La corrupción política o Malpolítica es el uso de poderes por parte de los funcionarios del gobierno o sus contactos en la red para un beneficio privado ilegítimo.
Formas de corrupción varían, pero pueden incluir el soborno , el cabildeo , la extorsión , el amiguismo , el nepotismo , el localismo , el patrocinio , el tráfico de influencias , injerto , y la malversación . La corrupción puede facilitar actividades delictivas como el tráfico de drogas , el lavado de dinero y la trata de personas , aunque no se limita a estas actividades. Uso indebido del poder del gobierno para otros fines, como la represiónde opositores políticos y brutalidad policial en general , también se considera corrupción política. [1]
Con el tiempo, la corrupción se ha definido de manera diferente. Por ejemplo, en un contexto simple, mientras se desempeña un trabajo para un gobierno o como representante, no es ético aceptar un regalo. Cualquier obsequio gratuito podría interpretarse como un plan para atraer al destinatario hacia algunos prejuicios. En la mayoría de los casos, el obsequio se ve como una intención de buscar ciertos favores como promoción laboral, propinas para ganar un contrato, trabajo o exención de ciertas tareas en el caso de que un trabajador subalterno entregue el obsequio a un empleado senior que pueda ser clave para ganar el favor. [2]
Algunas formas de corrupción, ahora denominadas "corrupción institucional" [3] , se distinguen del soborno y otros tipos de beneficios personales obvios. Un problema similar de corrupción surge en cualquier institución que depende del apoyo financiero de personas que tienen intereses que pueden entrar en conflicto con el propósito principal de la institución.
Un acto ilegal por parte de un funcionario constituye corrupción política solo si el acto está directamente relacionado con sus deberes oficiales, se realiza bajo el pretexto de la ley o implica tráfico de influencias . Las actividades que constituyen corrupción ilegal difieren según el país o la jurisdicción. Por ejemplo, algunas prácticas de financiamiento político que son legales en un lugar pueden ser ilegales en otro. En algunos casos, los funcionarios del gobierno tienen poderes amplios o mal definidos, lo que dificulta la distinción entre acciones legales e ilegales. En todo el mundo, se estima que el soborno por sí solo implica más de 1 billón de dólares estadounidenses al año. [4] Un estado de corrupción política desenfrenada se conoce como cleptocracia , que literalmente significa "gobierno de ladrones".
Consecuencias
Consecuencias en la política, la administración y las instituciones
La corrupción política socava la democracia y el buen gobierno al burlar o incluso subvertir los procesos formales. La corrupción en las elecciones y en la legislatura reduce la rendición de cuentas y distorsiona la representación en la formulación de políticas; la corrupción en el poder judicial compromete el estado de derecho ; y la corrupción en la administración pública resulta en la prestación ineficiente de servicios. Para las repúblicas, viola un principio básico del republicanismo en cuanto a la centralidad de la virtud cívica. [5] De manera más general, la corrupción erosiona la capacidad institucional del gobierno si se ignoran los procedimientos, se desvían recursos y se compran y venden oficinas públicas. La corrupción socava la legitimidad del gobierno y valores democráticos como la confianza y la tolerancia. La evidencia reciente sugiere que la variación en los niveles de corrupción entre las democracias de altos ingresos puede variar significativamente según el nivel de responsabilidad de los tomadores de decisiones. [5] La evidencia de estados frágiles también muestra que la corrupción y el soborno pueden afectar negativamente la confianza en las instituciones. [6] [7] La corrupción también puede afectar la provisión de bienes y servicios por parte del gobierno. Aumenta los costos de bienes y servicios que surgen de la pérdida de eficiencia. En ausencia de corrupción, los proyectos gubernamentales pueden ser rentables a sus verdaderos costos; sin embargo, una vez que se incluyen los costos de la corrupción, los proyectos pueden no ser rentables, por lo que no se ejecutan distorsionando la provisión de bienes y servicios. [8]
Consecuencias en la economía
En el sector privado , la corrupción aumenta el costo de las empresas a través del precio de los propios pagos ilícitos, el costo de gestión de la negociación con los funcionarios y el riesgo de incumplimiento de acuerdos o detección. Aunque algunos afirman que la corrupción reduce los costos al reducir la burocracia , la disponibilidad de sobornos también puede inducir a los funcionarios a idear nuevas reglas y retrasos. Eliminar abiertamente las regulaciones costosas y largas es mejor que permitir de manera encubierta que se eludan mediante el uso de sobornos. Cuando la corrupción aumenta el costo de los negocios, también distorsiona el campo de investigación y acción, protegiendo a las empresas con conexiones de la competencia y, por lo tanto, manteniendo a las empresas ineficientes. [9]
La corrupción puede tener un impacto directo en la tasa impositiva marginal efectiva de la empresa. Sobornar a los funcionarios fiscales puede reducir los pagos de impuestos de la empresa si la tasa de soborno marginal está por debajo de la tasa impositiva marginal oficial. [8] Sin embargo, en Uganda, los sobornos tienen un mayor impacto negativo en la actividad de las empresas que los impuestos. De hecho, un aumento de un punto porcentual en los sobornos reduce el crecimiento anual de la empresa en tres puntos porcentuales, mientras que un aumento de un punto porcentual en los impuestos reduce el crecimiento de la empresa en un punto porcentual. [10]
La corrupción también genera distorsiones económicas en el sector público al desviar la inversión pública hacia proyectos de capital donde los sobornos y las comisiones ilegales son más abundantes. Los funcionarios pueden aumentar la complejidad técnica de los proyectos del sector público para ocultar o allanar el camino para tales transacciones, distorsionando aún más la inversión. [11] La corrupción también reduce el cumplimiento de las regulaciones de construcción, ambientales o de otro tipo, reduce la calidad de los servicios e infraestructura gubernamentales y aumenta las presiones presupuestarias sobre el gobierno.
Los economistas argumentan que uno de los factores detrás del diferente desarrollo económico en África y Asia es que en África, la corrupción ha tomado principalmente la forma de extracción de rentas con el capital financiero resultante trasladado al extranjero en lugar de invertido en casa (de ahí el estereotipo, pero a menudo exacto , imagen de dictadores africanos con cuentas bancarias suizas ). En Nigeria , por ejemplo, los líderes de Nigeria robaron más de 400.000 millones de dólares del tesoro entre 1960 y 1999 [12].
Los investigadores de la Universidad de Massachusetts Amherst estimaron que de 1970 a 1996, la fuga de capitales de 30 países subsaharianos totalizó $ 187 mil millones, excediendo las deudas externas de esas naciones. [13] (Los resultados, expresados en un desarrollo retardado o reprimido, han sido modelados en teoría por el economista Mancur Olson ). En el caso de África, uno de los factores de este comportamiento fue la inestabilidad política y el hecho de que los nuevos gobiernos a menudo confiscaban activos del gobierno obtenidos de forma corrupta. Esto alentó a los funcionarios a guardar su riqueza en el extranjero, fuera del alcance de cualquier expropiación futura . En contraste, las administraciones asiáticas como el Nuevo Orden de Suharto a menudo recortaron las transacciones comerciales o proporcionaron condiciones para el desarrollo, a través de inversiones en infraestructura, ley y orden, etc.
