La Constitución del 3 de mayo de 1791 [1] ( polaco : Konstytucja 3 maja ; lituano : Gegužės trečiosios konstitucija listen ( ayuda · info ) ), titulada Ley de Gobernanza ( polaco : Ustawa Rządowa ), fue una constitución adoptada por el Gran Sejm (" Sejm de cuatro años ", reunido en 1788-1792) para la Commonwealth polaco-lituana , una monarquía dual que comprende la Corona del Reino de Polonia y el Gran Ducado de Lituania. . La Constitución fue diseñada para corregir las fallas políticas de la Commonwealth. Había sido precedido por un período de agitación y una introducción gradual de reformas, comenzando con la Sejm de Convocación de 1764 y la subsiguiente elección ese año de Stanisław August Poniatowski , el último rey de la Commonwealth.
Ley de gobernanza | |
---|---|
Creado | 6 de octubre de 1788-3 de mayo de 1791 |
Ratificado | 3 de mayo de 1791 |
Localización | Archivo Central de Registros Históricos , Varsovia |
Autor (es) |
La Constitución buscó implementar una monarquía constitucional más efectiva , introdujo la igualdad política entre la gente del pueblo y la nobleza, y colocó a los campesinos bajo la protección del gobierno, mitigando los peores abusos de la servidumbre . Prohibió instituciones parlamentarias perniciosas como el liberum veto , que había puesto al Sejm a merced de un solo diputado, que podía vetar y así anular toda la legislación adoptada por ese Sejm. Los vecinos de la Commonwealth reaccionaron con hostilidad a la adopción de la Constitución. El rey Federico Guillermo II rompió la alianza de Prusia con la Commonwealth polaco-lituana. Se unió con Catalina la Grande 's Rusia Imperial y la Confederación Targowica de magnates polacos contra la reforma de derrotar a la Commonwealth en la guerra polaco-rusa de 1792 .
La Constitución de 1791 estuvo en vigor por menos de 19 meses. [2] [3] Fue declarado nulo y sin efecto por el Grodno Sejm que se reunió en 1793, [1] [3] aunque el poder legal del Sejm para hacerlo era cuestionable. [3] La Segunda y Tercera Partición de Polonia (1793, 1795) finalmente puso fin a la existencia soberana de Polonia hasta el final de la Primera Guerra Mundial en 1918. Durante esos 123 años, la Constitución de 1791 ayudó a mantener vivas las aspiraciones polacas de una eventual restauración del país. soberanía. En palabras de dos de sus principales autores, Ignacy Potocki y Hugo Kołłątaj , la Constitución de 1791 fue "la última voluntad y testamento de la Patria que expira". [a]
La Constitución del 3 de mayo de 1791 combinó una república monárquica con una clara división de los poderes ejecutivo, legislativo y judicial. Generalmente se considera la primera constitución nacional escrita moderna de Europa y la segunda del mundo, después de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos que entró en vigor en 1789. [3] [b]
Fondo
El constitucionalismo polaco se remonta al siglo XIII, cuando el gobierno por consenso y representación ya estaba bien establecido en el joven estado polaco . La aparición de órganos parlamentarios, el sejm y sejmiki , siguió en la primera mitad del siglo XVI. [ cuando? ] En el siglo XVII, la tradición jurídica y política de Polonia se caracterizó por ser instituciones parlamentarias y un sistema de control y equilibrio del poder estatal, que a su vez estaba limitado por la descentralización . La idea de un estado contractual plasmada en textos como los Artículos de Enrique y la Pacta conventa ; el concepto de libertades individuales; y la noción de que el monarca tenía deberes para con sus súbditos. Este sistema, que benefició principalmente a la nobleza polaca ( szlachta ), llegó a conocerse como la " democracia de los nobles" . [6]
Fin de la Edad de Oro
La Constitución de 1791 fue una respuesta a la situación cada vez más peligrosa en la Commonwealth polaco-lituana , [7] que había sido una gran potencia europea sólo un siglo antes y seguía siendo el estado más grande del continente. [8] En la década de 1590, en la cúspide de la democracia de los nobles, el predicador de la corte del rey Segismundo III Vasa , el jesuita Piotr Skarga, había condenado las debilidades de la Commonwealth. [9] En el mismo período, escritores y filósofos como Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski [10] y Wawrzyniec Grzymała Goślicki , [11] y el movimiento de reforma egzekucja praw (Ejecución de las leyes) dirigido por Jan Zamoyski habían abogado por reformas políticas . [12] En 1656, el hijo de Segismundo, el rey Juan II Casimiro Vasa, hizo un voto solemne en la "antigua" catedral de Lwów en nombre de toda la República de Polonia, de que liberaría a los campesinos polacos "de las injustas cargas y la opresión". [13] Mientras luchaba con el Sejm , en 1661 John Casimir, cuyo reinado vio guerras altamente destructivas y obstruccionismo por parte de la nobleza, predijo correctamente que la Commonwealth estaba en peligro de una partición de Rusia , Brandeburgo y Austria . [14]
Como el Sejm no implementó suficientes reformas, la maquinaria estatal se volvió cada vez más disfuncional. Una causa importante de la caída del Commonwealth fue el liberum veto ("veto libre"), que, desde 1652, había permitido a cualquier diputado del Sejm anular toda la legislación promulgada por ese Sejm. [6] [15] Como resultado, diputados sobornados por magnates o potencias extranjeras, principalmente del Imperio Ruso , el Reino de Prusia y Francia , que tenía una revolución en curso , o diputados que creían que estaban viviendo en una "Edad de Oro sin precedentes". "paralizó el gobierno de la Commonwealth durante más de un siglo. [6] [15] [16] La amenaza del veto liberum sólo podría ser anulada por el establecimiento de un " sejm confederado ", que era inmune al veto liberum . [17] Declarar que un sejm constituía una " confederación " o pertenecía a una fue un dispositivo utilizado de manera destacada por los intereses extranjeros en el siglo XVIII para forzar un resultado legislativo. [18]
