De Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre
  (Redirigido desde Proto-Korean )
Saltar a navegación Saltar a búsqueda

El coreano es una familia lingüística compacta formada por el coreano y el idioma de la isla de Jeju . Este último a menudo se describe como un dialecto del coreano, pero es lo suficientemente distinto como para ser considerado un idioma separado. Algunos estudiosos sugieren que el dialecto Yukchin del extremo noreste debería distinguirse de manera similar. El coreano ha sido ampliamente documentado desde la introducción del alfabeto hangul en el siglo XV. Las versiones anteriores del coreano con caracteres chinos son mucho más difíciles de interpretar.

Todas las variedades modernas descienden del antiguo coreano del estado de Silla . Lo poco que se sabe de otras lenguas habladas en la península antes de la unificación de Sillan (finales del siglo VII) proviene en gran parte de los nombres de lugares. Se cree que algunos de estos idiomas fueron coreanos, pero también hay evidencia de que los idiomas japonicos se hablaban en las partes central y sur de la península. Ha habido muchos intentos de vincular el coreano con otras familias lingüísticas, la mayoría de las veces con tungusic o japonic, pero no se ha demostrado de manera concluyente ningún vínculo genético.

Idiomas existentes [ editar ]

Zonas de dialecto [1] [2] [3]

Las diversas formas de coreano se describen convencionalmente como "dialectos" de un solo idioma coreano, pero las interrupciones en la inteligibilidad justifican verlas como una pequeña familia de dos o tres idiomas. [4]

Coreano [ editar ]

Los dialectos coreanos forman un continuo de dialectos que se extiende desde el extremo sur de la península de Corea hasta la prefectura de Yanbian en la provincia china de Jilin , aunque los dialectos en los extremos opuestos del continuo no son mutuamente inteligibles . [4] Esta área generalmente se divide en cinco o seis zonas de dialectos siguiendo los límites provinciales, con los dialectos Yanbian incluidos en el grupo del noreste de Hamgyŏng . [5] [6] Los dialectos difieren en palatalización y en los reflejos del acento, las vocales, las fricativas sonoras, la palabra medial / k / y la inicial de la palabra / l / del coreano medio .y / n / . [7] [8]

El coreano está documentado de manera extensa y precisa a partir de la introducción del alfabeto hangul en el siglo XV (el período tardío del coreano medio). [9] Las formas anteriores, escritas con caracteres chinos utilizando una variedad de estrategias, son mucho más oscuras. [10] Las fuentes clave sobre el coreano medio temprano (siglos X al XIV) son un texto chino, el Jilin leishi ( 1103-1104 ) y el trabajo farmacológico Hyangyak kugŭppang (鄕 藥 救急 方, mediados del siglo XIII). [11] Durante este período, el coreano absorbió una gran cantidad de préstamos chinos, afectando todos los aspectos del idioma. [12] Se estima que el vocabulario chino-coreanoconstituye el 60% del léxico moderno. [13] El coreano antiguo (siglos VI a principios del X) está aún menos atestiguado, principalmente por inscripciones y 14 canciones hyangga compuestas entre los siglos VII y IX y registradas en el Samguk yusa (siglo XIII). [14] [a]

The standard languages of North and South Korea are both based primarily on the central prestige dialect of Seoul, despite the North Korean claim that their standard is based on the speech of their capital Pyongyang.[16] The two standards have phonetic and lexical differences.[17]Many loanwords have been purged from the North Korean standard, while South Korea has expanded Sino-Korean vocabulary and adopted loanwords, especially from English.[18][19]Nonetheless, due to their shared origin in the Seoul dialect, the North Korean standard language is easily intelligible to all South Koreans.[16][20]

A finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX, en respuesta a las malas cosechas y la anexión japonesa de Corea , la gente emigró desde el norte de la península al este de Manchuria y el sur de Primorsky Krai en el Lejano Oriente ruso. [21] [22] Los trabajadores coreanos fueron trasladados por la fuerza a Manchuria como parte de la ocupación japonesa de Manchuria . [21] [23] Actualmente hay alrededor de 2 millones de coreanos en China , principalmente en la prefectura fronteriza de Yanbian , donde el idioma tiene estatus oficial. [21]

El discurso de los coreanos en el Lejano Oriente ruso fue descrito por eruditos rusos como Mikhail Putsillo, quien compiló un diccionario en 1874. [24] Unos 250.000 coreanos vivían en el área en la década de 1930, cuando Stalin los deportó por la fuerza al Asia Central soviética. , particularmente Uzbekistán y Kazajstán . [25] Hay pequeñas comunidades coreanas esparcidas por Asia central que mantienen formas de coreano conocidas colectivamente como Koryo-mar . [26] También hay una población coreana en Sakhalin , descendiente de personas trasladadas por la fuerza a la parte japonesa de la isla antes de 1945. [27]

La mayoría de los coreanos en Japón son descendientes de inmigrantes durante la ocupación japonesa. La mayoría de las escuelas de idioma coreano en Japón siguen el estándar de Corea del Norte. La forma del coreano que se habla en Japón también muestra la influencia del japonés, por ejemplo, en un sistema de vocales reducido y alguna simplificación gramatical. [28] Los hablantes de coreano también se encuentran en todo el mundo, por ejemplo en América del Norte, donde el coreano de Seúl es el estándar aceptado. [29]

