El marxismo libertario es un amplio alcance de filosofías económicas y políticas que enfatizan los aspectos antiautoritarios y libertarios del marxismo . Las primeras corrientes del marxismo libertario, como el comunismo de izquierda, surgieron en oposición al marxismo-leninismo . [ cita requerida ]
El marxismo libertario suele ser crítico con posiciones reformistas como las de los socialdemócratas . Las corrientes marxistas libertarias a menudo se inspiran en las obras posteriores de Karl Marx y Friedrich Engels , específicamente en los Grundrisse y The Civil War in France ; [1] enfatizando la creencia marxista en la capacidad de la clase trabajadora para forjar su propio destino sin la necesidad de que un estado o un partido de vanguardia medie o ayude en su liberación. [ cita requerida ] Junto con el anarquismo , el marxismo libertario es una de las principales corrientes desocialismo libertario . [ cita requerida ]
Libertario marxismo incluye corrientes tales como el autonomismo , el comunismo de consejos , De Leonismo , letrismo , partes de la Nueva Izquierda , el situacionismo , Socialismo o barbarie y el obrerismo . [ cita requerida ] El marxismo libertario a menudo ha tenido una fuerte influencia tanto en los anarquistas de posizquierda como en los sociales . Teóricos notables del marxismo libertario han incluido a Maurice Brinton , Cornelius Castoriadis , Guy Debord , Raya Dunayevskaya , Daniel Guérin , CLR James , Rosa Luxemburg , Antonio Negri , Anton Pannekoek , Fredy Perlman , Ernesto Screpanti , EP Thompson , Raoul Vaneigem [ cita requerida ] y Yanis Varoufakis , [2] quien afirma que el propio Marx era un marxista libertario. [3]
Descripción general
El marxismo comenzó a desarrollar una corriente de pensamiento libertaria después de circunstancias específicas. Según Chamsy Ojelli, "[o] ne encuentra expresiones tempranas de tales perspectivas en Morris y el Partido Socialista de Gran Bretaña (el SPGB), luego nuevamente alrededor de los eventos de 1905, con la creciente preocupación por la burocratización y desradicalización del socialismo internacional ". [4]
En diciembre de 1884, William Morris estableció la Liga Socialista que fue alentada por Friedrich Engels y Eleanor Marx . Como figura principal de la organización, Morris se embarcó en una serie incesante de discursos y charlas en las esquinas de las calles, así como en clubes de trabajadores y salas de conferencias en Inglaterra y Escocia. A partir de 1887, los anarquistas comenzaron a superar en número a los marxistas en la Liga Socialista. [5] La Tercera Conferencia Anual de la Liga celebrada en Londres el 29 de mayo de 1887 marcó el cambio, con una mayoría de los 24 delegados de rama votando a favor de una resolución patrocinada por los anarquistas que declara: "Esta conferencia respalda la política de abstención del parlamento acción, hasta ahora perseguida por la Liga, y no ve razón suficiente para alterarla ". [6]
Morris jugó el papel de pacificador, pero finalmente se puso del lado de los antiparlamentarios, que ganaron el control de la Liga Socialista, que en consecuencia perdió el apoyo de Engels y vio la partida de Eleanor Marx y su socio Edward Aveling para formar la Sociedad Socialista de Bloomsbury separada .