A principios del siglo XVIII, los magnates de Polonia y Lituania controlaban el estado, asegurando que no se promulgarían reformas que pudieran debilitar su estatus privilegiado (las " Libertades Doradas "). [19] Los ineficaces monarcas que fueron elegidos al trono de la Commonwealth a principios del siglo XVIII, [20] Augusto II el Fuerte y Augusto III de Polonia de la Casa de Wettin , no mejoraron las cosas. Los Wettin, acostumbrados al dominio absoluto practicado en su Sajonia natal , intentaron gobernar mediante la intimidación y el uso de la fuerza, lo que provocó una serie de conflictos entre sus partidarios y oponentes, incluido otro pretendiente al trono polaco, el rey Stanisław Leszczyński . [20] Esos conflictos a menudo tomaron la forma de confederaciones, rebeliones legales contra el rey permitidas bajo las Libertades Doradas, incluida la Confederación de Varsovia (1704) , la Confederación Sandomierz , la Confederación Tarnogród , la Confederación Dzików y la Guerra de Sucesión Polaca . [20] Sólo 8 de las 18 sesiones del Sejm durante el reinado de Augusto II (1694-1733) aprobaron legislación. [21] Durante 30 años durante el reinado de Augusto III, solo una sesión pudo aprobar legislación. [22] El gobierno estaba al borde del colapso, dando lugar al término "anarquía polaca", y el país estaba dirigido por magnates y asambleas provinciales. [22]
Otros intentos de reforma en la era de Wettin fueron dirigidos por personas como Stanisław Dunin-Karwicki , Stanisław A. Szczuka , Kazimierz Karwowski y Michał Józef Massalski ; estos en su mayoría resultaron inútiles. [16] [20]
Primeras reformas
La Ilustración afectó en gran medida el pensamiento de los influyentes círculos de la Commonwealth durante el reinado (1764-1795) de su último rey, Stanisław II August Poniatowski . El rey era un magnate polaco "ilustrado" que había sido diputado de varios Sejms entre 1750 y 1764 y tenía un conocimiento más profundo de la política polaca que los monarcas anteriores. [23] La Convocación Sejm de 1764 , que eligió a Poniatowski para el trono, fue controlada por el reformista Czartoryski Familia y fue respaldada por las fuerzas militares rusas invitadas por los Czartoryskis. [24] A cambio de aprobar decretos favorables a ellos, los rusos y prusianos permitieron que el Sejm de Convocación confederado promulgara una serie de reformas, incluido el debilitamiento del veto liberum y su ya no se aplica a asuntos económicos y de tesorería . [23] [24] [25] Andrzej Zamoyski presentó un paquete de reformas más completo , pero la oposición de Prusia, Rusia y la nobleza polaca frustró este ambicioso programa, que había propuesto decidir todas las mociones por mayoría de votos. [24]
En parte porque su elección había sido impuesta por la emperatriz Catalina la Grande , la posición política de Poniatowski fue débil desde el principio. Procedió con reformas cautelosas, como el establecimiento de ministerios fiscales y militares y la introducción de un arancel aduanero nacional, que pronto se abandonó debido a la oposición de Federico el Grande de Prusia . [24] Estas medidas ya habían sido autorizadas por la Sejm de Convocatoria; más mejoras legislativas y ejecutivas inspiradas por la Familia o el Rey se implementaron durante y después del Sejm de 1764. [24]
Los magnates de la Commonwealth veían la reforma con recelo y los poderes vecinos, contentos con el deterioro de la Commonwealth, aborrecían la idea de un poder resurgente y democrático en sus fronteras. [26] Con el Ejército Commonwealth reduce a alrededor de 16.000, que era fácil para sus vecinos para intervenir directamente el Ejército Imperial Ruso numeradas 300.000 y el ejército prusiano y del Ejército Imperial de Austria tenía 200.000 cada uno. [27]
La emperatriz de Rusia Catalina y el rey Federico II de Prusia provocaron un conflicto entre los miembros del Sejm y el rey por los derechos civiles de las minorías religiosas, como los protestantes y los ortodoxos griegos, cuyas posiciones, que fueron garantizadas en igualdad de condiciones con la mayoría católica por la Confederación de Varsovia de 1573, había empeorado considerablemente. [25] [28] [29] [30] Catalina y Federico declararon su apoyo a la szlachta y sus "libertades", y en octubre de 1767 las tropas rusas se habían reunido en las afueras de Varsovia en apoyo de la conservadora Confederación Radom . [29] [30] [31] El rey y sus seguidores no tuvieron más remedio que aceptar las demandas rusas. Durante el Repnin Sejm (que lleva el nombre del embajador ruso Nicholas Repnin que preside no oficialmente ) el rey aceptó los cinco "principios eternos e invariables" que Catalina había prometido "proteger para siempre en nombre de las libertades de Polonia": la elección de reyes , el derecho de veto de liberum , el derecho a renunciar a la lealtad y la rebelión contra el rey aumento ( Rokosz ), la szlachta 's derecho exclusivo de la oficina de espera y la tierra, y los propietarios' poder sobre sus campesinos. [25] [26] [29] [30] Así, todos los privilegios ("Libertades de Oro") de la nobleza que habían hecho ingobernable a la Commonwealth estaban garantizados como inalterables en las Leyes Cardinales . [29] [30] [31] Las leyes cardinales y los derechos de los "disidentes religiosos" aprobados por el Repnin Sejm fueron garantizados personalmente por la emperatriz Catalina. Con estos actos legislativos, Rusia intervino formalmente por primera vez en los asuntos constitucionales de la Commonwealth. [32]
Durante el Sejm de 1768, Repnin mostró su desprecio por la resistencia local al organizar el secuestro y encarcelamiento de Kajetan Sołtyk , Józef A. Załuski , Wacław Rzewuski y Seweryn Rzewuski , todos opositores a la dominación extranjera y las políticas recientemente proclamadas. [33] La Commonwealth polaco-lituana se había convertido legal y prácticamente en un protectorado del Imperio Ruso. [34] No obstante, se adoptaron varias reformas benéficas menores, se restauraron los derechos políticos de las minorías religiosas y se reconoció cada vez más la necesidad de más reformas. [30] [33]
La aquiescencia del rey Stanisław August a la intervención rusa encontró cierta oposición. El 29 de febrero de 1768, varios magnates, incluidos Józef Pułaski y su joven hijo Kazimierz Pułaski (Casimir Pulaski), juraron oponerse a la influencia rusa, declararon a Stanisław August lacayo de Rusia y Catalina y formaron una confederación en la ciudad de Bar . [33] [35] [36] La Confederación de Abogados se centró en limitar la influencia de los extranjeros en los asuntos de la Commonwealth, y ser pro-católico se oponía generalmente a la tolerancia religiosa . [35] Comenzó una guerra civil para derrocar al Rey, pero sus fuerzas irregulares fueron abrumadas por la intervención rusa en 1772. [26]