Jeju [ editar ]

El habla de la isla de Jeju no es mutuamente inteligible con el coreano estándar, lo que sugiere que debería tratarse como un idioma separado. [30] Jeju presenta una vocal central posterior no redondeada / ʌ / , que también aparece en los textos estándar del siglo XV (escritos con la letra Hangul ⟨ㆍ⟩), pero se ha fusionado con otras vocales en los dialectos del continente. [31] Jeju también presenta la combinación / jʌ / , que según el Hunminjeongeum Haerye del siglo XV no se encontraba en el habla estándar de esa época, pero sí en algunos dialectos. [32] Esto sugiere que Jeju se separó de otros dialectos en algún momento antes del siglo XV. [33]

Yukchin [ editar ]

Las seis guarniciones en el extremo noreste de Corea

El dialecto Yukchin, hablado en la parte más al norte de Corea y áreas adyacentes en China, forma una isla de dialectos separada de los dialectos vecinos del noreste, y a veces se considera un idioma separado. [34] [35] Cuando el rey Sejong expulsó a los Jurchen de lo que ahora es la parte más septentrional de la provincia de Hamgyong del Norte en 1434, estableció seis guarniciones ( Yukchin ) en el meandro del río Tumen : Kyŏnghŭng , Kyŏngwŏn , Onsŏng , Chongsŏng, Hoeryŏng. y Puryŏng – populated by immigrants from southeastern Korea. The speech of their descendents is thus markedly distinct from other Hamgyong dialects, and preserves many archaisms.[36][37]In particular, Yukchin was unaffected by the palatalization found in most other dialects.[38]About 10 percent of Korean speakers in central Asia use the Yukchin dialect.[37]

Proto-Koreanic[edit]

Koreanic is a relatively shallow language family. Modern varieties show limited variation, most of which can be treated as derived from Late Middle Korean (15th century). The few exceptions indicate a date of divergence only a few centuries earlier, following the unification of the peninsula by Silla.[33][39]It is possible to reach further back using internal reconstruction from Middle Korean.[40]This has been supplemented with philological analysis of the fragmentary records of Old Korean.[41]

Phonology[edit]

Many of the consonants in later forms of Korean are secondary developments:

  • The reinforced consonants of modern Korean arose from clusters of consonants, becoming phonemically distinct after the Late Middle Korean period.[42][43]
  • The aspirated consonants of Middle and modern Korean also arose from clusters with *k or *h.[44][45] There is some disagreement over whether aspirates were already a distinct series in the Old Korean period.[46][47] However, it seems clear that the process began with *t and *c, extended to *p and finally to *k.[48][49]
  • Late Middle Korean had a series of voiced fricatives, /β/ ⟨ㅸ⟩, /z/ ⟨ㅿ⟩ and /ɦ/ ⟨ㆁ⟩. These occurred only in limited environments, and are believed to have arisen from lenition of /p/, /s/ and /k/, respectively.[50][51][52][46] These fricatives have disappeared in most modern dialects, but some dialects in the southeast and northeast (including Yukchin) retain /p/, /s/ and /k/ in these words.[53] Some, but not all, occurrences of /l/ ⟨ㄹ⟩ are attributed to lenition of /t/.[54][51]

This leaves a relatively simple inventory of consonants:

The consonant *r does not occur initially in native words, a typological characteristic shared with "Altaic" languages.[55]Distinctions in the phonographic use of the Chinese characters and suggest that Old Korean probably had two liquids, which merged as Middle Korean l.[56][57]

Late Middle Korean had seven vowels.[58]Based on loans from Middle Mongolian and transcriptions in the Jìlín lèishì, Lee Ki-Moon argued for a Korean Vowel Shift between the 13th and 15th centuries, a chain shift involving five of these vowels.[59]William Labov found that this proposed shift followed different principles to all the other chain shifts he surveyed.[60]The philological basis of the shift has also been challenged.[61][62]An analysis based on Sino-Korean readings leads to a more conservative system:[42]

The vowels *ɨ > [ɨ] and *ə > [ʌ] have a limited distribution in Late Middle Korean, suggesting that unaccented *ɨ and *ə underwent syncope. They may also have merged with *e in accented initial position or following *j.[42]Some authors have proposed that Late Middle Korean [jə] ⟨ㅕ⟩ reflects an eighth Proto-Korean vowel, based on its high frequency and an analysis of tongue root harmony.[63][64]

The Late Middle Korean script assigns to each syllable one of three pitch contours: low (unmarked), high (one dot) or rising (two dots).[65]The rising tone is believed to be secondary, arising from a contraction of a syllable with low pitch with one of high pitch.[66][67]There is some evidence that pitch levels after the first high tone were not distinctive, so that Middle Korean was a pitch-accent language rather than a tonal language.[68]In the proto-language, accent was probably not distinctive for verbs, but may have been for nouns, though with a preference for accent on the final syllable.[69]

Morphosyntax[edit]

Korean uses several postnominal particles to indicate case and other relationships.[70]The modern nominative case suffix -i is derived from an earlier ergative case marker *-i.[70][71]

