Mahatma Gandhi. Allied Publishers. pp. 161–64. ISBN 978-81-7023-205-6.
- ^ Roderick Matthews (2012). Jinnah vs. Gandhi. Hachette. p. 31. ISBN 978-93-5009-078-7.
Rabindranath Tagore heavily criticized Gandhi at the time in private letters (...). They reveal Tagore's belief that Gandhi had committed the Indian political nation to a cause that was mistakenly anti-Western and fundamentally negative.
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I am an advaitist, and yet I can support Dvaitism
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When the war was declared, my personal sympathies were all with the Boers, but my loyalty to the British rule drove me to participation with the British in that war. I felt that, if I demanded rights as a British citizen, it was also my duty, as such to participate in the defence of the British Empire. so I collected together as many comrades as possible, and with very great difficulty got their services accepted as an ambulance corps.
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- ^ Dutt, Devina (20 February 2009). "Drama king". Live Mint. Archived from the original on 30 April 2013. Retrieved 25 January 2013.
- ^ Kunzru, Hari (29 March 2011). "Appreciating Gandhi Through His Human Side". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 31 January 2012. Retrieved 26 January 2012. (Review of Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle With India by Joseph Lelyveld).
- ^ "US author slams Gandhi gay claim". The Australian. Agence France-Presse. 29 March 2011. Archived from the original on 1 May 2013. Retrieved 26 January 2012.
- ^ Kamath, Sudhish (28 February 2011). "A Welcome Effort". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 2 February 2014. Retrieved 24 January 2014.
- ^ Pandit, Unnati (5 March 2019). "Bharat Bhagya Vidhata' captivates the audience". The Live Nagpur. The Live Nagpur. Retrieved 7 May 2019.
- ^ Ghosh, B. N. (2001). Contemporary issues in development economics. Psychology Press. p. 211. ISBN 978-0-415-25136-5.
- ^ Yardley, Jim (6 November 2010). "Obama Invokes Gandhi, Whose Ideal Eludes India". Asia-Pacific. Archived from the original on 17 August 2013. Retrieved 22 January 2012.
- ^ "Reserve Bank of India – Bank Notes". Rbi.org.in. Archived from the original on 26 October 2011. Retrieved 5 November 2011.
- ^ Chatterjee, Sailen. "Martyrs' Day". Features. Press Information Bureau. Archived from the original on 2 February 2012. Retrieved 30 January 2012.
- ^ a b Kaggere, Niranjan (2 October 2010). "Here, Gandhi is God". BangaloreMirror.com. Archived from the original on 4 October 2013. Retrieved 29 January 2011.
- ^ "Mahatma Gandhi Temple" Archived 5 October 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Mahatma Gandhi Temple Website,
- ^ Abram, David; Edwards, Nick (2003). The Rough Guide to South India. Rough Guides. p. 506. ISBN 978-1-84353-103-6. Retrieved 21 January 2012.
- ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan. Mohandas (a Biography). PRHI.
- ^ "Kanu Gandhi, Gandhiji's grandson and ex-Nasa scientist, dies". Hindustan Times. 8 November 2016. Retrieved 29 October 2018.
- ^ "Lodged in old age home in Delhi, Gandhi's grandson looks to Rajkot". Hindustan Times. 22 June 2016. Retrieved 29 October 2018.
Bibliografía
Books
- Ahmed, Talat (2018). Mohandas Gandhi: Experiments in Civil DisobedienceISBN 0-7453-3429-6
- Barr, F. Mary (1956). Bapu: Conversations and Correspondence with Mahatma Gandhi (2nd ed.). Bombay: International Book House. OCLC 8372568. (see book article)
- Bondurant, Joan Valérie (1971). Conquest of Violence: the Gandhian philosophy of conflict. University of California Press.
- Brown, Judith M. (2004). "Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand [Mahatma Gandhi] (1869–1948)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press.[ISBN missing]
- Brown, Judith M., and Anthony Parel, eds. The Cambridge Companion to Gandhi (2012); 14 essays by scholars
- Brown, Judith Margaret (1991). Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-05125-4.