La derrota de la Confederación de Abogados preparó el escenario para el tratado de partición del 5 de agosto de 1772, que fue firmado en San Petersburgo por Rusia, Prusia y Austria. [35] El tratado despojó a la Commonwealth polaco-lituana de aproximadamente un tercio de su territorio y población, más de 200.000 km 2 (77.220 millas cuadradas) y 4 millones de personas. [37] Los tres poderes justificaron su anexión, citando la anarquía en la Commonwealth y su negativa a cooperar con los esfuerzos de sus vecinos para restaurar el orden. [38] El rey Stanisław August cedió y el 19 de abril de 1773 convocó al Sejm a sesión. Solo 102 de los 200 diputados asistieron a lo que se conoció como Partition Sejm . El resto conocía la decisión del Rey y se negó. A pesar de las protestas del diputado Tadeusz Rejtan y otros, el tratado, más tarde conocido como la Primera Partición de Polonia, fue ratificado. [37]
La primera de las tres particiones sucesivas del territorio de la Commonwealth del siglo XVIII que eventualmente eliminaría la soberanía de Polonia conmocionó a los habitantes de la Commonwealth y dejó en claro a las mentes progresistas que la Commonwealth debe reformarse o perecer. [37] En los treinta años anteriores a la Constitución, hubo un creciente interés entre los pensadores progresistas en la reforma constitucional. [39] Antes de la Primera Partición, un noble polaco, Michał Wielhorski fue enviado a Francia por la Confederación de Abogados para pedir a los filósofos Gabriel Bonnot de Mably y Jean-Jacques Rousseau sus sugerencias sobre una nueva constitución para una Polonia reformada. [40] [41] [42] [43] [44] Mably presentó sus recomendaciones Du gouvernement et des lois en Pologne ( El gobierno y las leyes de Polonia ) en 1770-1771, mientras que Rousseau terminó sus Consideraciones sobre el gobierno de Polonia en 1772 cuando la Primera Partición ya estaba en marcha. [45] Los pensadores polaco-lituanos publicaron en el Commonwealth obras que abogaban por la necesidad de reforma y que presentaban soluciones específicas: Sobre una forma eficaz de los consejos o sobre la conducción de los sejms ordinarios (1761-1763), de Stanisław Konarski , fundador de la Collegium Nobilium ; Pensamientos políticos sobre las libertades civiles (1775) y Cartas patrióticas (1778-1778), de Józef Wybicki , autor de la letra del Himno Nacional Polaco ; ( Cartas anónimas a Stanisław Małachowski (1788-1789) y El derecho político de la nación polaca (1790), de Hugo Kołłątaj , jefe del partido Forja de Kołłątaj ; y Comentarios sobre la vida de Jan Zamoyski (1787), de Stanisław Staszic . [43] [46] Las sátiras de Ignacy Krasicki de la era del Gran Sejm también se consideraron cruciales para dar apoyo moral y político a la constitución. [47]
En el Partition Sejm se introdujo una nueva ola de reformas apoyadas por magnates progresistas como la familia Czartoryski y el rey Stanisław August. [31] [49] [50] El más importante fue el establecimiento en 1773 de la Comisión de Educación Nacional ( Komisja Edukacji Narodowej ), el primer ministerio de educación del mundo. [37] [50] [51] [52] Se abrieron nuevas escuelas, se imprimieron libros de texto uniformes, los maestros recibieron una mejor educación y los estudiantes pobres recibieron becas. [37] [50] El ejército de la Commonwealth iba a ser modernizado y se acordó la financiación para crear un ejército permanente más grande. [53] Se introdujeron reformas económicas y comerciales, incluidas algunas destinadas a cubrir el aumento del presupuesto militar que la szlachta había rechazado antes por carecer de importancia . [49] [50] [53] Se estableció una nueva asamblea ejecutiva, el Consejo Permanente de 36 miembros que comprende cinco ministerios con poderes legislativos limitados, que otorga al Commonwealth un órgano de gobierno en sesión constante entre Sejms y, por lo tanto, inmune a las interrupciones del veto liberum . [31] [37] [49] [50]
En 1776, el Sejm encargó al ex canciller Andrzej Zamoyski que redactara un nuevo código legal . [39] En 1780, él y sus colaboradores habían elaborado el Código Zamoyski ( Zbiór praw sądowych ). Habría fortalecido el poder real, habría hecho que todos los funcionarios fueran responsables ante el Sejm, puesto al clero y sus finanzas bajo supervisión estatal y privado a los szlachta sin tierra de muchas de sus inmunidades legales. El Código también habría mejorado la situación de los no nobles: habitantes del pueblo y campesinos. [54] El código legal progresista de Zamoyski, que contiene elementos de reforma constitucional, se encontró con la oposición de los szlachta conservadores nativos y las potencias extranjeras; el Sejm de 1780 no lo adoptó. [39] [54] [55]
Adopción de la constitución
An opportunity for reform occurred during the "Great Sejm"—also called the "Four-Year Sejm"—of 1788–92, which began on 6 October 1788 with 181 deputies. In accordance with the Constitution's preamble, from 1790 it met "in dual number" when 171 newly elected deputies joined the earlier-established Sejm.[31][46][56] On its second day, the body became a confederated sejm to avoid the liberum veto.[46][57][58] Concurrent world events appeared to have been opportune for the reformers.[31] Russia and Austria were at war with the Ottoman Empire, and the Russians found themselves simultaneously fighting in the Russo-Swedish War, 1788–1790.[31][59][60][61] A new alliance between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and Prussia seemed to provide security against Russian intervention, and King Stanisław August drew closer to leaders of the reform-minded Patriotic Party.[31][62][63]
The Sejm passed few major reforms in its first two years, but the subsequent two years brought more substantial changes.[58] The Sejm adopted the 1791 Free Royal Cities Act, which was formally incorporated into the final constitution. This act addressed a number of matters related to the cities, crucially expanding burghers' (i.e., townspeople's) rights, including electoral rights.[64][65] While the Sejm comprised representatives of the nobility and clergy, the reformers were supported by the burghers, who in late 1789 organized in Warsaw a "Black Procession" demanding full political enfranchisement of the bourgeoisie.[63] On 18 April 1791 the Sejm—fearing that the burghers' protests, if ignored, could turn violent, as they had in France not long before—adopted the Free Royal Cities Act.[66]
The new constitution was drafted by the King, with contributions from Ignacy Potocki, Hugo Kołłątaj and others.[31][47] The King is credited with writing the general provisions and Kołłątaj with giving the document its final shape.[47][58] Stanisław August wanted the Commonwealth to become a constitutional monarchy similar to that of Great Britain, with a strong central government based on a strong monarch.[58] Potocki wanted the Sejm to be the strongest branch of government. Kołłątaj wanted a "gentle" revolution, carried out without violence, to enfranchise other social classes in addition to the nobility.[58]