In modern Korean, verbs are bound forms that cannot appear without one or more inflectional suffixes. In contrast, Old Korean verb stems could be used independently, particularly in verb-verb compounds, where the first verb was typically an uninflected root.[72][73]

Vocabulary[edit]

Old Korean pronouns were written with the Chinese characters for the corresponding Chinese pronouns, so their pronunciation must be inferred from Middle Korean forms.[74][75]The known personal pronouns are *na 'I', *uri 'we' and *ne 'you'.[74][76]

Typology and areal features[edit]

Modern Koreanic varieties have a three-way contrast between plain, aspirated and reinforced stops and affricates, but Proto-Korean is reconstructed with a single set, like Proto-Japonic and Ainu, but unlike Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic, which feature a voicing contrast.[90]Korean also resembles Japonic and Ainu in having a single liquid consonant, while its continental neighbours tend to distinguish /l/ and /r/.[90]

Most modern varieties (except Jeju and a few northern dialects) have a form of accent, marked by vowel length in central dialects and pitch in the northeast and southeast.[91]The position of this accent is determined by the first high pitch syllable in Middle Korean.[92]A similar pitch accent is found in Japonic and Ainu languages, but not Tungusic, Mongolic or Turkic.[90]

Like other languages in northeast Asia, Korean has agglutinative morphology and head-final word order, with subject–object–verb order, modifiers preceding nouns, and postpositions (particles).[93][94]

Proposed external relationships[edit]

Larger language families of northeast Asia:

Northeast Asia is home to several relatively shallow language families.[95]There have been several attempts to link Korean with other language families, with the most-favoured being "Altaic" (Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic) and Japonic.[96]However, none of these attempts has succeeded in demonstrating a common descent for Koreanic and any other language family.[97]Larger proposed groupings subsuming these hypotheses, such as Nostratic and Eurasiatic, have even less support.[98]

Altaic[edit]

The Altaic proposal, grouping Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic, emerged in the 19th century as a residue when the larger Ural–Altaic grouping was abandoned.[99]Korean was added to the proposal by Gustaf Ramstedt in 1924, and others later added Japanese.[99]The languages share features such as agglutinative morphology, subject–object–verb order and postpositions.[100][101]Many cognates have been proposed, and attempts have been made to reconstruct a proto-language.[102][103]

The Altaic theory was incorporated into the influential two-wave migration model of Korean ethnic history proposed in the 1970s by the archaeologist Kim Won-yong, who attributed cultural transitions in prehistoric Korea to migrations of distinct ethnic groups from the north.[104][105][106]The appearance of Neolithic Jeulmun pottery was interpreted as a migration of a Paleosiberian group, while the arrival of bronze was attributed to a Tungusic migration of the ancestral Korean population, identified with the Yemaek of later Chinese sources.[107][108]South Korean culture-historians tended to project contemporary Korean homogeneity into the distant past, assuming that a preformed Korean people arrived in the peninsula from elsewhere, ignoring the possibility of local evolution and interaction.[109][110]However, no evidence of these migrations has been found, and archaeologists now believe that the Korean peninsula and adjacent areas of eastern Manchuria have been continuously occupied since the Late Pleistocene.[111][112]The projection of the Yemaek back to this period has also been criticized as unjustified.[113][114]

Moreover, most comparativists no longer accept the core Altaic family itself, even without Korean, believing most of the commonalities to be the result of prolonged contact.[93][115]The shared features turned out to be rather common among languages across the world, and typology is no longer considered evidence of a genetic relationship.[116]While many cognates are found between adjacent groups, few are attested across all three. The proposed sound correspondences have also been criticized for invoking too many phonemes, such as the four phonemes that are said to have merged as *y in proto-Turkic.[117]Similarly, Koreanic *r is said to result from the merger of four proto-Altaic liquids.[118]

In any case, most of the proposed matches with Korean were from the neighbouring Tungusic group.[119]A detailed comparison of Korean and Tungusic was published by Kim Dongso in 1981, but it has been criticized for teleological reconstructions, failing to distinguish loanwords and poor semantic matches, leaving too few comparisons to establish correspondences.[120]Much of this work relies on comparisons with modern languages, particularly Manchu, rather than reconstructed proto-Tungusic.[121]Many of the best matches are found only in Manchu and closely related languages, and thus could be the result of language contact.[122]

Japonic[edit]

Scholars outside of Korea have given greater attention to possible links with Japonic, which were first investigated by William George Aston in 1879.[123]The phoneme inventories of the two proto-languages are similar, with a single series of obstruents, a single liquid consonant and six or seven vowels.[124]Samuel Martin, John Whitman and others have proposed hundreds of possible cognates, with sound correspondences.[125][126]

However, Koreanic and Japonic have a long history of interaction, making it difficult to distinguish inherited vocabulary from ancient loanwords.[127]The early Japanese state received many cultural innovations via Korea, which may also have influenced the language.[128]Alexander Vovin points out that Old Japanese contains several pairs of words of similar meaning in which one word matches a Korean form, while the other is also found in Ryukyuan and Eastern Old Japanese.[129]He thus suggests that the former group represent early loans from Korean, and that Old Japanese morphemes should not be assigned a Japonic origin unless they are also attested in Southern Ryukyuan or Eastern Old Japanese, leaving fewer than a dozen possible cognates.[130]