Teoría
Para "muchos socialistas libertarios marxistas, la quiebra política de la ortodoxia socialista requirió una ruptura teórica. Esta ruptura adoptó varias formas. Los bordiguistas y el SPGB defendieron una intransigencia supermarxista en cuestiones teóricas. Otros socialistas regresaron 'detrás de Marx' al programa antipositivista del idealismo alemán . El socialismo libertario ha vinculado con frecuencia sus aspiraciones políticas antiautoritarias con esta diferenciación teórica de la ortodoxia. [...] Karl Korsch [...] siguió siendo un socialista libertario durante gran parte de su vida y debido al impulso persistente hacia la apertura teórica en su obra. Korsch rechazó lo eterno y lo estático, y estaba obsesionado por el papel esencial de la práctica en la verdad de una teoría. Para Korsch, ninguna teoría podía escapar de la historia, ni siquiera el marxismo. En esta línea, Korsch incluso atribuyó el estímulo al Capital de Marx al movimiento de las clases oprimidas ”. [4]
Al rechazar tanto el capitalismo como el estado, algunos socialistas libertarios se alinean con los anarquistas en oposición tanto a la democracia representativa capitalista como a las formas autoritarias de marxismo . Aunque anarquistas y marxistas comparten el objetivo final de una sociedad sin estado, los anarquistas critican a la mayoría de los marxistas por defender una fase de transición en la que se utiliza el estado para lograr este objetivo. No obstante, las tendencias marxistas libertarias como el autonomismo y el comunismo de consejos se han entrelazado históricamente con el movimiento anarquista. Los movimientos anarquistas han entrado en conflicto tanto con las fuerzas capitalistas como con las marxistas, a veces al mismo tiempo que en la Guerra Civil española , aunque como en esa guerra, los mismos marxistas a menudo están divididos en apoyo u oposición al anarquismo. Otras persecuciones políticas bajo partidos burocráticos han resultado en un fuerte antagonismo histórico entre anarquistas y marxistas libertarios por un lado y leninistas , marxista-leninistas y sus derivados como los maoístas por el otro. Sin embargo, en la historia reciente, los socialistas libertarios han formado repetidamente alianzas temporales con grupos marxista-leninistas para protestar contra las instituciones que ambos rechazan.
Parte de este antagonismo se remonta a la Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores , la Primera Internacional , un congreso de trabajadores radicales , al que asistieron Mikhail Bakunin (que era bastante representativo de las opiniones anarquistas) y Karl Marx (a quien los anarquistas acusaron de ser un "autoritario"). en conflicto en varios temas. El punto de vista de Bakunin sobre la ilegitimidad del estado como institución y el papel de la política electoral se contraponía rotundamente a los puntos de vista de Marx en la Primera Internacional. Las disputas de Marx y Bakunin finalmente llevaron a Marx a tomar el control de la Primera Internacional y expulsar a Bakunin y sus seguidores de la organización. Este fue el comienzo de una disputa y cisma de larga duración entre los socialistas libertarios y lo que ellos llaman "comunistas autoritarios", o alternativamente simplemente "autoritarios". Algunos marxistas han formulado puntos de vista que se parecen mucho al sindicalismo y, por lo tanto, expresan más afinidad con las ideas anarquistas. Varios socialistas libertarios, en particular Noam Chomsky , creen que el anarquismo tiene mucho en común con ciertas variantes del marxismo, como el comunismo de consejos del marxista Anton Pannekoek . En Notes on Anarchism , de Chomsky , [7] sugiere la posibilidad "de que alguna forma de comunismo de consejos sea la forma natural de socialismo revolucionario en una sociedad industrial . Refleja la creencia de que la democracia está severamente limitada cuando el sistema industrial está controlado por cualquier forma". de élite autocrática, ya sea de propietarios, gerentes y tecnócratas, de un partido de ' vanguardia' o de una burocracia estatal ".
Historia
siglo 20
Según Chamsy el-Ojeili, "las rupturas más importantes se remontan a la insurgencia durante y después de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Desilusionada con la capitulación de los socialdemócratas, emocionada por la aparición de los consejos obreros y lentamente distanciada del leninismo". , muchos comunistas llegaron a rechazar las pretensiones de los partidos socialistas y a depositar su fe en las masas ". Para estos socialistas, "[l] a intuición de las masas en acción puede tener más genio que la obra del mayor genio individual". El obrero y el espontaneismo de Luxemburgo son ejemplares de las posiciones asumidas más tarde por la extrema izquierda del período. [...] Pannekoek , Roland Holst y Gorter en los Países Bajos, Sylvia Pankhurst en Gran Bretaña, Gramsci en Italia y Lukacs en Hungría. En estas formulaciones, la dictadura del proletariado debía ser la dictadura de una clase, "no de un partido o de una camarilla". [4] Sin embargo, dentro de esta línea de pensamiento "[la] tensión entre anti-vanguardismo y vanguardismo se ha resuelto frecuentemente de dos maneras diametralmente opuestas: la primera implicó una deriva hacia el partido; la segunda vio un movimiento hacia la idea de completa espontaneidad proletaria. [...] El primer curso se ejemplifica más claramente en Gramsci y Lukacs . [...] El segundo curso está ilustrado en la tendencia, desarrollándose desde las lejanas izquierdas holandesas y alemanas, que se inclinaban hacia la completa erradicación de la forma partidaria ”. [4]
En el estado soviético emergente, aparecieron levantamientos de izquierda contra los bolcheviques, que fueron una serie de rebeliones y levantamientos contra los bolcheviques dirigidos o apoyados por grupos de izquierda, incluidos socialistas revolucionarios , [8] socialistas revolucionarios de izquierda , mencheviques y anarquistas . [9] Algunos apoyaban al Movimiento Blanco, mientras que otros intentaban ser una fuerza independiente. Los levantamientos comenzaron en 1918 y continuaron durante la Guerra Civil Rusa y después hasta 1922. En respuesta, los bolcheviques abandonaron cada vez más los intentos de hacer que estos grupos se unieran al gobierno y los reprimieron con la fuerza.