The proposed reforms were opposed by the conservatives, including the Hetmans' Party.[46][67] Threatened with violence by their opponents, the advocates of the draft began the debate on the Government Act two days early, while many opposing deputies were away on Easter recess.[68] The debate and subsequent adoption of the Government Act was executed as a quasi-coup d'état. No recall notices were sent to known opponents of reform, while many pro-reform deputies secretly returned early.[68] The royal guard under the command of the King's nephew Prince Józef Poniatowski were positioned about the Royal Castle, where the Sejm was gathered, to prevent opponents from disrupting the proceedings.[68] On 3 May, the Sejm convened with only 182 members, about half its "dual" number.[65][68] The bill was read and overwhelmingly adopted, to the enthusiasm of the crowds outside.[69] A protest was submitted the next day by a small group of deputies, but on 5 May the matter was officially concluded and protests were invalidated by the Constitutional Deputation of the Sejm.[70] It was the first time in the 18th century that a constitutional act had been passed in the Commonwealth without the involvement of foreign powers.[70]
Soon after, the Friends of the Constitution (Zgromadzenie Przyjaciół Konstytucji Rządowej)—which included many participants in the Great Sejm—was organised to defend the reforms already enacted and to promote further ones. It is now regarded as the first modern-style political party in Poland's history.[47][71] The response to the new constitution was less enthusiastic in the provinces, where the Hetmans' Party enjoyed considerable influence.[69] General support among the middle nobility was crucial and still very substantial; most of the provincial sejmiks deliberating in 1791 and early 1792 supported the constitution.[72]
Características
The Constitution of 3 May 1791 reflected Enlightenment influences, including Rousseau's concept of the social contract and Montesquieu's advocacy of a balance of powers among three branches of government—legislative, executive, and judicial—and of a bicameral legislature.[6][31][44][73][74] As stated in Article V of the 3 May 1791 Constitution, the government was to ensure that "the integrity of the states, civil liberty, and social order shall always remain in equilibrium."[31][73][74] Jacek Jędruch writes that the liberality of the 3 May 1791 Constitution's provisions "fell somewhere below [that of] the French Constitution of 1791, above [that of Canada's] Constitutional Act of 1791, and left the [1794] General State Laws for the Prussian States far behind, but did not equal [that of] the American Constitution [that went into force in 1789]."[65] King Stanisław August Poniatowski was reported to have said that the 3 May 1791 Constitution was "founded principally on those of England and the United States of America, but avoiding the faults and errors of both, and adapted as much as possible to the local and particular circumstances of the country."[75] However, Polish historians[which?] report the Constitution as having been described[by whom?] as "based mainly on the United States Constitution, but minus the latter's flaws, and adapted to Poland's circumstances."[citation needed] [c] George Sanford writes that the Constitution of 3 May 1791 provided "a constitutional monarchy close to the English model of the time."[31]
Article I acknowledged the Roman Catholic faith as the "dominant religion" but guaranteed tolerance and freedom to all religions.[31][61] It was less progressive than the 16th-century Warsaw Confederation, and placed Poland clearly within the Catholic sphere of influence.[76] Article II confirmed many old privileges of the nobility, stressing that all nobles were equal and should enjoy personal security and the right to property.[77] Article III stipulated that the earlier Free Royal Cities Act (Miasta Nasze Królewskie Wolne w Państwach Rzeczypospolitej), of 18 (or 21) April 1791, was integral to the Constitution. Personal security—neminem captivabimus, the Polish version of habeas corpus—was extended to townspeople (including Jews). Townspeople also gained the right to acquire landed property and became eligible for military officers' commissions and public offices, such as reserved seats in the Sejm and seats in the executive commissions of the Treasury, Police, and Judiciary.[6][66] Membership in the nobility (szlachta) was also made easier for burghers to acquire.[78]
With half a million burghers in the Commonwealth now substantially enfranchised, political power became more equally distributed. Little power was given to the less politically conscious or active classes, such as Jews and peasants.[59][76][77][79] Article IV placed the Commonwealth's peasantry under the protection of the national law—a first step toward enfranchising the country's largest and most oppressed social class. Their low status compared to other classes was not eliminated, as the constitution did not abolish serfdom.[77][79][80][d] The Second Partition and Kościuszko's Proclamation of Połaniec in 1794 would later begin to abolish serfdom.[82]
Article V stated that "all power in civil society [should be] derived from the will of the people."[6] The constitution referred to the country's "citizens," which for the first time included townspeople and peasants.[6][70] The document's preamble and 11 individual articles introduced the principle of popular sovereignty applied to the nobility and townspeople, and the separation of powers into legislative (a bicameral Sejm), executive ("the King and the Guardians," the Guardians of the Laws being the newly established top governmental entity) and judicial branches.[31][73][83] It advanced the democratization of the polity by limiting the excessive legal immunities and political prerogatives of landless nobility.[66][77][80][84]
