La política de Filipinas tiene lugar en un marco organizado de una república presidencial , representativa y democrática en la que el presidente es tanto el jefe de estado como el jefe de gobierno dentro de un sistema pluriforme multipartidista . Este sistema gira en torno a tres poderes separados y soberanos pero interdependientes : el poder legislativo, el poder ejecutivo y el poder judicial. El poder ejecutivo lo ejerce el gobierno bajo el liderazgo del presidente. Poder Legislativoestá investido tanto en el gobierno como en el Congreso bicameral : el Senado (la cámara alta) y la Cámara de Representantes (la cámara baja). El poder judicial reside en los tribunales, siendo el Tribunal Supremo de Filipinas el órgano judicial más alto.
Tipo de gobierno | Unitaria presidencial constitucional república |
---|---|
Constitución | Constitución de Filipinas |
Formación |
|
Poder Legislativo | |
Nombre | Congreso |
Tipo | Bicameral |
Punto de reunión | |
Casa alta | |
Nombre | Senado |
Funcionario del senado | Vicente Sotto III , presidente del Senado |
Nombrador | Votación de pluralidad general |
Casa inferior | |
Nombre | Cámara de los Representantes |
Funcionario del senado | Lord Allan Velasco , presidente de la Cámara de Representantes |
Nombrador | Votación paralela |
Rama ejecutiva | |
Jefe de Estado y de Gobierno | |
Título | presidente |
Actualmente | Rodrigo Duterte |
Nombrador | Voto popular directo |
Gabinete | |
Nombre | Departamentos ejecutivos de Filipinas |
Gabinete actual | Gabinete de Filipinas |
Nombrador | nominado por el presidente y presentado a la Comisión de Nombramientos |
Sede | Palacio de Malacañang |
Ministerios | 21 |
Rama Judicial | |
Nombre | Poder judicial de Filipinas |
Corte Suprema | |
Juez principal | Alejandro Gesmundo |
Asiento | Edificio de la Corte Suprema Padre Faura St. , Ermita , Manila |
Las elecciones son administradas por una Comisión Electoral independiente cada tres años a partir de 1992. Se celebra cada segundo lunes de mayo, y los ganadores de las elecciones toman posesión el 30 de junio siguiente.
El gobierno local es producido por unidades de gobierno local de las provincias, ciudades, municipios y barangays. Si bien la mayoría de las regiones no tienen poder político y existen meramente con fines administrativos, las regiones autónomas han ampliado los poderes más que las otras unidades de gobierno local. Si bien las unidades del gobierno local gozan de autonomía, gran parte de su presupuesto se deriva de asignaciones del gobierno nacional, lo que pone en duda su verdadera autonomía.
Ejecutivo
El poder ejecutivo recae en el presidente . [1] El presidente, que es tanto el jefe de estado como el jefe de gobierno , [2] : 31 son elegidos directamente para un solo mandato de seis años por primera vez en el cargo . [3] Los presidentes están limitados a un solo mandato consecutivo. [1] Para ser elegible, una persona debe tener al menos 40 años de edad y haber residido en Filipinas durante la década anterior a la elección. Los presidentes pueden legislar a través de órdenes ejecutivas y otras acciones administrativas, y deben aprobar o vetar los proyectos de ley provenientes del Congreso. [4]
El vicepresidente, limitado a dos mandatos consecutivos de seis años, se elige por separado del presidente. [5] : 201 Esto significa que el presidente y el vicepresidente pueden ser de diferentes partidos políticos. [3] Si bien el vicepresidente no tiene poderes constitucionales aparte de actuar como presidente cuando este último no puede hacerlo, el presidente puede otorgar al primero un cargo en el gabinete. [6] En caso de muerte, renuncia o incapacidad del Presidente, el Vicepresidente se convierte en presidente hasta la expiración del período. [5] : 207 El vicepresidente también puede actuar como presidente interino si el presidente está temporalmente incapacitado. [5] : 206 Le siguen en la línea de sucesión el Presidente del Senado y el Portavoz de la Cámara. [4]
El poder ejecutivo se ejerce a través del Gabinete [5] : 214 que son nombrados por el Presidente. Si bien las personas designadas pueden ejercer el poder ejecutivo, todos los poderes y responsabilidades recaen en última instancia en el presidente, quien puede anular cualquier decisión tomada por un miembro del gabinete. El gabinete incluye a los jefes de departamentos ejecutivos . [5] : 213 Las acciones tomadas por los funcionarios ejecutivos y administrativos se toman como acciones ejercidas por el Presidente. [7] : 23–24 Los miembros del gabinete no pueden ser miembros del Congreso. [5] : 385 Los familiares cercanos del presidente están explícitamente excluidos de ciertos cargos. [5] : 205