Efectos ambientales y sociales
La corrupción suele ser más evidente en los países con los ingresos per cápita más pequeños, que dependen de la ayuda extranjera para los servicios de salud. La interceptación política local de dinero donado desde el extranjero es especialmente frecuente en las naciones del África subsahariana , donde se informó en el Informe del Banco Mundial de 2006 que aproximadamente la mitad de los fondos que se donaron para usos de la salud nunca se invirtieron en los sectores de la salud ni se entregaron a aquellos que necesitan atención médica. [14]
En cambio, el dinero donado se gastó a través de " medicamentos falsificados , desvío de medicamentos al mercado negro y pagos a empleados fantasmas". En última instancia, hay una cantidad suficiente de dinero para la salud en los países en desarrollo, pero la corrupción local niega a la ciudadanía en general los recursos que necesitan. [14]
La corrupción facilita la destrucción del medio ambiente. Si bien las sociedades corruptas pueden tener una legislación formal para proteger el medio ambiente, no se puede hacer cumplir si se puede sobornar fácilmente a los funcionarios. Lo mismo se aplica a la protección de los trabajadores de derechos sociales, la prevención de la sindicalización y el trabajo infantil . La violación de estos derechos legales permite a los países corruptos obtener ventajas económicas ilegítimas en el mercado internacional.
El economista ganador del premio Nobel Amartya Sen ha observado que "no existe tal cosa como un problema alimentario apolítico". Si bien la sequía y otros eventos que ocurren naturalmente pueden desencadenar condiciones de hambruna , es la acción o inacción del gobierno lo que determina su gravedad y, a menudo, incluso si ocurrirá o no una hambruna. [15]
Los gobiernos con fuertes tendencias hacia la cleptocracia pueden socavar la seguridad alimentaria incluso cuando las cosechas son buenas. Los funcionarios a menudo roban propiedades estatales. En Bihar , India , más del 80% de la ayuda alimentaria subvencionada a los pobres es robada por funcionarios corruptos. [15] De manera similar, la ayuda alimentaria a menudo es robada a punta de pistola por gobiernos, criminales y señores de la guerra por igual, y se vende con fines de lucro. El siglo XX está lleno de muchos ejemplos de gobiernos que socavan la seguridad alimentaria de sus propias naciones, a veces de forma intencionada. [dieciséis]
Efectos sobre la ayuda humanitaria
La escala de la ayuda humanitaria a las regiones pobres e inestables del mundo crece, pero es muy vulnerable a la corrupción, y la ayuda alimentaria, la construcción y otras ayudas de gran valor son las que corren mayor riesgo. [17] La ayuda alimentaria puede desviarse directa y físicamente de su destino previsto, o indirectamente mediante la manipulación de evaluaciones, focalización, registro y distribución para favorecer a determinados grupos o personas. [17]
En la construcción y la vivienda existen numerosas oportunidades de desvío y lucro a través de mano de obra deficiente, sobornos por contratos y favoritismo en la provisión de valioso material de vivienda. [17] Así, mientras que las agencias de ayuda humanitaria suelen estar más preocupadas por el desvío de la ayuda al incluir demasiadas, los destinatarios mismos están más preocupados por la exclusión. [17] El acceso a la ayuda puede estar limitado a quienes tienen conexiones, a quienes pagan sobornos o se ven obligados a dar favores sexuales. [17] Del mismo modo, quienes pueden hacerlo pueden manipular las estadísticas para inflar el número de beneficiarios y desviar asistencia adicional. [17]
La desnutrición, las enfermedades, las heridas, la tortura, el hostigamiento a grupos específicos de la población, las desapariciones, las ejecuciones extrajudiciales y el desplazamiento forzado de personas se encuentran en muchos conflictos armados. Además de sus efectos directos sobre las personas afectadas, también deben tenerse en cuenta las consecuencias de estas tragedias para los sistemas locales: la destrucción de cultivos y lugares de importancia cultural, el colapso de la infraestructura económica y de las instalaciones sanitarias como hospitales, etc. , etc. [18]
Efectos sobre la salud
La corrupción juega un papel muy importante en el sistema de atención de la salud, comenzando desde el hospital, hasta el gobierno y hasta las otras instituciones que promueven una atención médica de calidad y asequible para las personas. La eficiencia de la prestación de servicios de salud en cualquier país depende en gran medida de sistemas transparentes y responsables, una gestión adecuada de los recursos financieros y humanos y el suministro oportuno de servicios a la población vulnerable de la nación. [19]
En el nivel básico, la codicia dispara la corrupción. Cuando la estructura del sistema de atención médica no se aborda adecuadamente, comenzando por la supervisión en la prestación de atención médica y el suministro de medicamentos y el proceso de licitación, siempre se observará la mala administración y la malversación de fondos. La corrupción también puede socavar la prestación de servicios de salud, lo que a su vez desorienta la vida de los pobres. La corrupción conduce a la violación de los derechos humanos y las libertades fundamentales, ya que se niega a las personas que supuestamente se benefician de la atención médica básica de los gobiernos debido a procesos sin escrúpulos impulsados por la codicia. Por lo tanto, para que un país mantenga a sus ciudadanos saludables debe haber sistemas eficientes y recursos adecuados que puedan domar los males como la corrupción que lo sustentan.
Efectos en la educación
La educación constituye la base y el tejido en el que se transforma una sociedad y se configuran las diferentes facetas del bienestar. La corrupción en la educación superior ha prevalecido y requiere una intervención inmediata. El aumento de la corrupción en la educación superior ha provocado una creciente preocupación mundial entre los gobiernos, los estudiantes, los educadores y otras partes interesadas. Aquellos que ofrecen servicios en las instituciones de educación superior se enfrentan a presiones que amenazan gravemente el valor integral de la empresa de educación superior. La corrupción en la educación superior tiene una mayor influencia negativa, destruye la relación entre el esfuerzo personal y la anticipación de la recompensa. Además, los empleados y estudiantes desarrollan la creencia de que el éxito personal no proviene del trabajo arduo y el mérito, sino de la consulta con los maestros y de tomar otros atajos. [20] Los ascensos académicos en las instituciones de educación superior se han visto obstaculizados por la corrupción ilimitada. Actualmente, la promoción se basa en conexiones personales que en logros profesionales. Esto ha llevado a un aumento dramático en el número de profesores y muestra su rápida pérdida de estatus. [21] La mayoría de los procesos defectuosos en las instituciones académicas han llevado a graduados no horneados que no se ajustan bien al mercado laboral. La corrupción obstaculiza los estándares internacionales de un sistema educativo. Además, el plagio es una forma de corrupción en la investigación académica, donde afecta la originalidad y deshabilita el aprendizaje. Las violaciones individuales están en estrecha relación con las formas de funcionamiento de un sistema. Además, las universidades pueden estar en relaciones y tratos con empresas y personas en el gobierno, la mayoría de los cuales se matriculan en estudios de doctorado sin el programa de pregrado. En consecuencia, el dinero, el poder y la influencia relacionada comprometen los estándares educativos, ya que son factores que alimentan. Un estudiante puede terminar el informe de tesis en un tiempo más corto, lo que compromete la calidad del trabajo entregado y cuestiona el umbral de la educación superior. [22]
Otras áreas: seguridad ciudadana, sindicatos, corrupción policial, etc.