Legislative power, as defined in Article VI, rested with the bicameral parliament (an elected Sejm and an appointed Senate) and the king.[80][85] The Sejm met every two years, and when required by national emergency.[80][85] Its lower chamber—the Chamber of Deputies (Izba Poselska)—had 204 deputies (2 from each powiat, 68 each from the provinces of Greater Poland, Lesser Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) and 21 plenipotentiaries from royal cities (7 from each province).[31][80] The royal chancellery was to inform the sejmiks of the legislation it intended to propose in advance, so deputies could prepare for the discussions.[85] The Sejm's upper chamber—the Chamber of Senators (Izba Senacka)—had between 130[80] and 132[31] (sources vary) senators (voivodes, castellans, and bishops, as well as governments ministers without the right to vote).[31][80] The king presided over the Senate and had one vote, which could be used to break ties.[80] The king and all deputies had legislative initiative, and most matters—known as general laws, and divided into constitutional, civil, criminal, and those for the institution of perpetual taxes—required a simple majority, first from the lower chamber, then the upper.[81] Specialized resolutions, including treaties of alliance, declarations of war and peace, ennoblements and increases in national debt, needed a majority of both chambers voting jointly.[81] The Senate had a suspensive veto over laws that the Sejm passed, valid until the next Sejm session, when it could be overruled.[6][80]
Article VI recognized the Prawo o sejmikach, the act on regional assemblies (sejmiks) passed on 24 March 1791.[65][86] By reducing the enfranchisement of the noble classes, this law introduced major changes to the electoral ordinance.[64] Previously, all nobles had been eligible to vote in sejmiks, which de facto meant that many of the poorest, landless nobles—known as "clients" or "clientele" of local magnates—voted as the magnates bade them.[31][64] Now right to vote was tied to a property qualification: one had to own or lease land and pay taxes, or be closely related to somebody who did, to vote.[65][87] 300,000 of 700,000 previously eligible nobles were thus disfranchised.[64] Voting rights were restored to landowners in military service. They had lost these rights in 1775.[64] Voting was limited to men aged at least 18.[80] The eligible voters elected deputies to local powiats, or county sejmiks, which elected deputies to the General Sejm.[80]
Finally, Article VI explicitly abolished several institutional sources of government weakness and national anarchy, including the liberum veto, confederations and confederated sejms, and the excessive influence of sejmiks stemming from the previously binding nature of their instructions to their Sejm deputies.[31][65] The confederations were declared "contrary to the spirit of this constitution, subversive of government and destructive of society."[88] Thus the new constitution strengthened the powers of the Sejm, moving the country towards a constitutional monarchy.[31][65]
Executive power, according to Article V and Article VII, was in the hands of "the King in his council," a cabinet of ministers that was called the Guardians of the Laws (or Guard of the Laws, Straż Praw).[88] The ministries could not create or interpret laws, and all acts of the foreign ministry were provisional and subject to Sejm approval.[88] The King presided over his council, which comprised the Roman Catholic Primate of Poland—who was also president of the Education Commission—and five ministers appointed by the King: a minister of police, a minister of the seal (internal affairs), a minister of foreign affairs, a minister belli (of war), and a minister of treasury.[80] Council members also included—without a vote—the Crown Prince, the Marshal of the Sejm, and two secretaries.[88] This royal council descended from similar councils that had functioned since King Henry's Articles (1573), and from the recent Permanent Council. Acts of the King required the countersignature of the pertinent minister.[89] A minister was required to countersign a law, unless all other ministers endorsed his objection to that law. In that case, the King could withdraw the law or press the issue by presenting it to parliament. The stipulation that the King, "doing nothing of himself, ... shall be answerable for nothing to the nation," parallels the British constitutional principle that "The King can do no wrong." (In both countries, the pertinent minister was responsible for the King's acts.)[89][90] The ministers were responsible to the Sejm, which could dismiss them by a two-thirds vote of no confidence of both houses.[31][65][80] Ministers could also be held accountable by the Sejm Court, where a simple-majority vote sufficed to impeach a minister.[31][89] The King was the nation's commander-in-chief; there is no mention of hetmans (the previous highest-ranking military commanders).[89] The King had the right to grant pardons, except in cases of treason.[81] The royal council's decisions were implemented by commissions, whose members were elected by the Sejm.[89]
The Constitution changed the government from an elective to a hereditary monarchy.[31][65][92] This provision was intended to reduce the destructive influence of foreign powers at each election.[93][e] The royal dynasty was elective, and if one were to cease, a new family would be chosen by the nation.[88] The king reigned by the "grace of God and the will of the Nation," and "all authority derives from the will of the Nation."[31][80] The institution of pacta conventa was preserved.[89] On Stanisław August's death the Polish throne would become hereditary and pass to Frederick Augustus I of Saxony of the House of Wettin, which had provided the two kings before Stanisław August.[65][89] This provision was contingent upon Frederic Augustus' consent. He declined when Adam Czartoryski offered him the throne.[65][f]
Discussed in Article VIII, the judiciary was separated from the two other branches of the government,[80][89] and was to be served by elective judges.[80] Courts of first instance existed in each voivodeship and were in constant session,[80] with judges elected by the regional sejmik assemblies.[81] Appellate tribunals were established for the provinces, based on the reformed Crown Tribunal and Lithuanian Tribunal.[80] The Sejm elected from its deputies the judges for the Sejm Court, a precursor to the modern State Tribunal of Poland.[80][89] Referendary courts were established in each province to hear the cases of the peasantry.[89] Municipal courts, described in the law on towns, complemented this system.[89]