Most scholars believe that Japonic was brought to the Japanese archipelago from the Korean peninsula around 700–300 BC by wet-rice farmers of the Yayoi culture.[131]Placename glosses in the Samguk sagi and other evidence suggest that Japonic languages persisted in central and southwestern parts of the peninsula into the early centuries of the common era.[132]Koreanic and Japonic were thus in contact over an extended period, which may explain the grammatical similarities and the residue of shared vocabulary.[133][134]Most of the shared words concern the natural environment and agriculture.[135][136]

Others[edit]

A link with Dravidian was first proposed by Homer Hulbert in 1905 and explored by Morgan Clippinger in 1984, but has attracted little interest since the 1980s.[137][138]There have also been proposals to link Korean with Austronesian, but these have few adherents.[139][140]

Early history[edit]

All modern varieties are descended from the language of Unified Silla.[141][142]Evidence for the earlier linguistic history of the Korean peninsula is extremely sparse. Various proposals have been based on archaeological and ethnological theories and vague references in early Chinese histories.[143]There is a tendency in Korea to assume that all languages formerly spoken on the peninsula were early forms of Korean, but the evidence indicates much greater linguistic variety in the past.[144]

Early Chinese descriptions[edit]

The Korean peninsula in the 1st century

Chinese histories provide the only contemporaneous descriptions of peoples of the Korean peninsula and eastern Manchuria in the early centuries of the common era.[144]They contain impressionistic remarks about the customs and languages of the area based on second-hand reports, and sometimes contradict one another.[145]The later Korean histories lack any discussion of languages.[145]

In 108 BC, the Chinese Han dynasty conquered northern Korea and established Four Commanderies of Han, the most important being Lelang, which was centred on the basin of the Taedong River and lasted until 314 AD.[146]Chapter 30 of the Records of the Three Kingdoms[b] (late 3rd century) and Chapter 85 of the Book of the Later Han (5th century) contain parallel accounts of peoples neighbouring the commanderies, apparently both based on a survey carried out by the Chinese state of Wei after their defeat of Goguryeo in 244.[147][148][149]

To the north and east, the Buyeo, Goguryeo and Ye were described as speaking similar languages, with the language of Okjeo only slightly different from them.[148]Their languages were said to differ from that of the Yilou further to the north. The latter language is completely unattested, but is believed, on the basis of the description of the people and their location, to have been Tungusic.[150]

To the south lay the Samhan ('three Han'), Mahan, Byeonhan and Jinhan, who were described in quite different terms from Buyeo and Goguryeo.[150][c]The Mahan were said to have a different language from Jinhan, but the two accounts differ on the relationship between the languages of Byeonhan and Jinhan, with the Records of the Three Kingdoms describing them as similar, but the Book of the Later Han referring to differences.[152]The Zhōuhú (州胡) people on a large island to the west of Mahan (possibly Jeju) were described as speaking a different language to Mahan.[153][154]

Based on this text, Lee Ki-Moon divided the languages spoken on the Korean peninsula at that time into Puyŏ and Han groups.[155]Lee originally proposed that these were two branches of a Koreanic language family, a view that was widely adopted by scholars in Korea.[156][157][158]He later argued that the Puyŏ languages were intermediate between Korean and Japanese.[159]Alexander Vovin and James Marshall Unger argue that the Han languages were Japonic, and were replaced by Koreanic Puyŏ languages in the 4th century.[160][161]Some authors believe that the Puyŏ languages belong to the Tungusic family.[162][163]Others believe that there is insufficient evidence to support a classification.[164]

Three Kingdoms period[edit]

The Korean peninsula in the late 5th century

As Chinese power ebbed in the early 4th century, centralized states arose on the peninsula.[165]The Lelang commandery was overrun by Goguryeo in 314. In the south, Baekje, the Gaya confederacy and Silla arose from Mahan, Byeonhan and Jinhan respectively.[166][167][d]Thus began the Three Kingdoms period, referring to Goguryeo, Baekje and Silla (Gaya was absorbed by Silla in the 6th century). The period ended in the late 7th century, when Silla conquered the other kingdoms in alliance with the Chinese Tang dynasty and then expelled the Tang from the peninsula.[169]

Linguistic evidence from these states is sparse and, being recorded in Chinese characters, difficult to interpret. Most of these materials come from Silla, whose language is generally believed to be ancestral to all extant Korean varieties.[170]There is no agreement on the relationship of Sillan to the languages of the other kingdoms. The issue is politically charged in Korea, with scholars who point out differences being accused by nationalists of trying to "divide the homeland".[171]Apart from placenames, whose interpretation is controversial, data on the languages of Goguryeo and Baekje is extremely sparse.[172]

The most widely cited evidence for Goguryeo is chapter 37 of the Samguk sagi, a history of the Three Kingdoms period written in Classical Chinese and compiled in 1145 from earlier records that are no longer extant.[173]This chapter surveys the part of Goguryeo annexed by Silla, listing pronunciations and meanings of placenames, from which a vocabulary of 80 to 100 words has been extracted.[174]Although the pronunciations recorded using Chinese characters are difficult to interpret, some of these words appear to resemble Tungusic, Korean or Japonic words.[175][176]Scholars who take these words as representing the language of Goguryeo have come to a range of conclusions about the language, some holding that it was Koreanic, others that it was Japonic, and others that it was somehow intermediate between the three families.[132][177][178]