El POUM es visto como un marxista libertario debido a su postura antisoviética en la Guerra Civil en España.
Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial
A mediados del siglo XX, algunos grupos socialistas libertarios surgieron de desacuerdos con el trotskismo que se presentó como antiestalinismo leninista. Como tal, el grupo francés Socialisme ou Barbarie surgió de la Cuarta Internacional trotskista , donde Castoriadis y Claude Lefort constituyeron una Tendencia Chaulieu-Montal en el Parti Communiste Internationaliste francés en 1946. En 1948, experimentaron su "desencanto final con el trotskismo", [ 10] lo que los llevó a separarse para formar Socialisme ou Barbarie, cuya revista comenzó a aparecer en marzo de 1949. Castoriadis dijo más tarde de este período que "la audiencia principal del grupo y de la revista estaba formada por grupos de la vieja izquierda radical: Bordiguistas, comunistas de consejos, algunos anarquistas y algunos descendientes de la 'izquierda' alemana de los años veinte ". [11] En el Reino Unido, el grupo Solidarity fue fundado en 1960 por un pequeño grupo de miembros expulsados de la Trotskista Socialist Labor League . Casi desde el principio, estuvo fuertemente influenciado por el grupo francés Socialisme ou Barbarie, en particular por su líder intelectual Cornelius Castoriadis , cuyos ensayos se encontraban entre los muchos folletos que Solidaridad produjo. El líder intelectual del grupo fue Chris Pallis (que escribió bajo el nombre de Maurice Brinton ). [12]
En la República Popular de China (RPC) desde 1967, los términos ultraizquierda y comunista de izquierda se refieren a la teoría y práctica políticas autodefinidas como más izquierdistas que la de los líderes maoístas centrales en el apogeo de la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria (GPCR). ). Los términos también se utilizan retroactivamente para describir algunas orientaciones anarquistas chinas de principios del siglo XX . Como insulto, el Partido Comunista de China (PCCh) ha utilizado el término "ultraizquierdista" de manera más amplia para denunciar cualquier orientación que considere más a la izquierda que la línea del partido . Según este último uso, en 1978 el Comité Central del PCCh denunció como ultraizquierdista la línea de Mao Zedong desde 1956 hasta su muerte en 1976. Ultraizquierda se refiere a aquellas posiciones rebeldes del GPCR que divergían de la línea central maoísta al identificar a un antagonista contradicción entre el propio partido-Estado PCCh-PRC y las masas de trabajadores y campesinos [13] concebidos como una sola clase proletaria divorciada de cualquier control significativo sobre la producción o la distribución. Mientras que la línea central maoísta sostenía que las masas controlaban los medios de producción a través de la mediación del partido, la ultraizquierda argumentó que los intereses objetivos de los burócratas estaban determinados estructuralmente por la forma de Estado centralista en oposición directa a los intereses objetivos de las masas. independientemente de cuán "rojo" pueda ser el pensamiento de un burócrata dado. Mientras que los líderes maoístas centrales alentaron a las masas a criticar las "ideas" y los "hábitos" reaccionarios entre el supuesto 5% de malos cuadros, dándoles la oportunidad de "pasar una nueva hoja" después de haber experimentado una " reforma de pensamiento ", el ultra -izquierda argumentó que la revolución cultural tenía que dar paso a la revolución política "en la que una clase derroca a otra clase". [14] [15] El surgimiento de la Nueva Izquierda en las décadas de 1950 y 1960 llevó a un resurgimiento del interés por el socialismo libertario. [16] La crítica de la Nueva Izquierda al autoritarismo de la Vieja Izquierda se asoció con un fuerte interés en la libertad personal, la autonomía (ver el pensamiento de Cornelius Castoriadis ) y condujo al redescubrimiento de tradiciones socialistas más antiguas, como el comunismo de izquierda , el comunismo de consejos. y los trabajadores industriales del mundo . La Nueva Izquierda también condujo a un resurgimiento del anarquismo. Revistas como Radical America y Black Mask en los Estados Unidos, Solidarity , Big Flame y Democracy & Nature , sucedidas por The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy [17] en el Reino Unido, introdujeron una gama de ideas libertarias de izquierda a una nueva generación.