Article IX covered procedures for regency, which should be taken up jointly by the council of the Guardians, headed by the Queen, or in her absence by the Primate.[81][97] Article X stressed the importance of education of royal children and tasked the Commission of National Education with this responsibility.[97] The last article of the constitution, Article XI, concerned the national standing army.[81] Said army was defined as a "defensive force" dedicated "solely to the nation's defense."[81] The army was to be increased in strength to 100,000 men.[98]
To further enhance the Commonwealth's integration and security, the Constitution abolished the erstwhile union of Poland and Lithuania in favor of a unitary state.[47][99] Its full establishment, supported by Stanisław August and Kołlątaj, was opposed by many Lithuanian deputies.[99] As a compromise, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania received numerous privileges guaranteeing its continued existence.[99] Related acts included the Declaration of the Assembled Estates (Deklaracja Stanów Zgromadzonych) of 5 May 1791, confirming the Government Act adopted two days earlier, and the Mutual Pledge of the Two Nations (Zaręczenie Wzajemne Obojga Narodów), i.e., of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, of 22 October 1791, affirming the unity and indivisibility of Poland and Lithuania within a single state and their equal representation in state-governing bodies.[100][75][101] The Mutual Pledge strengthened the Polish–Lithuanian union while keeping many federal aspects of the state intact.[99][102][103]
The 3 May Constitution was translated into the Lithuanian language, marking a major change in the upper classes' thinking, and signalling efforts to modernize the State.[104][91][105]
The Constitution was also published in English-, French-, and German-language editions.
The Constitution provided for potential amendments, which were to be addressed at an extraordinary Sejm to be held every 25 years.[65][85]
The Constitution remained to the last a work in progress. The Government Act was fleshed out in a number of laws passed in May and June 1791: on sejm courts (two acts of 13 May), the Guardians of the Laws (1 June), the national police commission (a ministry, 17 June), and municipal administration (24 June).
The Constitution's co-author Hugo Kołłątaj announced that work was underway on "an economic constitution ... guaranteeing all rights of property [and] securing protection and honor to all manner of labor ..."[106] A third planned basic law was mentioned by Kołłątaj: a "moral constitution," most likely a Polish analog to the United States Bill of Rights and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.[106] The Constitution called for the preparation of a new civil and criminal code, tentatively called the Stanisław August Code.[97][107] The King also planned a reform improving the situation of the Jews.[107]
Consecuencias: guerra y dos particiones finales
The constitutional formal procedures were performed for little over a year before being stopped by Russian armies allied with conservative Polish nobility in the Polish–Russian War of 1792, also known as the War in Defense of the Constitution.[69] With the wars between Turkey and Russia and Sweden and Russia having ended, Empress Catherine was furious over the adoption of the document, which she believed threatened Russian influence in Poland.[60][61][108] Russia had viewed Poland as a de facto protectorate.[109] "The worst possible news have arrived from Warsaw: the Polish king has become almost sovereign" was the reaction of one of Russia's chief foreign policy authors, Alexander Bezborodko, when he learned of the new constitution.[110] The contacts of Polish reformers with the Revolutionary French National Assembly were seen by Poland's neighbors as evidence of a revolutionary conspiracy and a threat to the absolute monarchies.[111][112] The Prussian statesman Ewald von Hertzberg expressed the fears of European conservatives: "The Poles have given the coup de grâce to the Prussian monarchy by voting a constitution", elaborating that a strong Commonwealth would likely demand return of the lands that Prussia had acquired in the First Partition.[110][113]
Magnates who had opposed the constitution draft from the start, Franciszek Ksawery Branicki, Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, Seweryn Rzewuski, and Szymon and Józef Kossakowski, asked Tsarina Catherine to intervene and restore their privileges—the Cardinal Laws abolished under the new statute.[69] To that end these magnates formed the Targowica Confederation.[69] The Confederation's proclamation, prepared in St. Petersburg in January 1792, criticized the constitution for contributing to "contagion of democratic ideas" following "the fatal examples set in Paris."[114][115] It asserted that "The parliament ... has broken all fundamental laws, swept away all liberties of the gentry and on the third of May 1791 turned into a revolution and a conspiracy."[116] The Confederates declared an intention to overcome this revolution. We "can do nothing but turn trustingly to Tsarina Catherine, a distinguished and fair empress, our neighboring friend and ally", who "respects the nation's need for well-being and always offers it a helping hand", they wrote.[116]
Russian armies entered Poland and Lithuania, starting the Polish–Russian War of 1792.[69] The Sejm voted to increase the army of the Commonwealth to 100,000 men, but owing to insufficient time and funds this number was never achieved and soon abandoned even as a goal.[69][117] The Polish King and the reformers could field only a 37,000-man army, many of them untested recruits.[118] This army, under the command of Józef Poniatowski and Tadeusz Kościuszko, defeated or fought to a draw the Russians on several occasions, but in the end, a defeat loomed inevitable.[69] Despite Polish requests, Prussia refused to honor its alliance obligations.[119] Stanisław August's attempts at negotiations with Russia proved futile.[120] As the front lines kept shifting to the west and in July 1792 Warsaw was threatened with siege by the Russians, the King came to believe that victory was impossible against the numerically superior enemy, and that surrender was the only alternative to total defeat.[120] Having received assurances from the Russian ambassador Yakov Bulgakov that no territorial changes will occur, the Guardians of the Laws cabinet voted 8:4 to surrender.[120] On 24 July 1792, King Stanisław August Poniatowski joined the Targowica Confederation, as the Empress had demanded.[69] The Polish Army disintegrated.