El presidente también es el comandante en jefe de las Fuerzas Armadas de Filipinas , [1] asegurando así la supremacía civil sobre el ejército. [8] [9] : 80 El presidente también recibe varios poderes militares de emergencia, [1] como la capacidad de suspender el hábeas corpus y declarar la ley marcial, [10] : 234 aunque esto termina automáticamente después de 60 días a menos que el Congreso lo extienda , [11] y puede ser revisado por la Corte Suprema. [12] : 112 El presidente también propone un presupuesto nacional, que el Congreso puede aprobar en su totalidad, con enmiendas, o una revisión completa en conjunto. [1]
El presidente ejerce un poder político considerable, [1] y tiene una influencia considerable sobre agencias supuestamente independientes debido al poder de nombramiento. [1] El presidente controlaba directamente el Fondo de Ayuda al Desarrollo de Filipinas hasta que la Corte Suprema lo declaró inconstitucional en 2013. Después de esto, se creó el Programa de Aceleración de Desembolsos para permitirle al presidente dirigir los fondos, aunque algunas partes de este nuevo programa han sido declaradas de manera similar inconstitucional. Tal influencia significa que la legislatura nunca ha superado un veto presidencial, a pesar de tener el poder teórico para hacerlo. Una comisión de nombramientos, independiente de la legislatura pero formada por miembros de ella, tiene el poder de vetar los nombramientos presidenciales. Sin embargo, los fallos judiciales significan que el presidente puede volver a nombrar a una persona en repetidas ocasiones tras el rechazo, y que esa persona puede desempeñar eficazmente el papel al actuar oficialmente. [13] La fuerza de la Presidencia combinada con instituciones estatales débiles exacerba la corrupción en el país . [2] : 31
Según la constitución de 1987, la Cámara de Representantes tiene el poder de acusar al presidente mediante el voto de un tercio de sus miembros, y el Senado decide sobre el caso. Los procedimientos de acusación contra un individuo no pueden ocurrir más de una vez al año, lo cual puede ser abusado a través de la presentación de casos con reclamos de acusación débiles para prevenir la presentación de casos más fuertes. El presidente Joseph Estrada fue el primer jefe de estado asiático en ser juzgado luego de un juicio político, aunque no fue derrocado por el Senado. Ningún presidente ha sido derrocado jamás por juicio político. [13]
Legislatura
El Congreso es una legislatura bicameral . La cámara alta , el Senado , está compuesto por 24 senadores elegidos a través del voto plural-en-grande con el país como uno en general "distrito". [14] Los senadores eligen entre ellos a un presidente del Senado . : 159 La mitad de los escaños del Senado se disputan cada 3 años, [14] y los senadores están limitados a servir un máximo de dos mandatos consecutivos de seis años. [15]
La cámara baja es la Cámara de Representantes , [5] : 163 actualmente compuesta por 307 representantes, [16] con un 20% elegido a través del sistema de listas de partidos , y el resto elegido de los distritos legislativos . Se pretende que los distritos legislativos sean aproximadamente iguales en población, y cada ciudad con una población de al menos 250.000 personas tiene garantizado al menos un representante. [5] : 162–163 La Cámara de Representantes está dirigida por el Presidente . [5] : 159 Representantes son elegidos cada tres años y están limitados a tres mandatos de tres años. [14]
Cada proyecto de ley necesita el consentimiento de ambas cámaras para ser presentado al presidente para su firma. Si el presidente veta el proyecto de ley, el Congreso puede anular el veto con una supermayoría de dos tercios . [5] : 180 Si cualquiera de las cámaras rechaza un proyecto de ley o no actúa sobre él después de un aplazamiento sine die , el proyecto de ley se pierde y tendría que ser propuesto al próximo congreso, con el proceso comenzando de nuevo. Las decisiones del Congreso se toman en su mayoría por mayoría de votos , a excepción de las votaciones sobre enmiendas constitucionales y otros asuntos. Cada cámara tiene su poder inherente, con el Senado con el poder de votar sobre los tratados, mientras que los proyectos de ley de dinero solo pueden ser presentados por la Cámara de Representantes. [17] La constitución otorga al Congreso poderes de acusación , la Cámara de Representantes tiene el poder de acusar y el Senado tiene el poder de juzgar al funcionario acusado. [5] : 433