In 1969, French platformist anarcho-communist Daniel Guérin published an essay called "Libertarian Marxism?" in which he dealt with the debate between Marx and Bakunin at the First International and afterwards suggested that "[l]ibertarian marxism [sic] rejects determinism and fatalism, giving the greater place to individual will, intuition, imagination, reflex speeds, and to the deep instincts of the masses, which are more far-seeing in hours of crisis than the reasonings of the 'elites'; libertarian marxism [sic] thinks of the effects of surprise, provocation and boldness, refuses to be cluttered and paralysed by a heavy 'scientific' apparatus, doesn't equivocate or bluff, and guards itself from adventurism as much as from fear of the unknown".[18]
Autonomist Marxism, neo-Marxism and situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. Related to this were intellectuals who were influenced by Italian left communist Amadeo Bordiga, but who disagreed with his Leninist positions, including Jacques Camatte, editor of the French publication Invariance; and Gilles Dauve, who published Troploin with Karl Nesic.
Tendencias marxistas libertarias notables
Within Freudo-Marxism
Two Marxist and Freudian psychoanalytic theorists have received the libertarian label or have been associated with it due to their emphasis on anti-authoritarianism and freedom issues.
Wilhelm Reich[20][21][22][23] was an Austrian psychoanalyst, a member of the second generation of psychoanalysts after Sigmund Freud and one of the most radical figures in the history of psychiatry. He was the author of several influential books and essays, most notably Character Analysis (1933), The Mass Psychology of Fascism (1933) and The Sexual Revolution (1936).[24] His work on character contributed to the development of Anna Freud's The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (1936) and his idea of muscular armour—the expression of the personality in the way the body moves—shaped innovations such as body psychotherapy, Fritz Perls's Gestalt therapy, Alexander Lowen's bioenergetic analysis and Arthur Janov's primal therapy. His writing influenced generations of intellectuals—during the 1968 student uprisings in Paris and Berlin, students scrawled his name on walls and threw copies of The Mass Psychology of Fascism at the police.[25] On 23 August, six tons of his books, journals and papers were burned in the 25th Street public incinerator in New York, the Gansevoort incinerator. The burned material included copies of several of his books, including The Sexual Revolution, Character Analysis and The Mass Psychology of Fascism. Though these had been published in German before Reich ever discussed orgone, he had added mention of it to the English editions, so they were caught by the injunction.[26] As with the accumulators, the FDA was supposed only to observe the destruction. It has been cited as one of the worst examples of censorship in the United States. Reich became a consistent propagandist for sexual freedom going as far as opening free sex-counselling clinics in Vienna for working-class patients[27] as well as coining the phrase "sexual revolution" in one of his books from the 1940s.[28]
On the other hand, Herbert Marcuse was a German philosopher, sociologist and political theorist associated with the Frankfurt School of critical theory. His work Eros and Civilization (1955) discusses the social meaning of biology—history seen not as a class struggle, but a fight against repression of our instincts. It argues that "advanced industrial society" (modern capitalism) is preventing us from reaching a non-repressive society "based on a fundamentally different experience of being, a fundamentally different relation between man and nature, and fundamentally different existential relations".[30] It contends that Freud's argument that repression is needed by civilization to persist is mistaken as Eros is liberating and constructive. Marcuse argues that "the irreconcilable conflict is not between work (reality principle) and Eros (pleasure principle), but between alienated labour (performance principle) and Eros".[31] Sex is allowed for "the betters" (capitalists) and for workers only when not disturbing performance. Marcuse believes that a socialist society could be a society without needing the performance of the poor and without as strong a suppression of our sexual drives—it could replace alienated labor with "non-alienated libidinal work" resulting in "a non-repressive civilization based on 'non-repressive sublimation'".[31] During the 1960s, Marcuse achieved world renown as "the guru of the New Left", publishing many articles and giving lectures and advice to student radicals all over the world. He travelled widely and his work was often discussed in the mass media, becoming one of the few American intellectuals to gain such attention. Never surrendering his revolutionary vision and commitments, Marcuse continued to his death to defend the Marxian theory and libertarian socialism.[32]
Socialisme ou Barbarie