Other authors point out that most of the place names come from central Korea, an area captured by Goguryeo from Baekje and other states in the 5th century, and none from the historical homeland of Goguryeo north of the Taedong River.[179]These authors suggest that the place names reflect the languages of those states rather than that of Goguryeo.[180][181]This would explain why they seem to reflect multiple language groups.[182]It is generally agreed that these glosses demonstrate that Japonic languages were once spoken in part of the Korean peninsula, but there is no consensus on the identity of the speakers.[132]

A small number of inscriptions have been found in Goguryeo, the earliest being the Gwanggaeto Stele (erected in Ji'an in 414). All are written in Classical Chinese, but feature some irregularities, including occasional use of object–verb order (as found in Korean and other northeast Asian languages) instead of the usual Chinese verb–object order, and particles 之 and 伊, for which some authors have proposed Korean interpretations.[183][184]Alexander Vovin argues that the Goguryeo language was the ancestor of Koreanic, citing a few Goguryeo words in Chinese texts such as the Book of Wei (6th century) that appear to have Korean etymologies, as well as Koreanic loanwords in Jurchen and Manchu.[185]

The Book of Liang (635) states that the language of Baekje was the same as that of Goguryeo.[159]According to Korean traditional history, the kingdom of Baekje was founded by immigrants from Goguryeo who took over Mahan.[186]The Japanese history Nihon Shoki, compiled in the early 8th century from earlier documents, including some from Baekje, records 42 Baekje words. These are transcribed as Old Japanese syllables, which are restricted to the form (C)V, limiting the precision of the transcription. About half of them appear to be Koreanic.[187]Based on these words and a passage in the Book of Zhou (636), Kōno Rokurō argued that the kingdom of Baekje was bilingual, with the gentry speaking a Puyŏ language and the common people a Han language.[188][189]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Nam Pung-hyun considers Old Korean as spanning the period from the Three Kingdoms to the Mongol invasion (mid-13th century).[15]
  2. ^ The title refers to the Chinese Three Kingdoms period (220–280 AD), not the Three Kingdoms of Korea (4th to 7th centuries).
  3. ^ The name Han (韓) is unrelated to the Chinese Han dynasty, but is analysed as Korean ha 'great' with the nominalizer suffix -n, meaning 'chieftain'.[151]
  4. ^ Traditional histories give founding dates for Baekje and Silla of 18 BC and 57 BC respectively, and these dates are repeated in textbooks, but archaeological and documentary evidence indicates that these kingdoms were founded in the 4th century.[168]

References[edit]