La corrupción no es específica de los países pobres, en desarrollo o en transición. En los países occidentales, existen casos de soborno y otras formas de corrupción en todos los campos posibles: pagos por debajo de la mesa realizados a cirujanos de renombre por pacientes que intentan estar en la cima de la lista de próximas cirugías, [23] sobornos pagados por proveedores a la industria automotriz para vender conectores de baja calidad utilizados, por ejemplo, en equipos de seguridad como bolsas de aire, sobornos pagados por proveedores a fabricantes de desfibriladores (para vender condensadores de baja calidad), contribuciones pagadas por padres adinerados al "fondo social y cultural "de una prestigiosa universidad a cambio de que acepte a sus hijos, sobornos pagados para obtener diplomas, ventajas financieras y de otro tipo concedidas a sindicalistas por miembros de la junta ejecutiva de un fabricante de automóviles a cambio de puestos y votos favorables a los empleadores, etc. son infinitas.
Estas diversas manifestaciones de corrupción pueden, en última instancia, representar un peligro para la salud pública; pueden desacreditar instituciones o relaciones sociales específicas y esenciales. Osipian resumió un "estudio de 2008 sobre las percepciones de corrupción entre los rusos .... El 30 por ciento de los encuestados calificó el nivel de corrupción como muy alto, mientras que otro 44 por ciento como alto. El 19 por ciento lo consideró como promedio y solo el 1 por ciento como bajo. Los más corruptos en la mente de las personas son la policía de tránsito (33 por ciento), las autoridades locales (28 por ciento), la policía (26 por ciento), la atención médica (16 por ciento) y la educación (15 por ciento). El 52 por ciento de los encuestados tuvo experiencias de dar dinero o obsequios a profesionales médicos, mientras que el 36 por ciento hizo pagos informales a los educadores ". Afirmó que esta corrupción redujo la tasa de crecimiento económico en Rusia, porque los estudiantes desfavorecidos por esta corrupción no pudieron adoptar mejores métodos de trabajo tan rápidamente, reduciendo así la productividad total de los factores para Rusia. [24]
La corrupción también puede afectar a los diversos componentes de las actividades deportivas (árbitros, jugadores, personal médico y de laboratorio involucrado en los controles antidopaje, miembros de la federación deportiva nacional y comités internacionales que deciden sobre la asignación de contratos y lugares de competencia).
Existen casos contra (miembros de) varios tipos de organizaciones sin fines de lucro y no gubernamentales, así como organizaciones religiosas.
En última instancia, la distinción entre la corrupción del sector público y privado a veces parece bastante artificial, y es posible que las iniciativas anticorrupción nacionales deban evitar lagunas legales y de otro tipo en la cobertura de los instrumentos.
Tipos
Soborno
En el contexto de la corrupción política, un soborno puede implicar un pago a un funcionario del gobierno a cambio de su uso de poderes oficiales. El soborno requiere dos participantes: uno para dar el soborno y otro para aceptarlo. Cualquiera puede iniciar la oferta corrupta; por ejemplo, un funcionario de aduanas puede exigir sobornos para dejar pasar mercancías permitidas (o no permitidas), o un contrabandista puede ofrecer sobornos para ganar el paso. En algunos países, la cultura de la corrupción se extiende a todos los aspectos de la vida pública, lo que dificulta enormemente a las personas operar sin recurrir a sobornos. Se pueden exigir sobornos para que un funcionario haga algo por lo que ya se le paga. También pueden exigirse para eludir leyes y reglamentos. Además de su papel en la obtención de beneficios económicos privados, los sobornos también se utilizan para causar daño a otra persona de forma intencionada y maliciosa (es decir, sin incentivo económico). [ cita requerida ] En algunas naciones en desarrollo, hasta la mitad de la población ha pagado sobornos durante los últimos 12 meses. [25]
El Consejo de Europa disocia el soborno activo y pasivo y los incrimina como delitos separados:
- Se puede definir el soborno activo como "la promesa, oferta o entrega por parte de cualquier persona, directa o indirectamente, de cualquier ventaja indebida a cualquiera de sus funcionarios públicos, para sí mismo o para cualquier otra persona, para que actúe o se abstenga de hacerlo. actuando en el ejercicio de sus funciones "(artículo 2 del Convenio de derecho penal sobre la corrupción (ETS 173) [26] del Consejo de Europa ).
- El soborno pasivo se puede definir como "cuando se comete intencionalmente, la solicitud o recepción por parte de cualquier [...] funcionario público, directa o indirectamente, de cualquier ventaja indebida, para sí mismo o para cualquier otra persona, o la aceptación de una oferta o una promesa de tal ventaja, para actuar o abstenerse de actuar en el ejercicio de sus funciones "(artículo 3 de la Convención de Derecho Penal sobre la Corrupción (ETS 173)). [26]
Esta disociación tiene como objetivo hacer que los primeros pasos (ofrecer, prometer, solicitar una ventaja) de un acuerdo corrupto ya sean un delito y, por lo tanto, dar una señal clara (desde el punto de vista de la política criminal) de que el soborno no es aceptable. . [ cita requerida ] Además, tal disociación facilita el enjuiciamiento de los delitos de soborno, ya que puede ser muy difícil probar que dos partes (el que da el soborno y el que recibe el soborno) han acordado formalmente un trato corrupto. Además, a menudo no existe un acuerdo formal de ese tipo, sino sólo un entendimiento mutuo, por ejemplo, cuando es de conocimiento común en un municipio que para obtener un permiso de construcción hay que pagar una "tarifa" al tomador de decisiones para obtener una decisión favorable. También se proporciona una definición práctica de corrupción en el artículo 3 del Convenio de derecho civil sobre la corrupción (ETS 174): [27] A los efectos de este Convenio, "corrupción" significa solicitar, ofrecer, dar o aceptar, directa o indirectamente. , un soborno o cualquier otra ventaja indebida o perspectiva del mismo, que distorsione el desempeño adecuado de cualquier deber o comportamiento requerido del destinatario del soborno, la ventaja indebida o la perspectiva del mismo.
Comercio de influencia
El comercio de influencias, o tráfico de influencias , se refiere a una persona que vende su influencia sobre el proceso de toma de decisiones para beneficiar a un tercero (persona o institución). La diferencia con el soborno es que se trata de una relación trilateral. Desde un punto de vista legal, el rol del tercero (que es el objetivo de la influencia) realmente no importa, aunque puede ser cómplice en algunos casos. Puede resultar difícil hacer una distinción entre esta forma de corrupción y algunas formas de cabildeo extremo y poco regulado en las que, por ejemplo, los legisladores o los responsables de la toma de decisiones pueden "vender" libremente su voto, poder de decisión o influencia a los cabilderos que ofrecen el mayor compensación, incluso cuando, por ejemplo, estos últimos actúan en nombre de clientes poderosos, como grupos industriales que quieren evitar la aprobación de regulaciones ambientales, sociales o de otro tipo percibidas como demasiado estrictas, etc. Es posible prever un criterio distintivo y considerar que el tráfico de influencias implica el uso de "influencia indebida", como en el artículo 12 del Convenio de Derecho Penal sobre la Corrupción (ETS 173) [26] del Consejo de Europa .