Many reform leaders, believing their cause was for now lost, went into self-imposed exile. Some hoped that Stanisław August would be able to negotiate an acceptable compromise with the Russians, as he had done in the past.[120] But the King had not saved the Commonwealth and neither had the Targowica Confederates, who governed the country for a short while. To their surprise, the Grodno Sejm, bribed or intimidated by the Russian troops, enacted the Second Partition of Poland.[69][115][121] On 23 November 1793, it concluded its deliberations under duress, annulling the constitution and acceding to the Second Partition.[122][123] Russia took 250,000 square kilometres (97,000 sq mi), while Prussia took 58,000 square kilometres (22,000 sq mi).[121] The Commonwealth now comprised no more than 215,000 square kilometres (83,000 sq mi).[124] What was left of the Commonwealth was merely a small buffer state with a puppet king, and Russian garrisons keeping an eye on the reduced Polish army.[124][125]
For a year and a half, Polish patriots waited while planning an insurrection.[121] On 24 March 1794 in Kraków, Tadeusz Kościuszko declared what has come to be known as the Kościuszko Uprising.[121] On 7 May, he issued the Proclamation of Połaniec (Uniwersał Połaniecki), granting freedom to the peasants and ownership of land to all who fought in the insurrection. Revolutionary tribunals administered summary justice to those deemed traitors to the Commonwealth.[121] After initial victories at the Battle of Racławice (April 4), the capture of Warsaw (18 April) and the Wilno (22 April)—the Uprising was crushed when the forces of Russia, Austria and Prussia joined in a military intervention.[126] Historians consider the Uprising's defeat to have been a foregone conclusion in face of the superiority in numbers and resources of the three invading powers. The defeat of Kościuszko's forces led in 1795 to the third and final partition of the Commonwealth.[126]
Legado
Historic importance
The Constitution of 3 May 1791 has been both idealized, and criticized for either not going far enough or being too radical.[74] As its provisions remained in force for only 18 months and 3 weeks, its influence was, in any case, limited.[126] However, for generations, the memory of the Constitution—recognized by political scientists as a progressive document for its time—helped keep alive Polish aspirations for an independent and just society, and continued to inform the efforts of its authors' descendants.[6][31] Bronisław Dembiński, a Polish constitutional scholar, wrote a century later that "The miracle of the Constitution did not save the state but did save the nation."[6] In Poland the Constitution is mythologized and viewed as a national symbol and as the culmination of the Enlightenment in Polish history and culture.[31][44] In the words of two of its authors, Ignacy Potocki and Hugo Kołłątaj, it was "the last will and testament of the expiring Homeland."[a][2] Since Poland's recovery of independence in 1918, the 3 May anniversary of the Constitution's adoption has been observed as the country's most important civil holiday.[127]
The 3 May Constitution was a milestone in the history of law and in the growth of democracy.[128][129] The 18th-century Irish statesman Edmund Burke described it as "the noblest benefit received by any nation at any time ... Stanislas II has earned a place among the greatest kings and statesmen in history."[73][93] The 3 May Constitution was the first to follow the 1788 ratification of the United States Constitution.[129][130] Poland and the United States, though geographically distant from each other, showed similar approaches to the designing of political systems.[129] The 3 May Constitution has been called the second constitution in world history.[131][58] Constitutional-law expert Albert Blaustein calls it the "world's second national constitution",[132] and Bill Moyers writes that it was "Europe's first codified national constitution (and the second oldest in the world)."[133] Historian Norman Davies calls it "the first constitution of its type in Europe."[128][b] The 3 May Constitution and the Great Sejm that adopted it have been the subjects of a large body of works by Polish scholars, starting with the still often cited 19th-century works of Walerian Kalinka and Władysław Smoleński, and continued in the 20th century by Bogusław Leśnodorski.[44]
The document's official name was Ustawa Rządowa ("Government Act"), where "government" referred to the political system.[58] In the Commonwealth, the term "constitution" (Polish: konstytucja) had previously denoted all the legislation, of whatever character, that had been passed by a given Sejm.[134]
Holiday
3 May was declared a Polish holiday (Constitution Day—Święto Konstytucji 3 Maja) on 5 May 1791.[135] The holiday was banned during the partitions of Poland but reinstated in April 1919 under the Second Polish Republic—the first holiday officially introduced in the newly independent country.[127][135][136] It was again outlawed during World War II by both the Nazi and Soviet occupiers. It was celebrated in Polish cities in May 1945, although in a mostly spontaneous manner.[127] The 1946 anti-communist demonstrations did not endear it to the Polish communists, and it competed for attention with the communist-endorsed May 1 Labor Day celebrations in the Polish People's Republic; this led to its "rebranding" as Democratic Party Day and removal from the list of national holidays by 1951.[127][135] Until 1989, 3 May was a frequent occasion for anti-government and anti-communist protests.[127] 3 May was restored as an official Polish holiday in April 1990 after the fall of communism.[135] In 2007, 3 May was declared a Lithuanian national holiday.[137] Polish-American pride has been celebrated on the same date, for instance in Chicago, where since 1982 Poles have marked it with festivities and the annual Polish Constitution Day Parade.[138]
Notas
- ^ a b Piotr Machnikowski renders the Polish "Ojczyzna" as "Fatherland".[2] The "literal" English translation of "ojczyzna" is indeed "fatherland": both these words are calques of the Latin "patria," which itself derives from the Latin "pater" ("father"). The English translation of the Constitution of 3 May 1791, by Christopher Kasparek, reproduced in Wikisource (e.g. at the end of section II, "The Landed Nobility") renders "ojczyzna" as "country", which is the usual English-language equivalent of the expression. In this particular context, "Homeland" may be the most natural rendering.