- Chadha, Yogesh (1997). Gandhi: a life. John Wiley. ISBN 978-0-471-24378-6.
- Dwivedi, Divya; Mohan, Shaj; Nancy, Jean-Luc (2019). Gandhi and Philosophy: On Theological Anti-politics. Bloomsbury Academic, UK. ISBN 978-1-4742-2173-3.
- Louis Fischer. The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (1957) online
- Easwaran, Eknath (2011). Gandhi the Man: How One Man Changed Himself to Change the World. Nilgiri Press. ISBN 978-1-58638-055-7.
- Hook, Sue Vander (2010). Mahatma Gandhi: Proponent of Peace. ABDO. ISBN 978-1-61758-813-6.
- Gandhi, Rajmohan (1990), Patel, A Life, Navajivan Pub. House
- Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Gandhi: The Man, His People, and the Empire. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25570-8.
- Gangrade, K.D. (2004). "Role of Shanti Sainiks in the Global Race for Armaments". Moral Lessons From Gandhi's Autobiography And Other Essays. Concept Publishing Company. ISBN 978-81-8069-084-6.
- Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Gandhi Before India. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
- Hardiman, David (2003). Gandhi in His Time and Ours: the global legacy of his ideas. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-711-8.
- Hatt, Christine (2002). Mahatma Gandhi. Evans Brothers. ISBN 978-0-237-52308-4.
- Herman, Arthur (2008). Gandhi and Churchill: the epic rivalry that destroyed an empire and forged our age. Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 978-0-553-80463-8.
- Jai, Janak Raj (1996). Commissions and Omissions by Indian Prime Ministers: 1947–1980. Regency Publications. ISBN 978-81-86030-23-3.
- Johnson, Richard L. (2006). Gandhi's Experiments with Truth: Essential Writings by and about Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7.
- Jones, Constance & Ryan, James D. (2007). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase Publishing. p. 160. ISBN 978-0-8160-5458-9.
- Majmudar, Uma (2005). Gandhi's Pilgrimage of Faith: from darkness to light. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-6405-2.
- Miller, Jake C. (2002). Prophets of a just society. Nova Publishers. ISBN 978-1-59033-068-5.
- Pāṇḍeya, Viśva Mohana (2003). Historiography of India's Partition: an analysis of imperialist writings. Atlantic Publishers & Dist. ISBN 978-81-269-0314-6.
- Pilisuk, Marc; Nagler, Michael N. (2011). Peace Movements Worldwide: Players and practices in resistance to war. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-313-36482-2.
- Rühe, Peter (2004). Gandhi. Phaidon. ISBN 978-0-7148-4459-6.
- Schouten, Jan Peter (2008). Jesus as Guru: the image of Christ among Hindus and Christians in India. Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-420-2443-4.
- Sharp, Gene (1979). Gandhi as a Political Strategist: with essays on ethics and politics. P. Sargent Publishers. ISBN 978-0-87558-090-6.
- Shashi, S. S. (1996). Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh. Anmol Publications. ISBN 978-81-7041-859-7.
- Sinha, Satya (2015). The Dialectic of God: The Theosophical Views Of Tagore and Gandhi. Partridge Publishing India. ISBN 978-1-4828-4748-2.
- Sofri, Gianni (1999). Gandhi and India: a century in focus. Windrush Press. ISBN 978-1-900624-12-1.
- Thacker, Dhirubhai (2006). ""Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand" (entry)". In Amaresh Datta (ed.). The Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature (Volume Two) (Devraj To Jyoti). Sahitya Akademi. p. 1345. ISBN 978-81-260-1194-0.
- Todd, Anne M (2004). Mohandas Gandhi. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7910-7864-8.; short biography for children
- Wolpert, Stanley (2002). Gandhi's Passion: the life and legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-972872-5.
Scholarly articles
- Danielson, Leilah C. "'In My Extremity I Turned to Gandhi': American Pacifists, Christianity, and Gandhian Nonviolence, 1915–1941." Church History 72.2 (2003): 361–388.