Mecenazgo
El mecenazgo se refiere a favorecer a los partidarios, por ejemplo, con un empleo en el gobierno. Esto puede ser legítimo, como cuando un gobierno recién elegido cambia a los altos funcionarios de la administración para implementar efectivamente su política. Puede verse como corrupción si esto significa que se selecciona a personas incompetentes, como pago por el apoyo al régimen, antes que a las más capaces. En las no democracias, a menudo se selecciona a muchos funcionarios gubernamentales por su lealtad más que por su capacidad. Pueden ser seleccionados casi exclusivamente de un grupo en particular (por ejemplo, los árabes sunitas en el Irak de Saddam Hussein , la nomenklatura en la Unión Soviética o los junkers en la Alemania imperial ) que apoyan al régimen a cambio de tales favores. Un problema similar también se puede ver en Europa del Este, por ejemplo en Rumania , donde el gobierno a menudo es acusado de clientelismo (cuando un nuevo gobierno llega al poder, cambia rápidamente a la mayoría de los funcionarios del sector público). [28]
Nepotismo y amiguismo
Favorecer a los parientes ( nepotismo ) o amigos personales ( amiguismo ) de un funcionario es una forma de ganancia privada ilegítima. Esto puede combinarse con el soborno , por ejemplo, exigir que una empresa emplee a un pariente de las regulaciones oficiales que controlan la empresa. El ejemplo más extremo es cuando se hereda todo el estado, como en Corea del Norte o Siria . Una forma menor podría ser en el sur de los Estados Unidos con Good ol 'boys , donde las mujeres y las minorías están excluidas. Una forma más leve de amiguismo es una " red de viejos ", en la que las personas designadas para puestos oficiales se seleccionan solo de una red social cerrada y exclusiva, como los alumnos de universidades particulares, en lugar de nombrar al candidato más competente.
Tratar de dañar a los enemigos se convierte en corrupción cuando los poderes oficiales se utilizan ilegítimamente como medio para este fin. Por ejemplo, a menudo se presentan acusaciones falsas contra periodistas o escritores que plantean cuestiones políticamente delicadas, como la aceptación de sobornos por parte de un político.
Gombeenismo y parroquialismo
El gombeenismo se refiere a un individuo que es deshonesto y corrupto con el propósito de obtener ganancias personales, más a menudo a través de dinero, mientras que el parroquialismo , que también se conoce como política de bombeo parroquial, se relaciona con colocar proyectos locales o vanidosos por delante del interés nacional. [29] [30] [31] [32] Por ejemplo, en la política irlandesa, los partidos políticos populistas de izquierda a menudo aplicarán estos términos a los partidos políticos del establishment y citarán los muchos casos de corrupción en Irlanda , como la crisis bancaria irlandesa. , que encontró evidencia de soborno , amiguismo y colusión , donde en algunos casos los políticos que estaban llegando al final de sus carreras políticas recibían un puesto de alta gerencia o comité en una empresa con la que tenían tratos.
Electoral fraud
Electoral fraud is illegal interference with the process of an election. Acts of fraud affect vote counts to bring about an election result, whether by increasing the vote share of the favored candidate, depressing the vote share of the rival candidates, or both. Also called voter fraud, the mechanisms involved include illegal voter registration, intimidation at polls, voting computer hacking, and improper vote counting.
Embezzlement
Embezzlement is the theft of entrusted funds. It is political when it involves public money taken by a public official for use by anyone not specified by the public. A common type of embezzlement is that of personal use of entrusted government resources; for example, when an official assigns public employees to renovate his own house.
Kickbacks
A kickback is an official's share of misappropriated funds allocated from his or her organization to an organization involved in corrupt bidding. For example, suppose that a politician is in charge of choosing how to spend some public funds. He can give a contract to a company that is not the best bidder, or allocate more than they deserve. In this case, the company benefits, and in exchange for betraying the public, the official receives a kickback payment, which is a portion of the sum the company received. This sum itself may be all or a portion of the difference between the actual (inflated) payment to the company and the (lower) market-based price that would have been paid had the bidding been competitive.
Another example of a kickback would be if a judge receives a portion of the profits that a business makes in exchange for his judicial decisions.
Kickbacks are not limited to government officials; any situation in which people are entrusted to spend funds that do not belong to them are susceptible to this kind of corruption.
Unholy alliance
An unholy alliance is a coalition among seemingly antagonistic groups for ad hoc or hidden gain, generally some influential non-governmental group forming ties with political parties, supplying funding in exchange for the favorable treatment. Like patronage, unholy alliances are not necessarily illegal, but unlike patronage, by its deceptive nature and often great financial resources, an unholy alliance can be much more dangerous to the public interest. An early use of the term was by former US President Theodore "Teddy" Roosevelt:
- "To destroy this invisible Government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics is the first task of the statesmanship of the day." – 1912 Progressive Party Platform, attributed to Roosevelt [34] and quoted again in his autobiography, [35] where he connects trusts and monopolies (sugar interests, Standard Oil, etc.) to Woodrow Wilson, Howard Taft, and consequently both major political parties.
Involvement in organized crime
An illustrative example of official involvement in organized crime can be found from the 1920s and 1930s Shanghai, where Huang Jinrong was a police chief in the French concession, while simultaneously being a gang boss and co-operating with Du Yuesheng, the local gang ringleader. The relationship kept the flow of profits from the gang's gambling dens, prostitution, and protection rackets undisturbed and safe.[citation needed]
The United States accused Manuel Noriega's government in Panama of being a "narcokleptocracy", a corrupt government profiting on illegal drug trade.[citation needed] Later the U.S. invaded Panama and captured Noriega.
Condiciones favorables a la corrupción
Some research indicates that political corruption is contagious: the revelation of corruption in a sector leads others in the sector to engage in corruption.[37]
It is argued[by whom?] that the following conditions are favorable for corruption:
- Information deficits
- Lacking freedom of information legislation. In contrast, for example: The Indian Right to Information Act 2005 is perceived to have "already engendered mass movements in the country that is bringing the lethargic, often corrupt bureaucracy to its knees and changing power equations completely."[38]
- Lack of investigative reporting in the local media.[39]
- Contempt for or negligence of exercising freedom of speech and freedom of the press.
- Weak accounting practices, including lack of timely financial management.
- Lack of measurement of corruption. For example, using regular surveys of households and businesses in order to quantify the degree of perception of corruption in different parts of a nation or in different government institutions may increase awareness of corruption and create pressure to combat it. This will also enable an evaluation of the officials who are fighting corruption and the methods used.
- Tax havens which tax their own citizens and companies but not those from other nations and refuse to disclose information necessary for foreign taxation. This enables large-scale political corruption in the foreign nations.[40][citation needed]
- Lacking control of the government.
- Lacking civic society and non-governmental organizations which monitor the government.
- An individual voter may have a rational ignorance regarding politics, especially in nationwide elections, since each vote has little weight.