Socialisme ou Barbarie ("Socialism or Barbarism") was a French-based radical libertarian socialist group of the post-World War II period, whose name comes from a phrase Rosa Luxemburg used in her 1916 essay The Junius Pamphlet. It existed from 1948 until 1965. The animating personality was Cornelius Castoriadis, also known as Pierre Chaulieu or Paul Cardan.[33] The group originated in the Trotskyist Fourth International, where Castoriadis and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism",[34] leading them to break away to form Socialisme ou Barbarie, whose journal began appearing in March 1949. Castoriadis later said of this period that "the main audience of the group and of the journal was formed by groups of the old, radical left: Bordigists, council communists, some anarchists and some offspring of the German 'left' of the 1920s".[35] The group was composed of both intellectuals and workers and agreed with the idea that the main enemies of society were the bureaucracies which governed modern capitalism. They documented and analysed the struggle against that bureaucracy in the group's journal. As an example, the thirteenth issue (January–March 1954) was devoted to the East German revolt of June 1953 and the strikes which erupted amongst several sectors of French workers that summer. Following from the belief that what the working class was addressing in their daily struggles was the real content of socialism, the intellectuals encouraged the workers in the group to report on every aspect of their working lives.
Situationist International
The Situationist International (SI) was a restricted group of international revolutionaries founded in 1957 and which had its peak in its influence on the unprecedented general wildcat strikes of May 1968 in France.
With their ideas rooted in Marxism and the 20th century European artistic avant-gardes, they advocated experiences of life being alternative to those admitted by the capitalist order, for the fulfillment of human primitive desires and the pursuing of a superior passional quality. For this purpose they suggested and experimented with the construction of situations, namely the setting up of environments favorable for the fulfillment of such desires. Using methods drawn from the arts, they developed a series of experimental fields of study for the construction of such situations, like unitary urbanism and psychogeography.
They fought against the main obstacle on the fulfillment of such superior passional living, identified by them in advanced capitalism. Their theoretical work peaked on the highly influential book The Society of the Spectacle by Guy Debord. Debord argued in 1967 that spectacular features like mass media and advertising have a central role in an advanced capitalist society, which is to show a fake reality in order to mask the real capitalist degradation of human life. To overthrow such a system, the Situationist International supported the May 1968 revolts and asked the workers to occupy the factories and to run them with direct democracy through workers' councils composed by instantly revocable delegates.
After publishing in the last issue of the magazine an analysis of the May 1968 revolts and the strategies that will need to be adopted in future revolutions,[36] the SI was dissolved in 1972.[37]
Solidarity
Solidarity was a small libertarian socialist organisation from 1960 to 1992 in the United Kingdom. It published a magazine of the same name. Solidarity was close to council communism in its prescriptions and was known for its emphasis on workers' self-organisation and for its radical anti-Leninism. Solidarity was founded in 1960 by a small group of expelled members of the Trotskyist Socialist Labour League. It was initially known as Socialism Reaffirmed. The group published a journal, Agitator, which after six issues was renamed Solidarity, from which the organisation took its new name. Almost from the start it was strongly influenced by the French Socialisme ou Barbarie group, in particular by its intellectual leader Cornelius Castoriadis, whose essays were among the many pamphlets Solidarity produced. Solidarity existed as a nationwide organisation with groups in London and many other cities until 1981, when it imploded after a series of political disputes. The magazine Solidarity continued to be published by the London group until 1992—other former Solidarity members were behind Wildcat in Manchester and Here and Now magazine in Glasgow. The intellectual leader of the group was Chris Pallis, whose pamphlets (written under the name Maurice Brinton) included Paris May 1968, The Bolsheviks and Workers' Control 1917-21 and The Irrational in Politics.[38] Other key Solidarity writers were Andy Anderson (author of Hungary 1956), Ken Weller (who wrote several pamphlets on industrial struggles and oversaw the group's Motor Bulletins on the car industry), Joe Jacobs (Out of the Ghetto), John Quail (The Slow-Burning Fuse), Phil Mailer (Portugal:The Impossible Revolution) John King (The Political Economy of Marx, A History of Marxian Economics), George Williamson (writing as James Finlayson, Urban Devastation - The Planning of Incarceration), David Lamb (Mutinies) and Liz Willis (Women in the Spanish Revolution).[39]
Autonomism
Autonomism refers to a set of left-wing political and social movements and theories close to the socialist movement. As an identifiable theoretical system, it first emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerist (operaismo) communism. Later, post-Marxist and anarchist tendencies became significant after influence from the Situationists, the failure of Italian far-left movements in the 1970s and the emergence of a number of important theorists including Antonio Negri, who had contributed to the 1969 founding of Potere Operaio, Mario Tronti and Paolo Virno.[40]
Through translations made available by Danilo Montaldi and others, the Italian autonomists drew upon previous activist research in the United States by the Johnson–Forest Tendency and in France by the group Socialisme ou Barbarie.