  1. ^ NGII (2017), p. 37.
  2. ^ King (1987), p. 34.
  3. ^ CASS (2012), Map C1-7.
  4. ^ a b Cho & Whitman (2019), p. 13.
  5. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 57–59.
  6. ^ Yeon (2012), p. 168.
  7. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 60–66.
  8. ^ Yeon (2012), pp. 169–172.
  9. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 45.
  10. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 5–6.
  11. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 79–81.
  12. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 44.
  13. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 87.
  14. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 51–59.
  15. ^ Nam (2012), p. 41.
  16. ^ a b Lee & Ramsey (2000), pp. 309–310.
  17. ^ Yeon (2012), pp. 180–184.
  18. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 82–83.
  19. ^ Yeon (2012), pp. 181–182.
  20. ^ Yeon (2012), p. 184.
  21. ^ a b c Brown & Yeon (2015), p. 465.
  22. ^ King (1987), pp. 233–234.
  23. ^ Janhunen (1996), p. 42.
  24. ^ King (1987), pp. 238–241.
  25. ^ Yeon (2012), pp. 179–180.
  26. ^ King (1987), p. 235.
  27. ^ Janhunen (1996), p. 43.
  28. ^ Brown & Yeon (2015), pp. 466–468.
  29. ^ Brown & Yeon (2015), pp. 468–469.
  30. ^ Yang et al. (2018).
  31. ^ Yeon (2012), pp. 170, 178.
  32. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 159–160.
  33. ^ a b Whitman (2011), p. 155.
  34. ^ King (1987), p. 238.
  35. ^ Vovin (2010), p. 4.
  36. ^ King (1987), pp. 236–238.
  37. ^ a b King (1992), p. 202.
  38. ^ King (1987), p. 236.
  39. ^ Janhunen (1999), pp. 2–3.
  40. ^ Whitman (2012), pp. 27–28.
  41. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 63, 159–160.
  42. ^ a b c d e Whitman (2012), p. 28.
  43. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 128.
  44. ^ Vovin (2010), p. 11.
  45. ^ Whitman (2012), pp. 28–29.
  46. ^ a b Whitman (2015), p. 431.
  47. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 64–65.
  48. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 65.
  49. ^ Whitman (2015), p. 432.
  50. ^ Vovin (2010), pp. 12–32.
  51. ^ a b Whitman (2012), p. 29.
  52. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 64.
  53. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2000), pp. 320–321.
  54. ^ Martin (1996), pp. 20–21.
  55. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 89.
  56. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 66.
  57. ^ Vovin (2013b), pp. 200–202.
  58. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 156.
  59. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 94–95.
  60. ^ Labov (1994), pp. 138–139.
  61. ^ Whitman (2013), pp. 254–255.
  62. ^ Whitman (2015), p. 429.
  63. ^ Whitman (2015), p. 430.
  64. ^ Cho & Whitman (2019), pp. 18–19.
  65. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 163.
  66. ^ Martin (1996), pp. 35–40.
  67. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 163–165.
  68. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 167–168.
  69. ^ Martin (1996), p. 60.
  70. ^ a b Whitman (2012), p. 34.
  71. ^ Vovin (2010), p. 45.
  72. ^ Nam (2012), pp. 64–65.
  73. ^ Whitman (2015), pp. 434–435.
  74. ^ a b Vovin (2010), p. 62.
  75. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 71.
  76. ^ a b Whitman (2012), p. 33.
  77. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 175.
  78. ^ Vovin (2010), p. 220.
  79. ^ Kang (2009), p. 895.
  80. ^ Kang (2009), p. 270.
  81. ^ a b Vovin (2010), p. 181.
  82. ^ Kang (2009), p. 519.
  83. ^ Kang (2009), p. 176.
  84. ^ Kang (2009), p. 217.
  85. ^ Kang (2009), p. 647.
  86. ^ Kang (2009), p. 720.
  87. ^ Kang (2009), p. 724.
  88. ^ Kang (2009), p. 584.
  89. ^ Kang (2009), p. 657.
  90. ^ a b c Tranter (2012), p. 7.
  91. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 60–62.
  92. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 165–167.
  93. ^ a b Tranter (2012), p. 6.
  94. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 265–266.
  95. ^ Janhunen (2010), pp. 289–290.
  96. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 14–15.
  97. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 17–18.
  98. ^ Campbell & Poser (2008), pp. 243–266.
  99. ^ a b Campbell & Poser (2008), p. 235.
  100. ^ Tranter (2012), pp. 6–7.
  101. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 263, 265–266.
  102. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 18–25.
  103. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 15–23.
  104. ^ Kim (1983), pp. 1–2.
  105. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2000), p. 5.
  106. ^ Yi (2014), pp. 586–587.
  107. ^ Kim (1987), p. 882.
  108. ^ Park & Wee (2016), pp. 313–314.
  109. ^ Nelson (1995), pp. 220–221, 223, 230.
  110. ^ Pai (2000), pp. 97, 99.
  111. ^ Yi (2014), p. 587.
  112. ^ Nelson (1995), p. 230.
  113. ^ Nelson (1995), pp. 226–229.
  114. ^ Pai (2000), pp. 104–111.
  115. ^ Whitman (2013), p. 248.
  116. ^ Campbell & Poser (2008), pp. 236, 240.
  117. ^ Campbell & Poser (2008), p. 239.
  118. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 20–21.
  119. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 23–24.
  120. ^ Janhunen & Kho (1982), pp. 4–5.
  121. ^ Whitman (2013), p. 249.
  122. ^ Cho & Whitman (2019), p. 12.
  123. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 26–29.
  124. ^ Whitman (2012), pp. 24, 26–28.
  125. ^ Vovin (2017).
  126. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 29–35.
  127. ^ Janhunen (1999), pp. 1–2.
  128. ^ Janhunen (1999), p. 6.
  129. ^ Vovin (2010), pp. 92–94.
  130. ^ Vovin (2010), pp. 6, 237–240.
  131. ^ Janhunen (1999), p. 3.
  132. ^ a b c Whitman (2011), p. 154.
  133. ^ Vovin (2010), pp. 237–240.
  134. ^ Janhunen (1999), pp. 6–7.
  135. ^ Janhunen (1996), p. 200.
  136. ^ Whitman (2011), p. 156.
  137. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 27–29.
  138. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 15.
  139. ^ Sohn (1999), pp. 25–27.
  140. ^ Kim (1987), pp. 881–882.
  141. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 40.
  142. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 4.
  143. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 17.
  144. ^ a b Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 31.
  145. ^ a b Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 36.
  146. ^ Seth (2016), pp. 17–19.
  147. ^ Byington & Barnes (2014), pp. 97–98.
  148. ^ a b Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 34.
  149. ^ Seth (2016), pp. 19–23.
  150. ^ a b Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 35.
  151. ^ Nam (2012), p. 55.
  152. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 35–36.
  153. ^ Byington & Barnes (2014), p. 105.
  154. ^ Seth (2016), p. 22.
  155. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 34–36.
  156. ^ Kim (1987), pp. 882–883.
  157. ^ Whitman (2013), pp. 249–250.
  158. ^ Kim (1983), p. 2.
  159. ^ a b Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 44.
  160. ^ Vovin (2013a), pp. 237–238.
  161. ^ Unger (2009), p. 87.
  162. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 39.
  163. ^ Beckwith (2004), p. 19.
  164. ^ Georg (2017), p. 151.
  165. ^ Seth (2016), p. 35.
  166. ^ Pai (2000), p. 234.
  167. ^ Seth (2016), pp. 30–33.
  168. ^ Seth (2016), p. 29.
  169. ^ Seth (2016), pp. 29–30.
  170. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2000), pp. 274–275.
  171. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2000), p. 276.
  172. ^ Whitman (2015), p. 423.
  173. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 37.
  174. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 39.
  175. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 37–44.
  176. ^ Itabashi (2003).
  177. ^ Beckwith (2004), pp. 27–28.
  178. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 43–44.
  179. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), pp. 40–41.
  180. ^ Lee & Ramsey (2011), p. 40.
  181. ^ Toh (2005), pp. 23–26.
  182. ^ Whitman (2013), pp. 251–252.
  183. ^ Vovin (2005), pp. 117–119.
  184. ^ Nam (2012), p. 42.
  185. ^ Vovin (2013a), pp. 224–226, 228–232.
  186. ^ Sohn (1999), p. 38.
  187. ^ Bentley (2000), pp. 424–427, 436–438.
  188. ^ Vovin (2005), p. 119.
  189. ^ Kōno (1987), pp. 84–85.