- Weak civil service, and slow pace of reform.
- Weak rule of law.
- Weak legal profession.
- Weak judicial independence.
- Lacking protection of whistleblowers.
- Government Accountability Project
- Lack of benchmarking, that is continual detailed evaluation of procedures and comparison to others who do similar things, in the same government or others, in particular comparison to those who do the best work. The Peruvian organization Ciudadanos al Dia has started to measure and compare transparency, costs, and efficiency in different government departments in Peru. It annually awards the best practices which has received widespread media attention. This has created competition among government agencies in order to improve.[41]
- Individual officials routinely handle cash, instead of handling payments by giro or on a separate cash desk – illegitimate withdrawals from supervised bank accounts are much more difficult to conceal.
- Public funds are centralized rather than distributed. For example, if $1,000 is embezzled from a local agency that has $2,000 funds, it is easier to notice than from a national agency with $2,000,000 funds. See the principle of subsidiarity.
- Large, unsupervised public investments.
- Pay disproportionately lower than that of the average citizen.
- Government licenses needed to conduct business, e.g., import licenses, encourage bribing and kickbacks.
- Long-time work in the same position may create relationships inside and outside the government which encourage and help conceal corruption and favoritism. Rotating government officials to different positions and geographic areas may help prevent this; for instance certain high rank officials in French government services (e.g. treasurer-paymasters general) must rotate every few years.
- Costly political campaigns, with expenses exceeding normal sources of political funding, especially when funded with taxpayer money.
- A single group or family controlling most of the key government offices. Lack of laws forbidding and limiting number of members of the same family to be in office .
- Less interaction with officials reduces the opportunities for corruption. For example, using the Internet for sending in required information, like applications and tax forms, and then processing this with automated computer systems. This may also speed up the processing and reduce unintentional human errors. See e-Government.
- A windfall from exporting abundant natural resources may encourage corruption.[42] (See Resource curse)
- War and other forms of conflict correlate with a breakdown of public security.
- Social conditions
- Self-interested closed cliques and "old boy networks".
- Family-, and clan-centered social structure, with a tradition of nepotism/favouritism being acceptable.
- A gift economy, such as the Soviet blat system, emerges in a Communist centrally planned economy.
- Lacking literacy and education among the population.
- Frequent discrimination and bullying among the population.
- Tribal solidarity, giving benefits to certain ethnic groups. In the Indian political system, for example, it has become common that the leadership of national and regional parties are passed from generation to generation,[43][44] creating a system in which a family holds the center of power. Some examples are most of the Dravidian parties of south India and also the Nehru-Gandhi family of the Congress party, which is one of the two major political parties in India.
- Lack of strong laws which forbid members of the same family to contest elections and be in office as in India where local elections are often contested between members of the same powerful family by standing in opposite parties so that whoever is elected that particular family is at tremendous benefit.
Media
Thomas Jefferson observed a tendency for "The functionaries of every government ... to command at will the liberty and property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit [for liberty and property] ... without information. Where the press is free, and every man able to read, all is safe."
Recent research supports Jefferson's claim. Brunetti and Weder found "evidence of a significant relationship between more press freedom and less corruption in a large cross-section of countries." They also presented "evidence which suggests that the direction of causation runs from higher press freedom to lower corruption."[45] Adserà, Boix, and Payne found that increases in newspaper readership led to increased political accountability and lower corruption in data from roughly 100 countries and from different states in the US.[46]
Snyder and Strömberg found "that a poor fit between newspaper markets and political districts reduces press coverage of politics. ... Congressmen who are less covered by the local press work less for their constituencies: they are less likely to stand witness before congressional hearings ... . Federal spending is lower in areas where there is less press coverage of the local members of congress."[47] Schulhofer-Wohl and Garrido found that the year after the Cincinnati Post closed in 2007, "fewer candidates ran for municipal office in the Kentucky suburbs most reliant on the Post, incumbents became more likely to win re-election, and voter turnout and campaign spending fell.[48]
An analysis of the evolution of mass media in the United States and European Union since World War II noted mixed results from the growth of the Internet: "The digital revolution has been good for freedom of expression [and] information [but] has had mixed effects on freedom of the press": It has disrupted traditional sources of funding, and new forms of Internet journalism have replaced only a tiny fraction of what's been lost.[49]
Media responses to whistleblower incidents or reports, and to matters which generate skepticism in established law and government but may not technically be whistleblower incidents, are limited by the prevalence of political correctness and speech codes in many Western nations. In China and many other East Asian countries the state-enforced speech codes limit or, in their view, channel the efforts of the media and civil society to reduce public corruption.
Size of public sector
Extensive and diverse public spending is, in itself, inherently at risk of cronyism, kickbacks, and embezzlement. Complicated regulations and arbitrary, unsupervised official conduct exacerbate the problem. This is one argument for privatization and deregulation. Opponents of privatization see the argument as ideological. The argument that corruption necessarily follows from the opportunity is weakened by the existence of countries with low to non-existent corruption but large public sectors, like the Nordic countries.[50] These countries score high on the Ease of Doing Business Index, due to good and often simple regulations and have rule of law firmly established. Therefore, due to their lack of corruption in the first place, they can run large public sectors without inducing political corruption. Recent evidence that takes both the size of expenditures and regulatory complexity into account has found that high-income democracies with more expansive state sectors do indeed have higher levels of corruption.[5]
Like other governmental economic activities, also privatization, such as in the sale of government-owned property, is particularly at the risk of cronyism. Privatizations in Russia, Latin America, and East Germany were accompanied by large-scale corruption during the sale of the state-owned companies. Those with political connections unfairly gained large wealth, which has discredited privatization in these regions. While media have reported widely the grand corruption that accompanied the sales, studies have argued that in addition to increased operating efficiency, daily petty corruption is, or would be, larger without privatization and that corruption is more prevalent in non-privatized sectors. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that extralegal and unofficial activities are more prevalent in countries that privatized less.[51]
In the European Union, the principle of subsidiarity is applied: a government service should be provided by the lowest, most local authority that can competently provide it. An effect is that distribution of funds in multiple instances discourages embezzlement because even small sums missing will be noticed. In contrast, in a centralized authority, even minute proportions of public funds can be large sums of money.
Condiciones desfavorables para la corrupción
Wealth and power can have a compounding effect on political corruption, however, the immunity from the law that money and influence bring will not come into effect when a powerful individual injures or harms another powerful individual. An example of this immunity being broken is Bernie Madoff, who while being rich and powerful himself, stole from other rich and powerful individuals. This resulted in his eventual arrest despite his status.[52]
Corrupción gubernamental
If the highest echelons of the governments also take advantage of corruption or embezzlement from the state's treasury, it is sometimes referred to the neologism kleptocracy. Members of the government can take advantage of the natural resources (e.g., diamonds and oil in a few prominent cases) or state-owned productive industries. A number of corrupt governments have enriched themselves via foreign aid. Indeed, there is a positive correlation between aid flows and high levels of corruption within recipient countries.[54][55]
Corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa consists primarily of extracting economic rent and moving the resulting financial capital overseas instead of investing at home. Authors Leonce Ndikumana and James K. Boyce estimate that from 1970 to 2008, capital flight from 33 sub-Saharan countries totalled $700 billion.[56]
A corrupt dictatorship typically results in many years of general hardship and suffering for the vast majority of citizens as civil society and the rule of law disintegrate. In addition, corrupt dictators routinely ignore economic and social problems in their quest to amass ever more wealth and power.