It influenced the German and Dutch Autonomen, the worldwide social centre movement and today is influential in Italy, France and to a lesser extent the English-speaking countries. Those who describe themselves as autonomists now vary from Marxists to post-structuralists and anarchists. The autonomist Marxist and autonomen movements provided inspiration to some on the revolutionary left in English speaking countries, particularly among anarchists, many of whom have adopted autonomist tactics. Some English-speaking anarchists even describe themselves as autonomists. The Italian operaismo ("workerism") movement also influenced Marxist academics such as Harry Cleaver, John Holloway, Steve Wright and Nick Dyer-Witheford.
Ver también
- Democracy in Marxism
Referencias
- ^ Ernesto Screpanti, Libertarian communism: Marx Engels and the Political Economy of Freedom, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007.
- ^ Varoufakis, Yanis. "Yanis Varoufakis thinks we need a radically new way of thinking about the economy, finance and capitalism". Ted. Retrieved 14 April 2019.
Yanis Varoufakis describes himself as a "libertarian Marxist
- ^ Lowry, Ben (11 March 2017). "Yanis Varoufakis: We leftists are not necessarily pro public sector – Marx was anti state". The Wews Letter. Retrieved 14 April 2019.
- ^ a b c d "The 'Advance Without Authority': Post-modernism, Libertarian Socialism and Intellectuals" by Chamsy Ojeili, Democracy & Nature vol.7, no.3, 2001.
- ^ Beer, A History of British Socialism, vol. 2, pg. 256.
- ^ Marx-Engels Collected Works: Volume 48. New York: International Publishers, 2001; pg. 538, fn. 95.
- ^ Noam Chomsky Notes on Anarchism
- ^ Carr, E.H. – The Bolshevik Revolution 1917–1923. W. W. Norton & Company 1985.
- ^ Avrich, Paul. "Russian Anarchists and the Civil War", Russian Review, Vol. 27, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 296–306. Blackwell Publishing
- ^ Castoriadis, Cornelius (1975). "An Interview". Telos (23)., p. 133
- ^ Castoriadis, Cornelius (1975). "An Interview". Telos (23)., p. 134
- ^ Brinton, Maurice (Goodway, David ed). For Workers' Power: the selected writings of Maurice Brinton. AK Press. 2004. ISBN 1-904859-07-0
- ^ "Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the ultra-left, both peasants and urban workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution.
- ^ See, for instance, "Whither China?" by Yang Xiguang.
- ^ The 70s Collective, ed. 1996. China: The Revolution is Dead, Long Live the Revolution. Montreal: Black Rose Books.
- ^ Robin Hahnel, Economic Justice and Democracy: From Competition to Cooperation Part II ISBN 0-415-93344-7
- ^ The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy. Inclusivedemocracy.org. Retrieved on 2011-12-28.
- ^ "Libertarian Marxism? by Daniel Guérin". revoltlib.com. 2011-04-23. Retrieved 2013-10-11.
- ^ Charles Shipman, It Had to Be Revolution: Memoirs of an American Radical. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993; pg. 107.