Works cited[edit]

  • Beckwith, Christopher I. (2004), Koguryo, the Language of Japan's Continental Relatives, Brill, ISBN 978-90-04-13949-7.
  • Bentley, John R. (2000), "A new look at Paekche and Korean: data from the Nihon shoki", Language Research, 36 (2): 417–443, hdl:10371/86143.
  • Brown, Lucien; Yeon, Jaehoon (2015), "Varieties of contemporary Korean", in Brown, Lucien; Yeon, Jaehoon (eds.), The Handbook of Korean Linguistics, Wiley, pp. 459–476, ISBN 978-1-118-35491-9.
  • Byington, Mark E.; Barnes, Gina (2014), "Comparison of Texts between the Accounts of Han 韓 in the Sanguo zhi 三國志, in the Fragments of the Weilüe 魏略, and in the Hou-Han shu 後漢書" (PDF), Crossroads, 9: 97–112.
  • Campbell, Lyle; Poser, William J. (2008), Language Classification: History and Method, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-88005-3.
  • Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) (2012), Zhōngguó yǔyán dìtú jí (dì 2 bǎn): Shǎoshù mínzú yǔyán juǎn 中国语言地图集(第2版):少数民族语言卷 [Language Atlas of China (2nd edition): Minority language volume], Beijing: The Commercial Press, ISBN 978-7-100-07053-9.
  • Cho, Sungdai; Whitman, John (2019), Korean: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-51485-9.
  • Georg, Stefan (2017), "Other isolated languages of Asia", in Campbell, Lyle (ed.), Language Isolates, Routledge, pp. 139–161, ISBN 978-1-317-61090-8.
  • Itabashi, Yoshizo (2003), "Kōkuri no chimei kara Kōkurigo to Chōsengo/Nihongo to no shiteki kankei wo saguru" 高句麗の地名から高句麗語と朝鮮語・日本語との史的関係をさぐる [A study of the historical relationship of the Koguryo language, the Old Japanese language, and the Middle Korean language on the basis of fragmentary glosses preserved as place names in the Samguk sagi], in Vovin, Alexander; Osada, Toshiki (eds.), Nihongo keitoron no genzai 日本語系統論の現在 [Perspectives on the Origins of the Japanese Language] (in Japanese), Kyoto: International Center for Japanese Studies, pp. 131–185, doi:10.15055/00005276.
  • Janhunen, Juha (1996), Manchuria: An Ethnic History, Finno-Ugrian Society, ISBN 978-951-9403-84-7.
  • ——— (1999), "A Contextual Approach to the Convergence and Divergence of Korean and Japanese" (PDF), Central Asian Studies, 4.
  • ——— (2010), "Reconstructing the Language Map of Prehistorical Northeast Asia", Studia Orientalia, 108: 281–303.
  • Janhunen, Juha; Kho, Songmoo (1982), "Is Korean related to Tungusic?", Hangul, 177: 179–190.
  • Kang, Yeng-pong, ed. (2009), Revised Jeju Dictionary (in Korean), Jeju Province, ISBN 978-89-962572-5-7.
  • Kim, Won-yong (1983), Recent Archaeological Discoveries in the Republic of Korea, Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, UNESCO, ISBN 978-92-3-102001-8.
  • Kim, Nam-Kil (1987), "Korean", in Comrie, Bernard (ed.), The World's Major Languages, Oxford University Press, pp. 881–898, ISBN 978-0-19-520521-3.
  • King, J. R. P. (1987), "An introduction to Soviet Korean", Language Research, 23 (2): 233–274, hdl:10371/85771.
  • ——— (1992), "Archaisms and Innovations in Soviet Korean dialects", Language Research, 28 (2): 201–223, hdl:10371/85946.
  • Kōno, Rokurō (1987), "The bilingualism of the Paekche language", Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 45: 75–86.
  • Labov, William (1994), Principles of Linguistic Change, Volume 1: Internal Factors, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-17913-9.
  • Lee, Iksop; Ramsey, S. Robert (2000), The Korean Language, SUNY Press, ISBN 978-0-7914-4831-1.
  • Lee, Ki-Moon; Ramsey, S. Robert (2011), A History of the Korean Language, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-1-139-49448-9.
  • Martin, Samuel E. (1996), Consonant Lenition in Korean and the Macro-Altaic Question, University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 978-0-82481-809-8.
  • Nam, Pung-hyun (2012), "Old Korean", in Tranter, Nicolas (ed.), The Languages of Japan and Korea, Routledge, pp. 41–72, ISBN 978-0-415-46287-7.
  • National Geography Information Institute (NGII) (2017), The National Atlas of Korea, Seoul: Ministry of Land Infrastructure and Transport.
  • Nelson, Sara M. (1995), "The Politics of Ethnicity in Prehistoric Korea", in Kohl, Philip L.; Fawcett, Clare (eds.), Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, pp. 218–231, ISBN 978-0-521-55839-6.