- ^ a b The claims of "first" and "second constitution" have been disputed. The U.S. and Polish-Lithuanian constitutions had been preceded by earlier documents that did not completely separate the executive, legislative, and judiciary powers as Montesquieu discussed, such as the Instrument of Government of 1653 and the Articles of Confederation of 1777, both of which are well-known but lack the tripartite separation. Neither did the short-lived and little-known Corsican Constitution of 1755[4] clearly separate the executive from the judiciary.[5] See history of the constitution.
- ^ In the original Polish, "opartą w głównej mierze na konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych, lecz bez błędów w niej zawartych, zaadaptowaną do warunków panuiących w Polszcze."
- ^ The contemporaneous United States Constitution sanctioned the continuation of slavery. Thus neither of the two constitutions enfranchised all its adult male population: the U.S. Constitution excluded the slaves; the Polish-Lithuanian Constitution – the peasants.[81]
- ^ Stanisław August had been elected in 1764 due to support from Russian Tsarina Catherine the Great.[94] Russia spent about 2.5 million rubles to support his election, Poniatowski's supporters and opponents engaged in military posturing and even minor clashes. The Russian army was deployed a few miles from the election sejm, which met at Wola near Warsaw.[95][96]
- ^ In 1807, Napoleon persuaded Frederic Augustus to become the king of the Duchy of Warsaw established by the French Emperor on lands of the former Commonwealth.[47]
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Ostatnim było Zaręczenie Wzajemne Obojga Narodów przy Konstytucji 3 Maja, stanowiące część nowych paktów konwentów – zdaniem historyka prawa Bogusława Leśnodorskiego: "zacieśniające unię, ale utrzymujące nadal federacyjny charakter Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów" The last was the Reciprocal Guarantee of Two Nations at Constitution of 3 May, forming a part of the new pacta conventa – according to the law historian Bogusław Leśnodorski "tightening the union, but retaining the federal character of the Commonwealth of Both Nations."
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The first European country to follow the U.S. example was Poland in 1791.
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Otras lecturas
- Blackburn, Edwin C. (1991). "Stanislaus Leszczynski and the Polish Constitution of 3 May 1791". The Polish Review. 36 (4): 397–405. JSTOR 25778592.
- Butterwick, Richard (2005). "Political Discourses of the Polish Revolution, 1788–92". The English Historical Review. 120 (487): 695–731. doi:10.1093/ehr/cei126. JSTOR 3489412.
- Duzinkiewicz, Janusz (1993). Fateful Transformations: The Four Years' Parliament and the Constitution of 3 May 1791. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-88033-265-4.
- Fiszman, Samuel (1997). Constitution and Reform in Eighteenth-Century Poland: The Constitution of 3 May 1791. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-33317-2.
- Fried, Daniel (2009). "Poland, America, and the Arc of History". The Polish Review. 54 (2): 141–146. JSTOR 25779807.
- Gierowski, Józef Andrzej (1996). The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the XVIIIth Century: From Anarchy to Well-Organised State. Translated from Polish by Henry Leeming. Krakow: Polish Academy of Sciences. ISBN 83-86956-15-1.
- Hoskins, Janina W. (1976). "'A Lesson Which All Our Countrymen Should Study': Jefferson Views Poland". The Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress. 33 (1): 29–46. JSTOR 29781662.
- Kadziela, Łukasz; Strybel, Robert (1994). "The 1794 Kościuszko Insurrection". The Polish Review. 39 (4): 387–392. JSTOR 27920649.
- Lukowski, Jerzy (1999). The Partitions of Poland: 1772, 1793, 1795. London: Longman. ISBN 0-582-29274-3.
- Lukowski, Jerzy (2004). "Political Ideas among the Polish Nobility in the Eighteenth Century (To 1788)". The Slavonic and East European Review. 82 (1): 1–26. JSTOR 4213847.
- Murphy, Curtis G. (2012). "Burghers versus Bureaucrats: Enlightened Centralism, the Royal Towns, and the Case of the Propinacja Law in Poland-Lithuania, 1776–1793". Slavic Review. 71 (2): 385–409. doi:10.5612/slavicreview.71.2.0385. JSTOR 10.5612/slavicreview.71.2.0385.
- Polska (1985). Ustawodawstwo Sejmu Wielkiego z 1791 r [Legislation of the Great Sejm of 1791] (in Polish). Polska Akad. Nauk, Bibl. Kórnicka. Retrieved June 18, 2012. – compilation of facsimile reprints of 1791 legislation pertinent to the Constitution of 3 May 1791.
- Emanuel Rostworowski (1985). Maj 1791-maj 1792—rok monarchii konstytucyjnej [May 1791 – May 1792: the Year of Constitutional Monarchy] (in Polish). Zamek Królewski w Warszawie. ISBN 978-83-00-00961-9. Retrieved June 18, 2012.
- Stone, Daniel (1981). "Daniel Hailes and the Polish Constitution of 3 May 1791". The Polish Review. 26 (2): 51–63. JSTOR 25777821.
- Stone, Daniel (1993). "The First (and Only) Year of the 3 May Constitution". Canadian Slavonic Papers. 35 (1/2): 69–86. doi:10.1080/00085006.1993.11092015. JSTOR 40869459.
enlaces externos
- Photos of original document
- Polishconstitution.org – about the 3 May 1791 Constitution, includes a partial English translation by Christopher Kasparek.
- Collection of digitized versions of the 3 May 1791 Constitution and various related documents in the Digital National Library Polona.
- Official web page about Constitution of 3 May (in English)