The classic case of a corrupt, exploitive dictator often given is the regime of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Democratic Republic of the Congo (which he renamed Zaire) from 1965 to 1997.[57] It is said that usage of the term kleptocracy gained popularity largely in response to a need to accurately describe Mobutu's regime. Another classic case is Nigeria, especially under the rule of General Sani Abacha who was de facto president of Nigeria from 1993 until his death in 1998. He is reputed to have stolen some US$3–4 billion. He and his relatives are often mentioned in Nigerian 419 letter scams claiming to offer vast fortunes for "help" in laundering his stolen "fortunes", which in reality turn out not to exist.[58] More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.[59]
Corrupción judicial
There are two methods of corruption of the judiciary: the state (through budget planning and various privileges), and the private. Budget of the judiciary in many transitional and developing countries is almost completely controlled by the executive. The latter undermines the separation of powers, as it creates a critical financial dependence of the judiciary. The proper national wealth distribution including the government spending on the judiciary is subject of the constitutional economics.[60] Judicial corruption can be difficult to completely eradicate, even in developed countries.[61]
Oposición a la corrupción
Mobile telecommunications and radio broadcasting help to fight corruption, especially in developing regions like Africa,[62] where other forms of communications are limited. In India, the anti-corruption bureau fights against corruption, and a new ombudsman bill called Jan Lokpal Bill is being prepared.
In the 1990s, initiatives were taken at an international level (in particular by the European Community, the Council of Europe, the OECD) to put a ban on corruption: in 1996, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe,[63] for instance, adopted a comprehensive Programme of Action against Corruption and, subsequently, issued a series of anti-corruption standard-setting instruments:
- the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173);[26]
- the Civil Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 174);[27]
- the Additional Protocol to the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 191);[64]
- the Twenty Guiding Principles for the Fight against Corruption (Resolution (97) 24);[65]
- the Recommendation on Codes of Conduct for Public Officials (Recommendation No. R (2000) 10);[66]
- the Recommendation on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns (Rec(2003)4)[67]
The purpose of these instruments was to address the various forms of corruption (involving the public sector, the private sector, the financing of political activities, etc.) whether they had a strictly domestic or also a transnational dimension. To monitor the implementation at national level of the requirements and principles provided in those texts, a monitoring mechanism – the Group of States Against Corruption (also known as GRECO) (French: Groupe d'Etats contre la corruption) was created.
Further conventions were adopted at the regional level under the aegis of the Organization of American States (OAS or OEA), the African Union, and in 2003, at the universal level under that of the United Nations Convention against Corruption where it is enabled with mutual legal assistance between the states parties regarding investigations, processes and judicial actions related to corruption crimes, as established in article 46.
Denunciantes
A whistleblower (also written as whistle-blower or whistle blower) is a person who exposes any kind of information or activity that is deemed illegal, unethical, or not correct within an organization that is either private or public. The information of alleged wrongdoing can be classified in many ways: violation of company policy/rules, law, regulation, or threat to public interest/national security, as well as fraud, and corruption. Those who become whistleblowers can choose to bring information or allegations to the surface either internally or externally. Internally, a whistleblower can bring his/her accusations to the attention of other people within the accused organization such as an immediate supervisor. Externally, a whistleblower can bring allegations to light by contacting a third party outside of an accused organization such as the media, government, law enforcement, or those who are concerned. Whistleblowers, however, take the risk of facing stiff reprisal and retaliation from those who are accused or alleged of wrongdoing.
Because of this, a number of laws exist to protect whistleblowers. Some third-party groups even offer protection to whistleblowers, but that protection can only go so far. Whistleblowers face legal action, criminal charges, social stigma, and termination from any position, office, or job. Two other classifications of whistleblowing are private and public. The classifications relate to the type of organizations someone chooses to whistle-blow on private sector, or public sector. Depending on many factors, both can have varying results. However, whistleblowing in the public sector organization is more likely to result in criminal charges and possible custodial sentences. A whistleblower who chooses to accuse a private sector organization or agency is more likely to face termination and legal and civil charges.
Deeper questions and theories of whistleblowing and why people choose to do so can be studied through an ethical approach. Whistleblowing is a topic of ongoing ethical debate. Leading arguments in the ideological camp that whistleblowing is ethical to maintain that whistleblowing is a form of civil disobedience, and aims to protect the public from government wrongdoing. In the opposite camp, some see whistleblowing as unethical for breaching confidentiality, especially in industries that handle sensitive client or patient information. Legal protection can also be granted to protect whistleblowers, but that protection is subject to many stipulations. Hundreds of laws grant protection to whistleblowers, but stipulations can easily cloud that protection and leave whistleblowers vulnerable to retaliation and legal trouble. However, the decision and action have become far more complicated with recent advancements in technology and communication. Whistleblowers frequently face reprisal, sometimes at the hands of the organization or group they have accused, sometimes from related organizations, and sometimes under law. Questions about the legitimacy of whistleblowing, the moral responsibility of whistleblowing, and the appraisal of the institutions of whistleblowing are part of the field of political ethics.
Midiendo la corrupción
Measuring corruption accurately is difficult if not impossible due to the illicit nature of the transaction and imprecise definitions of corruption.[68] Few reliable measures of the magnitude of corruption exists and among those, there is a high level of heterogeneity. One of the most common ways to estimate corruption is through perception surveys. They have the advantage of good coverage, however, they do not measure corruption precisely.[8] While "corruption" indices first appeared in 1995 with the Corruption Perceptions Index CPI, all of these metrics address different proxies for corruption, such as public perceptions of the extent of the problem.[69] However, over time the refinement of methods and validation checks against objective indicators has meant that, while not perfect, many of these indicators are getting better at consistently and validly measuring the scale of corruption.[70]
Transparency International, an anti-corruption NGO, pioneered this field with the CPI, first released in 1995. This work is often credited with breaking a taboo and forcing the issue of corruption into high-level development policy discourse. Transparency International currently publishes three measures, updated annually: a CPI (based on aggregating third-party polling of public perceptions of how corrupt different countries are); a Global Corruption Barometer (based on a survey of general public attitudes toward and experience of corruption); and a Bribe Payers Index, looking at the willingness of foreign firms to pay bribes. The Corruption Perceptions Index is the best known of these metrics, though it has drawn much criticism[69][71][72] and may be declining in influence.[73] In 2013 Transparency International published a report on the "Government Defence Anti-corruption Index". This index evaluates the risk of corruption in countries' military sector.[74]
The World Bank collects a range of data on corruption,[75] including survey responses from over 100,000 firms worldwide[76] and a set of indicators of governance and institutional quality.[77] Moreover, one of the six dimensions of governance measured by the Worldwide Governance Indicators is Control of Corruption, which is defined as "the extent to which power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as 'capture' of the state by elites and private interests."[78] While the definition itself is fairly precise, the data aggregated into the Worldwide Governance Indicators is based on any available polling: questions range from "is corruption a serious problem?" to measures of public access to information, and not consistent across countries. Despite these weaknesses, the global coverage of these datasets has led to their widespread adoption, most notably by the Millennium Challenge Corporation.[68]
A number of parties have collected survey data, from the public and from experts, to try to gauge the level of corruption and bribery, as well as its impact on political and economic outcomes.[6][7] A second wave of corruption metrics has been created by Global Integrity, the International Budget Partnership,[79] and many lesser known local groups. These metrics include the Global Integrity Index,[80] first published in 2004. These second wave projects aim to create policy change by identifying resources more effectively and creating checklists toward incremental reform. Global Integrity and the International Budget Partnership[81] each dispense with public surveys and instead uses in-country experts to evaluate "the opposite of corruption" – which Global Integrity defines as the public policies that prevent, discourage, or expose corruption.[82] These approaches complement the first wave, awareness-raising tools by giving governments facing public outcry a checklist which measures concrete steps toward improved governance.[68]
Typical second wave corruption metrics do not offer the worldwide coverage found in first wave projects and instead focus on localizing information gathered to specific problems and creating deep, "unpackable"[clarification needed] content that matches quantitative and qualitative data.