- ^ "Wilhelm Reich is again the main pioneer in this field (an excellent, short introduction to his ideas can be found in Maurice Brinton's The Irrational in Politics). In Children of the Future, Reich made numerous suggestions, based on his research and clinical experience, for parents, psychologists, and educators striving to develop libertarian methods of child rearing. (He did not use the term "libertarian," but that is what his methods are.) Hence, in this and the following sections we will summarise Reich's main ideas as well as those of other libertarian psychologists and educators who have been influenced by him, such as A.S. Neill and Alexander Lowen." "J.6 What methods of child rearing do anarchists advocate?" in An Anarchist FAQ by Various Authors.
- ^ "In an earlier article (“Some Thoughts on Libertarianism,” Broadsheet No. 35), I argued that to define a position as “anti-authoritarian” is not, in fact, to define the position at all “but merely to indicate a relationship of opposition to another position, the authoritarian one...On the psychoanalytic side, Wilhelm Reich (The Sexual Revolution, Peter Neville-Vision Press, London, 1951| Character Analysis, Orgone Institute Press, N.Y., 1945; and The Function of the Orgasm, Orgone Institute Press, N.Y., 1942) was preferred to Freud because, despite his own weaknesses – his Utopian tendencies and his eventual drift into “orgones” and “bions” – Reich laid more emphasis on the social conditions of mental events than did Freud (see, e.g., A.J. Baker, “Reich's Criticism of Freud,” Libertarian No. 3, January 1960)." "A Reading List for Libertarians" by David Iverson. Broadsheet No. 39
- ^ "I will also discuss other left-libertarians who wrote about Reich, as they bear on the general discussion of Reich's ideas...In 1944, Paul Goodman, author of Growing Up Absurd, The Empire City, and co-author of Gestalt Therapy, began to discover the work of Wilhelm Reich for his American audience in the tiny libertarian socialist and anarchist milieu." Orgone Addicts: Wilhelm Reich Versus The Situationists. "Orgone Addicts Wilhelm Reich versus the Situationists" by Jim Martin
- ^ "In the summer of 1950-51, numerous member of the A.C.C. and other interested people held a series of meetings in the Ironworkers' Hall with a view to forming a downtown political society. Here a division developed between a more radical wing (including e.g. Waters and Grahame Harrison) and a more conservative wing (including e.g. Stove and Eric Dowling). The general orientation of these meetings may be judged from the fact that when Harry Hooton proposed "Anarchist" and some of the conservative proposed "Democratic" as the name for the new Society, both were rejected and "Libertarian Society" was adopted as an acceptable title. Likewise then accepted as the motto for this Society - and continued by the later Libertarian society - was the early Marx quotation used by Wilhelm Reich as the motto for his The Sexual Revolution, vis: "Since it is not for us to create a plan for the future that will hold for all time, all the more surely what we contemporaries have to do is the uncompromising critical evaluation of all that exists, uncompromising in the sense that our criticism fears neither its own results nor the conflict with the powers that be." "SYDNEY LIBERTARIANISM & THE PUSH" by A.J. Baker, in Broadsheet, No 81, March, 1975. (abridged)
- ^ That he was one of the most radical figures in psychiatry, see Sheppard 1973.
- Danto 2007, p. 43: "Wilhelm Reich, the second generation psychoanalyst perhaps most often associated with political radicalism ..."
- Turner 2011, p. 114: "[Reich's mobile clinic was] perhaps the most radical, politically engaged psychoanalytic enterprise to date."
- For the publication and significance of The Mass Psychology of Fascism and Character Analysis, see Sharaf 1994, pp. 163–164, 168.
- For Character Analysis being an important contribution to psychoanalytic theory, see:
- Young-Bruehl 2008, p. 157: "Reich, a year and a half younger than Anna Freud, was the youngest instructor at the Training Institute, where his classes on psychoanalytic technique, later presented in a book called Character Analysis, were crucial to his whole group of contemporaries."
- Sterba 1982, p. 35: "This book [Character Analysis] serves even today as an excellent introduction to psychoanalytic technique. In my opinion, Reich's understanding of and technical approach to resistance prepared the way for Anna Freud's Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (1936)."
- Guntrip 1961, p. 105: "... the two important books of the middle 1930s, Character Analysis (1935) by Wilhelm Reich and The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (1936) by Anna Freud."
- For more on the influence of The Mass Psychology of Fascism, see Kirkpatrick 1947, Burgess 1947; Bendix 1947; and Turner 2011, p. 152.