El control que tiene la legislatura sobre la financiación incluye fondos discrecionales individuales . Estos fondos se consideran una vía para la política de patrocinio [10] : 235 y a menudo se los considera un símbolo de corrupción. Se les llama despectivamente fondos de " barril de cerdo ". [10] : 284–285 Además de poder utilizar estos fondos para ganarse el favor o ganar apoyo, los políticos pueden beneficiarse personalmente de las comisiones ilícitas , que a menudo se utilizan directamente para campañas de reelección. Los senadores reciben más que miembros de la cámara. [18] : 102–103
A partir de 2020[actualizar], el Partido Nacionalista , el Partido Liberal , el Lakas-CMD , el PDP-LABAN , la Coalición Popular Nacionalista , el Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino , el Akbayan y el Partido Socialista Democrático Filipino son los partidos con mayor número de miembros en el Congreso. [ cita requerida ] El partido del presidente en ejercicio controla la Cámara de Representantes, donde la mayoría de sus miembros cambia de afiliación partidaria para unirse al partido del presidente, mientras que el Senado ha sido más independiente. [19] [20]
Judicial
El poder judicial está compuesto por el Tribunal Supremo y otros tribunales inferiores. El Tribunal Supremo es el tribunal de última instancia y decide sobre la constitucionalidad de las leyes. [21] : 6 (La legislatura no tiene voz en los nombramientos judiciales de la Corte Suprema). [10] : 14 El presidente selecciona a los magistrados y jueces de entre los nominados dados por el Consejo Judicial y de Abogados , aunque el presidente tiene influencia sobre la lista corta y puede solicitar para que se cambie. [1] Tradicionalmente, el juez asociado de mayor rango se convirtió en el presidente del Tribunal Supremo , sin embargo, la presidenta Gloria Macapagal Arroyo rompió con esta tradición. Esto llevó a su sucesor, el presidente Benigno Aquino III , a prestar juramento ante un juez asociado en lugar del presidente del Tribunal Supremo. Posteriormente, Aquino pasó por alto la antigüedad en otros nombramientos judiciales. [13] La Corte de Apelaciones es la segunda más alta corte de apelación, [22] el Tribunal de Apelaciones de Impuestos normas en materia tributaria, [21] : 43 y el Sandiganbayan (Defensor del Pueblo) es un tribunal especial para las supuestas irregularidades del gobierno. [21] : 42, 52 Los Tribunales Regionales de Primera Instancia (RTC) son los principales tribunales de primera instancia . Los Tribunales Regionales de Primera Instancia se basan en regiones judiciales, que casi corresponden a las regiones administrativas . Cada RTC tiene al menos una sucursal en cada provincia y maneja la mayoría de los casos penales y civiles; varias ramas de un RTC pueden designarse como tribunales de familia y tribunales ambientales. [21] : 45, 53, 57 [22] [23] Los Juzgados Metropolitanos de Primera Instancia juzgan delitos menores. [21] : 41 [22]
El Defensor del Pueblo de Filipinas es seleccionado por el Presidente de una lista proporcionada por el Consejo Judicial y de Abogados. Esta selección no necesita confirmación y tiene una duración de siete años sin reelección. El Defensor del Pueblo investiga y procesa a los funcionarios y organismos públicos, a excepción del presidente, que es inmune mientras está en el cargo . Un poder considerable recae en la posición de solicitar información y ordenar a los funcionarios públicos que lleven a cabo determinadas tareas según lo exige la ley. [1] La Oficina del Procurador General es un organismo independiente que representa al gobierno en casos legales. [24]
El presidente del Tribunal Supremo puede ser acusado por la legislatura, que tuvo lugar por primera vez con la condena del presidente del Tribunal Supremo Renato Corona en 2012. [13]
Sistema legal
El sistema legal filipino es una forma híbrida basada en el derecho civil español y el sistema de derecho consuetudinario estadounidense , [25] : 304-305 con un sistema de ley islámica en vigor para algunas áreas del derecho que involucran a musulmanes. [26] [27]