Alternative approaches, such as the British aid agency's Drivers of Change research, skips numbers and promotes understanding corruption via political economy analysis of who controls power in a given society.[68] Another approach, suggested for when conventional measures of corruption are unavailable, is to look at the bodyfat of officials, after finding that obesity of cabinet ministers in post-Soviet states was highly correlated with more accurate measures.[83][84]
Instituciones que se ocupan de la corrupción política
- Global Witness, an international NGO established in 1993 that works to break the links between natural resource exploitation, conflict, poverty, corruption, and human rights abuses worldwide
- Group of States Against Corruption, a body established under the Council of Europe to monitor the implementation of instruments adopted by member states to combat political corruption
- Independent Commission Against Corruption (disambiguation)
- International Anti-Corruption Academy
- Transparency International, a non-governmental organization that monitors and publicizes corporate and political corruption in international development
- Corruption Perceptions Index, published yearly by Transparency International
- FreedomGuard, Ltd., a United States public benefit authority empowered to identify, investigate, and civilly prosecute federal & state government corruption
En ficción
The following are examples of works of fiction that portray political corruption in various forms.
- The Government Inspector – 1836 play by Nikolai Gogol[85]
- Democracy – 1880 novel by Henry Adams[86]
- The Financier – 1912 novel by Theodore Dreiser[87][88]
- The Titan – 1914 novel by Theodore Dreiser, sequel to The Financier[89][88]
- Washington Merry-Go-Round – 1932 film directed by James Cruze[90]
- Mr. Smith Goes to Washington – 1939 film directed by Frank Capra[91]
- Animal Farm – 1945 novel by George Orwell[92]
- All the King's Men – 1946 novel by Robert Penn Warren[93]
- The Stoic – 1947 novel by Theodore Dreiser, sequel to The Titan[88]
- Atlas Shrugged – 1957 novel by Ayn Rand[94]
- Touch of Evil – 1958 film directed by Orson Welles[95]
- Gumapang Ka Sa Lusak – 1990 film directed by Lino Brocka[96]
- Sa Kabila ng Lahat – 1990 film directed by Lino Brocka[citation needed]
- Sick Puppy – 2000 novel by Carl Hiaasen[97]
- Exit Wounds – 2001 film directed by Andrzej Bartkowiak[citation needed]
- American Gangster – 2007 film directed by Ridley Scott[citation needed]
- Guru – 2007 film directed by Mani Ratnam[98]
- House of Cards – 2013-18 web television series created by Beau Willimon[99]}}
Ver también
- List of anti-corruption agencies
- Baksheesh
- Clientelism
- Comitology
- Conflict of interest
- Corruption
- Due diligence
- Government failure
- Influence peddling
- Index of Economic Freedom
- ISO 37001 Anti-bribery management systems
- Malfeasance in office
- Pay to play
- Policy laundering
- Political class
- Political correctness
- Political corruption in the United States
- Political machine
- Principal–agent problem
- Regulatory capture
- Tax evasion
- Big government
- Global Witness
- Group of States Against Corruption
- International Anti-Corruption Academy
- International Anti-Corruption Day
- United Nations Convention against Corruption
- Transparency International
- Gerrymandering
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Since 2000, the newspaper industry alone has lost an estimated "$1.6 billion in annual reporting and editing capacity... or roughly 30 per cent," but the new non-profit money coming into journalism has made up less than one-tenth that amount.
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It is a reflection on corruption within the political class, but, read carefully, it also reinforces an ancient view that those who are disgusted with republican government need to remember that the fault, as Cassius in Shakespeare’s “Julius Caesar” remarked, lies not in the stars, but in ourselves.
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Cowperwood had to build his fortune in a world in which interest rates of 10% and 15% were very commonplace things, and not just because people were poor and money was scarce. Capital was expensive because business was so non-transparent. Companies disclosed only what they wished to disclose, and investors demanded compensation for the huge risk that nasty surprises might be concealed in company books. Cowperwood’s solution? He discovers and puts to his own use the corrupt practices of the city government of Philadelphia, described by Lincoln Steffens as perhaps the worst governed big city in late 19th century America. Cowperwood strikes a deal with the city treasurer: the treasurer will lend him money from the city treasury at nominal rates – and with this money, Cowperwood will build fortunes for them both.
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But he did write more, including his monumental trilogy The Financier, The Titan, and The Stoic, in which he traced the rise of finance capitalism and its corruption of municipal government through the career of the predatory transit magnate Frank Cowperwood (based on the streetcar king Charles Tyson Yerkes).
- ^ Frum, David. "The Titan". FrumForum. Retrieved March 3, 2019.
So Cowperwood invents a brilliant plan. He will not seek a renewal for himself. Instead, he has secret political associates launch an anti-Cowperwood campaign! They will demand that streetcar monopolists like Cowperwood be regulated by a new Public Utility Commission. The Commission will set rates, approve routes, and generally protect the public from the likes of Frank Cowperwood. Of course, the advocates of the commission acknowledge that the regulated companies will need some compensation for this new public vigilance. So they propose a compromise: in exchange for accepting the commission, all city franchises will be extended by 50 years. The commission proposal is advanced in the Illinois legislature, a body even more corrupt if possible than the Chicago city council. Dreiser minutely describes the protocol of corruption – how a bribe is asked, how it is offered, how it is paid, how much a vote goes for.
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The title was certainly fresh enough in the public discourse to tell audiences that the film would probably address political corruption. Columbia Pictures bought the rights to the title and commissioned a fictional story of Congressman Button Gwinnett Brown, who draws the ire of his crooked colleagues to the extent that they trump up a recount to try and unseat him.
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But this film caused quite a stir in this town in 1939. The Washington Press Club sponsored a premiere at Constitution Hall that was attended by congressmen, Senators and Supreme Court justices. About halfway through the film, people started walking out. At another dinner, Capra was criticized for showing graft in the Senate. The Washington press corps, who didn't like the way reporters were portrayed, joined in the attacks against Capra.