- Du Toit, Brian M. "The Mahatma Gandhi and South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 34#4 (1996): 643–660. online.
- Gokhale, B. G. "Gandhi and the British Empire," History Today (Nov 1969), 19#11 pp 744–751 online.
- Juergensmeyer, Mark. "The Gandhi Revival – A Review Article." The Journal of Asian Studies 43#2 (Feb., 1984), pp. 293–298 online
- Kishwar, Madhu. "Gandhi on Women." Economic and Political Weekly 20, no. 41 (1985): 1753–758. online.
- Murthy, C. S. H. N., Oinam Bedajit Meitei, and Dapkupar Tariang. "The Tale Of Gandhi Through The Lens: An Inter-Textual Analytical Study Of Three Major Films-Gandhi, The Making Of The Mahatma, And Gandhi, My Father." CINEJ Cinema Journal 2.2 (2013): 4–37. online
- Power, Paul F. "Toward a Revaluation of Gandhi's Political Thought." Western Political Quarterly 16.1 (1963): 99–108 excerpt.
- Rudolph, Lloyd I. "Gandhi in the Mind of America." Economic and Political Weekly 45, no. 47 (2010): 23–26. online.
Primary sources
- Abel M (2005). Glimpses of Indian National Movement. ICFAI Books. ISBN 978-81-7881-420-9.
- Andrews, C. F. (2008) [1930]. "VII – The Teaching of Ahimsa". Mahatma Gandhi's Ideas Including Selections from His Writings. Pierides Press. ISBN 978-1-4437-3309-0.
- Dalton, Dennis, ed. (1996). Mahatma Gandhi: Selected Political Writings. Hackett Publishing. ISBN 978-0-87220-330-3.
- Duncan, Ronald, ed. (2011). Selected Writings of Mahatma Gandhi. Literary Licensing, LLC. ISBN 978-1-258-00907-6.
- Gandhi, M. K.; Fischer, Louis (2002). Louis Fischer (ed.). The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work and Ideas. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-1-4000-3050-7.
- Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1928). Satyagraha in South Africa (in Gujarati) (1 ed.). Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House.
Translated by Valji G. Desai
- Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1994). The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India. ISBN 978-81-230-0239-2. (100 volumes). Free online access from Gandhiserve.
- Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1928). "Drain Inspector's Report". The United States of India. 5 (6–8): 3–4.
- Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1990), Desai, Mahadev H. (ed.), Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments With Truth, Mineola, N.Y.: Dover, ISBN 0-486-24593-4
- Gandhi, Rajmohan (2007). Mohandas: True Story of a Man, His People. Penguin Books Limited. ISBN 978-81-8475-317-2.
- Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Gandhi Before India. Penguin Books Limited. ISBN 978-93-5118-322-8.
- Jack, Homer A., ed. (1994). The Gandhi Reader: A Source Book of His Life and Writings. Grove Press. ISBN 978-0-8021-3161-4.
- Johnson, Richard L. & Gandhi, M. K. (2006). Gandhi's Experiments With Truth: Essential Writings by and about Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7.
- Todd, Anne M. (2009). Mohandas Gandhi. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4381-0662-5.
- Parel, Anthony J., ed. (2009). Gandhi: "Hind Swaraj" and Other Writings Centenary Edition. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-14602-9.
enlaces externos
Media from Wikimedia Commons- Quotations from Wikiquote
- Texts from Wikisource
- Data from Wikidata
- Mahatma Gandhi at the Encyclopædia Britannica
- Mahatma Gandhi at Curlie
- Gandhi's correspondence with the Indian government 1942–1944
- About Mahatma Gandhi
- Gandhi at Sabarmati Ashram
- Works by Mahatma Gandhi at WorldCat Identities
- Works by Mahatma Gandhi at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about Mahatma Gandhi at Internet Archive
- Works by Mahatma Gandhi at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- Newspaper clippings about Mahatma Gandhi in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