La Constitución es la ley suprema del país [28] : 216 y las leyes aprobadas por el Congreso deben ser compatibles con la Constitución. [29] Desde el establecimiento de la Constitución de 1898, solo ha habido tres nuevas constituciones, implementadas en 1935, 1973 y 1987. [5] : 10 Antes de 1898, la Constitución española de 1812 se había aplicado a Filipinas durante un breve período. tiempo, y hubo numerosas constituciones propuestas durante la Revolución filipina . El más notable de ellos fue la Constitución de Malolos . [5] : 42 El sistema presidencial establecido con la Constitución de 1935 [5] : 43 fue reemplazado por un sistema semiparlamentario en 1973 bajo el gobierno autoritario del presidente Marcos, concentrando el poder en sus manos. Después de que la Revolución del Poder Popular de 1986 llevó al poder al presidente Aquino, ella emitió una proclama estableciendo una constitución temporal y creó una convención constitucional para crear una nueva constitución. Esta Constitución, terminada el 15 de octubre de 1986 y aprobada por referéndum el 2 de febrero de 1987, restauró el sistema presidencial, [5] : 47-48, 382 basándose en la constitución de 1935 en lugar de la de 1973. [28] : 216
Todos los presidentes bajo la constitución actual han propuesto algún tipo de reforma constitucional , aunque ninguna ha tenido éxito. [30] La cautela en torno a tal cambio existe debido al objetivo estructural de la constitución de limitar el poder presidencial en comparación con la constitución anterior, dejando la reforma abierta a acusaciones de ser una toma de poder. [30] [31] : 1 Algunos consideran que el cambio a un sistema parlamentario unicameral es una forma de hacer que la legislatura y el gobierno sean más receptivos y eficaces. [10] : 290 También se ha argumentado que tal cambio debilitaría la presidencia y fortalecería el papel de los partidos políticos. [10] : 292 Tal propuesta obtuvo el apoyo de la mayoría en la Cámara junto con el apoyo presidencial a mediados de la década de 2000, pero se estancó debido a la oposición del Senado. [32] : 63–66 La reforma del país como federación es un tema recurrente que surge como resultado del deseo de autonomía local. Tales consideraciones influyeron en la constitución de 1987; aunque mantuvo el estado unitario, incluyó disposiciones para las regiones autónomas y para un gobierno local más fuerte. [32] : 54–56 [33]
El Código Civil de Filipinas se basa en el Código Civil de España , que se amplió a Filipinas el 31 de julio de 1889. Una característica notable de este código es la influencia de la Iglesia católica, que se mantiene hasta el día de hoy. [34] : 122 Bajo este código, las decisiones judiciales que aplican o interpretan las leyes o la Constitución son parte del sistema legal, la doctrina del stare decisis se aplica en la resolución de controversias legales. [35] Sin embargo, la aplicación del stare decisis no es la misma que en las jurisdicciones de pleno derecho consuetudinario, ya que incorpora el precedente del derecho civil. [25] [35] La Constitución otorga a la Corte Suprema la facultad de revisión judicial , a través de la cual puede "determinar si ha existido o no un grave abuso de discrecionalidad equivalente a la falta o extralimitación de competencia por parte de cualquier rama o instrumentalidad del Gobierno ". [36] [37] Este poder es lo suficientemente amplio como para que el tribunal pueda crear una nueva ley sin precedentes en tales situaciones, y tales decisiones no están sujetas a revisión por parte de otro organismo. [38] El presidente puede emitir órdenes ejecutivas, proclamaciones u otra emisión ejecutiva. [4] Filipinas adopta el sistema dualista en la incorporación del derecho internacional , y esas leyes pueden entrar en vigor mediante su adopción en la legislación nacional o mediante una declaración constitucional. [39] Las asambleas legislativas locales pueden dictar ordenanzas locales dentro de sus respectivos límites territoriales y políticos de acuerdo con la autonomía local otorgada por el Código de Gobierno Local. [40]
Elecciones
Desde 1935 y el establecimiento de la Commonwealth de Filipinas , las elecciones han sido administradas por la Comisión Electoral (COMELEC). Los funcionarios electos son el presidente, vicepresidente, miembros del Congreso, gobernadores regionales y asambleístas, gobernadores provinciales, vicegobernadores y miembros de la junta, alcaldes municipales y municipales, vicealcaldes y concejales, y presidentes y concejales de barangay (aldea). Las elecciones son por períodos fijos . Todos los funcionarios electos tienen mandatos de tres años, excepto el presidente, el vicepresidente y los senadores, que son de seis años. [41] Todos los mandatos por encima del nivel barangay comienzan y terminan el 30 de junio del año electoral, [42] y todos los funcionarios electos están