  • Pai, Hyung Il 裵炯逸 (2000), Constructing "Korean" Origins: A Critical Review of Archaeology, Historiography, and Racial Myth in Korean State-formation Theories, Harvard University Asia Center, ISBN 978-0-674-00244-9.
  • Park, Hae Woon; Wee, Kaya (2016), "The Nationalistic Trend in South Korean Archaeology: Documenting the Development of a Unilinear Evolutionary Trajectory of a Homogeneous Korean Peoples", Archaeologies, 12 (3): 304–339, doi:10.1007/s11759-017-9307-9, S2CID 133125509.
  • Seth, Michael J. (2016), A Concise History of Premodern Korea (2nd ed.), Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-1-4422-6043-6.
  • Sohn, Ho-Min (1999), The Korean Language, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-36123-1.
  • Toh, Soo Hee (2005), "About Early Paekche language mistaken as being Koguryŏ language", Journal of Inner and East Asian Studies, 2 (2): 13–31.
  • Tranter, Nicholas (2012), "Introduction: typology and area in Japan and Korea", in Tranter, Nicolas (ed.), The Languages of Japan and Korea, Routledge, pp. 3–23, ISBN 978-0-415-46287-7.
  • Unger, J. Marshall (2009), The role of contact in the origins of the Japanese and Korean languages, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 978-0-8248-3279-7.
  • Vovin, Alexander (2005), "Koguryŏ and Paekche: different languages or dialects of Old Korean?", Journal of Inner and East Asian Studies, 2 (2): 107–140.
  • ——— (2010), Korea-Japonica: A Re-Evaluation of a Common Genetic Origin, University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 978-0-8248-3278-0.
  • ——— (January 2013), "From Koguryo to Tamna: Slowly riding to the South with speakers of Proto-Korean", Korean Linguistics, 15 (2): 222–240, doi:10.1075/kl.15.2.03vov.CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • ——— (October 2013), "Mongolian names for 'Korea' and 'Korean' and their significance for the history of the Korean language", in Sohn, Sung-Ock; Cho, Sungdai; You, Seok-Hoon (eds.), Studies in Korean Linguistics and Language Pedagogy: Festschrift for Ho-min Sohn, Korea University Press, pp. 200–206, ISBN 978-89-7641-830-2.CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • ——— (2017), "Origins of the Japanese Language", Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics, Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.277, ISBN 978-0-19-938465-5.
  • Whitman, John (2011), "Northeast Asian Linguistic Ecology and the Advent of Rice Agriculture in Korea and Japan", Rice, 4 (3–4): 149–158, doi:10.1007/s12284-011-9080-0.
  • ——— (2012), "The relationship between Japanese and Korean" (PDF), in Tranter, Nicolas (ed.), The Languages of Japan and Korea, Routledge, pp. 24–38, ISBN 978-0-415-46287-7.
  • ——— (2013), "A History of the Korean Language, by Ki-Moon Lee and Robert Ramsey", Korean Linguistics, 15 (2): 246–260, doi:10.1075/kl.15.2.05whi.
  • ——— (2015), "Old Korean" (PDF), in Brown, Lucien; Yeon, Jaehoon (eds.), The Handbook of Korean Linguistics, Wiley, pp. 421–438, ISBN 978-1-118-35491-9.
  • Yang, Changyong; O'Grady, William; Yang, Sejung; Hilton, Nanna; Kang, Sang-Gu; Kim, So-Young (2018), Brunn, Stanley D.; Kehrein, Roland (eds.), Handbook of the Changing World Language Map, Springer, ISBN 978-3-319-73400-2.
  • Yeon, Jaehoon (2012), "Korean dialects: a general survey", in Tranter, Nicolas (ed.), The Languages of Japan and Korea, Routledge, pp. 168–185, ISBN 978-0-415-46287-7.
  • Yi, Seonbok (2014), "Korea: archaeology", in Bellwood, Peter (ed.), The Global Prehistory of Human Migration, Wiley, pp. 586–597, ISBN 978-1-118-97059-1.

Further reading[edit]

  • Byington, Mark E. (2006), "Christopher I. Beckwith—Koguryo, the Language of Japan's Continental Relatives (Leiden: Brill, 2004)", Acta Koreana, 9 (1): 141–166.
  • Martin, Samuel E. (1992), A Reference Grammar of Korean, Charles E. Tuttle, ISBN 978-0-8048-1887-2.
  • Pellard, Thomas (2005), "Koguryo, the Language of Japan's Continental Relatives: An Introduction to the Historical-Comparative Study of the Japanese-Koguryoic Languages with a Preliminary Description of Archaic Northeastern Middle Chinese By Christopher I. Beckwith", Korean Studies, 29: 167–170, doi:10.1353/ks.2006.0008.