- ^ For Anna Freud, see Bugental, Schneider and Pierson 2001, p. 14: "Anna Freud's work on the ego and the mechanisms of defense developed from Reich's early research (A. Freud, 1936/1948)."
- For Perls, Lowen and Janov, see Sharaf 1994, p. 4.
- For the students, see Elkind, 18 April 1971; and Turner 2011, pp. 13–14.
- ^ Sharaf 1994, pp. 419, pp. 460–461.
- ^ Sex-Pol stood for the German Society of Proletarian Sexual Politics. Danto writes that Reich offered a mixture of "psychoanalytic counseling, Marxist advice and contraceptives," and argued for a sexual permissiveness, including for young people and the unmarried, that unsettled other psychoanalysts and the political left. The clinics were immediately overcrowded by people seeking help. Danto, Elizabeth Ann (2007). Freud's Free Clinics: Psychoanalysis & Social Justice, 1918–1938, Columbia University Press, first published 2005., pp. 118–120, 137, 198, 208.
- ^ The Sexual Revolution, 1945 (Die Sexualität im Kulturkampf, translated by Theodore P. Wolfe)
- ^ Douglas Kellner Herbert arcuse
- ^ Marcuse, Herbert. Eros and Civilization, 2nd edition. London: Routledge, 1987.
- ^ a b Young, Robert M. (1969).THE NAKED MARX: Review of Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud, New Statesman, vol. 78, 7 November 1969, pp. 666-67
- ^ Douglas Kellner "Marcuse, Herbert" Archived 2012-02-07 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Howard, Dick (1975). "Introduction to Castoriadis". Telos (23): 118.
- ^ Castoriadis, Cornelius (1975). "An Interview". Telos (23): 133.
- ^ Castoriadis, Cornelius (1975). "An Interview". Telos (23): 134.
- ^ The Beginning of an Era (part1, part 2) Situationist International #12, 1969
- ^ Karen Elliot (2001-06-01). "Situationism in a nutshell". Barbelith Webzine. Archived from the original on 2008-05-09. Retrieved 2008-06-23.
- ^ Now collected in a book, Maurice Brinton, For Workers' Power.
- ^ Barberis, Peter; McHugh, John; Tyldesley, Mike (2000-01-01). Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations: Parties, Groups and Movements of the 20th Century. A&C Black. ISBN 9780826458148.
- ^ Cuninghame, Patrick (2010). "Autonomism as a Global Social Movement". WorkingUSA. 13 (4): 451–464. doi:10.1111/j.1743-4580.2010.00305.x. ISSN 1089-7011.
Bibliografía
- Pioneers of Anti-Parliamentarism by Guy Aldred. Glasgow: Bakunin Press.
- Non-Leninist Marxism: Writings on the Workers Councils (a collection of writings by Gorter, Pannekoek, Pankhurst, and Ruhle). Red and Black Publishers, St Petersburg, Florida, 2007. ISBN 978-0-9791813-6-8.
- The International Communist Current, itself a Left Communist grouping, has produced a series of studies of what it views as its own antecedents. The book on the German-Dutch current, which is by Philippe Bourrinet (who later left the ICC), in particular contains an exhaustive bibliography.
- The Italian Communist Left 1926–1945 ( ISBN 1897980132).
- The Dutch-German Communist Left ( ISBN 1899438378).
- The Russian Communist Left, 1918–1930 ( ISBN 1897980108).
- The British Communist Left, 1914–1945 ( ISBN 1897980116).
- (in French) L'Autonomie. Le mouvement autonome en France et en Italie, éditions Spartacus 1978.
- Benjamin Noys (ed). Communization and its Discontents: Contestation, Critique, and Contemporary Struggles. Minor Compositions, Autonomedia. 2011. 1st ed.
- Beyond post-socialism. Dialogues with the far-left by Chamsy el- Ojeili. Palgrave Macmillan. 2015.
enlaces externos
- "Libertarian Marxism?" by Daniel Guérin.
- Situationist International online.
- "Libertarian Marxism's Relation to Anarchism" by Wayne Price.
- "Franz Kafka and Libertarian Socialism" by Michael Löwy.
- For Communism – John Gray WebSite: large online library of libertarian communist texts.
- Left Communism collection on the Marxists Internet Archive.
- "The Libertarian Marxism of Andre Breton" by Michael Löwy.