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Animal Farm is a timeless satire on the central tragi-comedy of all politics – that is, the tragi-comedy of corruption by power.
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Atlas Shrugged offers a complex and compelling depiction of the economic, political, and moral corruption spawned by “cronyism” between government and business.
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...it was generally underrated by the American critics of the time, who saw in it merely an eccentric thriller rather than a calculatedly dramatic study of the corruption of power and the difference between morality and justice.
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House of Cards displayed the corruption of America’s institutions and the elites who manipulate them as they become intoxicated by the pursuit of power, money and status. But amongst the backstabbing and political games, the cleverest thing about the show was the fact that its main characters – Francis and Claire Underwood – were merciless and evil, but also likeable.
Otras lecturas
- Peter Bratsis. (2003) "The Construction of Corruption; or, Rules of Separation and Illusions of Purity in Bourgeois Societies", Social Text.
- Peter Bratsis. (2014) "Political Corruption in the Age of Transnational Capitalism: From the Relative Autonomy of the State to the White Man's Burden", Historical Materialism.
- Garifullin Ramil Ramzievich (2012) Bribe-taking mania as one of the causes of bribery. The concept of psychological and psychotherapeutic approaches to the problem of bribery and bribe-taking mania. J. Aktualnye Problemy Ekonomiki i Prava ("Current Problems in Economics and Law"), no. 4(24), pp. 9-15
- Michael W. Collier. (2009) Political Corruption in the Caribbean Basin: Constructing a Theory to Combat Corruption excerpt and text search
- Charles Copeman and Amy McGrath (eds.)(1997), Corrupt Elections. Ballot Rigging in Australia, Towerhouse Publications, Kensington, NSW
- Donatella della Porta, and Alberto Vannucci, (1999). Corrupt Exchanges: Actors, Resources, and Mechanisms of Political Corruption. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.
- Axel Dreher, Christos Kotsogiannis, Steve McCorriston (2004), Corruption Around the World: Evidence from a Structural Model.
- Kimberly Ann Elliott, (ed.) (1997) Corruption and the Global Economy
- Robert M. Entman (2012) Scandal and Silence: Media Responses to Presidential Misconduct (Polity Press) 269 pages; case studies from USA 1998 to 2008 indicate the news media neglects many more incidents of corruption than it covers.
- Edward L. Glaeser and Claudia Goldin, (eds.) (2006), Corruption and Reform: Lessons from America's Economic History U. of Chicago Press, 386 pp. ISBN 0-226-29957-0.
- Mark Grossman. Political Corruption in America: An Encyclopedia of Scandals, Power, and Greed (2 vol. 2008)
- Arnold J. Heidenheimer, Michael Johnston and Victor T. LeVine (eds.) (1989), Political Corruption: A Handbook 1017 pages.
- Richard Jensen. (2001) "Democracy, Republicanism and Efficiency: The Values of American Politics, 1885–1930," in Byron Shafer and Anthony Badger, eds, Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000 pp 149–180; online edition
- Michael Johnston, Victor T. LeVine, and Arnold Heidenheimer, eds. (1970) Political Corruption: Readings in Comparative Analysis
- Michael Johnston (2005), Syndromes of Corruption: Wealth, Power, and Democracy
- Junichi Kawata. (2006) Comparing Political Corruption And Clientelism excerpt and text search
- George C. Kohn (2001). The New Encyclopedia of American Scandal
- Johann Graf Lambsdorff (2007), The Institutional Economics of Corruption and Reform: Theory, Evidence and Policy Cambridge University Press
- Amy McGrath, (1994), The Forging of Votes, Tower House Publications, Kensington, NSW
- Amy McGrath, (2003), Frauding of Elections, Tower House Publications and H.S. Chapman Society, Brighton-le Sands, NSW
- Amy McGrath, (1994), The Frauding of Votes, Tower House Publications, Kensington, NSW
- Amy McGrath, (2005), The Stolen Election, Australia 1987 According to Frank Hardy, Author of Power Without Glory, Towerhouse Publications and H.S. Chapman Society, Brighton-le Sands, NSW
- John Mukum Mbaku. (1999) Bureaucratic and Political Corruption in Africa: The Public Choice Perspective
- Stephen D. Morris. (2009) Political Corruption in Mexico: The Impact of Democratization
- Aaron G. Murphy. (2010) Foreign Corrupt Practices Act: A Practical Resource for Managers and Executives
- Peter John Perry. (2002) Political Corruption in Australia: A Very Wicked Place?
- John F. Reynolds. (1988). Testing Democracy: Electoral Behavior and Progressive Reform in New Jersey, 1880–1920 on corrupt voting methods
- Robert North Roberts. (2001) Ethics in U.S. Government: An Encyclopedia of Investigations, Scandals, Reforms, and Legislation
- Susan Rose-Ackerman, (1999) Corruption and Government: Causes, Consequences, and Reform excerpt & text search
- Susan Rose-Ackerman, ed. (2011) International Handbook on the Economics of Corruption – Volume 2 excerpt and text search
- Susan Rose-Ackerman. (1978) Corruption: a study in political economy
- James C. Scott. (1972) Comparative Political Corruption
- Pietro Semeraro,(2008) Trading in influence and Lobbying in the Spanish Criminal Code
- Robert Alan Sparling (2019) Political Corruption The Underside of Civic Morality. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. ISBN 9780812250879
- Zephyr Teachout. Corruption in America: From Benjamin Franklin's Snuff Box to Citizens United (2014)
- Dennis Thompson. (1995) Ethics in Congress: From Individual to Institutional Corruption, Brookings Institution Press, Washington DC. ISBN 0-8157-8423-6
- Mark Wahlgren Summers. (1993) The Era of Good Stealings, corruption in American politics 1868–1877
- Darrell M. West (2000), Checkbook Democracy. How Money Corrupts Political Campaigns, Northeastern University Press, Boston (Mass.) ISBN 1-55553-440-6
- Woodward, C. Vann, ed. Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct (1975), American presidents from Washington to Lyndon Johnson
- Alexandra Wrage (2007) Bribery and Extortion: Undermining Business, Governments and Security
- Kim Hyoung-Kook (2012) : The Pre-conditions for entrenching transparency in local governance, a policy report of master's course in Public Administration from the University of York
enlaces externos
- UNODC – United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime – on corruption
- UNODC corruption campaign – Your NO counts!
- Global Integrity Report – local reporting and scorecards on anti-corruption performance in 90+ countries
- World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators Worldwide ratings of country performances on six governance dimensions from 1996 to present.
- SamuelGriffith.org.au, McGrath, Amy. Chapter Seven "One Vote, One Value: Electoral Fraud in Australia". Proceedings of the Eighth Conference of The Samuel Griffith Society.
- Reducing corruption in public governance : Rhetoric to reality
- Prevention: An Effective Tool to Reduce Corruption
- Reducing corruption at the local level
- Corrupt Cities : A Practical Guide to Cure and Prevention (162 pages)
- The Pre-conditions for Entrenching Transparency in Local Governance [3] Archived 2018-04-05 at the Wayback Machine