limitados a tres mandatos consecutivos, excepto los senadores, [43] y el vicepresidente, que están limitados a dos, y para el presidente, que no puede ser reelegido. [5] : 201 12 de los 24 senadores son elegidos cada 3 años. Todos son elegidos a nivel nacional, y los votantes seleccionan hasta 12 nombres de la lista de todos los candidatos. No es necesario completar 12 nombres para que el voto sea válido, y los votantes seleccionan 7.5 candidatos en promedio. Este sistema aumenta la importancia de la familiaridad con el nombre, y hasta una quinta parte de los votantes informan que deciden sobre sus votos mientras están dentro de la cabina de votación. [44] Todos los cargos se votan por separado, incluidos los de presidente y vicepresidente. [10] : 234
A pesar del sistema de votación plural utilizado para elegir a los presidentes, las elecciones son efectivamente un sistema multipartidista . Antes de la dictadura de Marcos, el país tenía efectivamente un sistema bipartidista , sin embargo, la restricción de presidentes a un mandato en 1987 probablemente impidió que ese sistema resurgiera. [45] Incluso durante la era bipartidista, las estructuras internas del partido eran débiles. Tres presidentes habían cambiado de partido previamente después de caer para obtener la nominación en la conferencia de su partido anterior. [46] Según la constitución de 1987, las elecciones por encima del nivel barangay se celebran cada tres años desde 1992 el segundo lunes de mayo, [47] aunque los escaños del Senado, la presidencia y la vicepresidencia solo se disputan cada seis años desde 1992. [28] : 216
Desde que Estados Unidos introdujo por primera vez las elecciones [15] , las elecciones de un solo ganador se han llevado a cabo utilizando un sistema de votación de pluralidad : se elige al candidato con el mayor número de votos. Las elecciones de múltiples ganadores, a excepción de los representantes elegidos mediante el sistema de listas de partidos , se realizan mediante votación de pluralidad general . Cada votante tiene x votos, siendo elegidos los x candidatos con el mayor número de votos. [41] Una comisión constitucional se reunió después de la Revolución del Poder Popular de 1986 en parte para considerar el proceso de elecciones. Decidió mantener la pluralidad de votantes para el 80% de los escaños, pero utilizar un sistema de "lista de partidos" de representación proporcional mixta para asignar hasta el 20% de los escaños. Sin embargo, esto no se implementó hasta 1998 . [48]
Un grupo que participa en el sistema de listas de partidos (que puede no estar presente en distritos electorales de un solo miembro) debe recibir el 2% de los votos emitidos para ingresar al Congreso y puede ganar un máximo de tres escaños. En las elecciones de 1998 se presentaron 123 organizaciones, y solo el 32% de los votantes seleccionaron una organización de lista de partidos, lo que significa que solo 13 organizaciones pasaron el umbral del 2% ocupando solo 14 de los 52 escaños asignados a las organizaciones de lista de partidos. La Comisión de Elecciones (COMELEC) decidió asignar los escaños restantes a las organizaciones que no habían alcanzado el umbral del 2% a pesar de las reglas anteriores que indicaban que se distribuirían entre los partidos que pasaran el umbral por porcentaje de votos. Luego de una impugnación legal, la Corte Suprema anuló a COMELEC, implementando su propio sistema para asignar los escaños, limitando el máximo de tres escaños a solo la organización más votada. En el período previo a las elecciones de 2001, COMELEC aprobó más de 160 organizaciones. Después de una impugnación legal en la Corte Suprema de COMELEC, todos menos 42 fueron descalificados, incluidos siete que habían ganado más del 2% de los votos. Posteriormente, dos tribunales anularon dos de las inhabilitaciones. [49]
La comisión de 1986 también mantuvo el sistema de "votación abierta", donde los votantes tenían que escribir el nombre del candidato elegido en el formulario de votación. [48] La distribución de boletas de muestra rellenadas a los votantes por parte de los políticos brindó más oportunidades de patrocinio a través de la determinación de qué otros nombres aparecen en una boleta de muestra de políticos, y aumentó el poder de los políticos locales que estaban en mejores condiciones de distribuir estas boletas a votantes. [50] Las elecciones presidenciales de 1992 y 2004 se impugnaron ante los tribunales tras las acusaciones de fraude electoral . Ambos casos no tuvieron éxito. [51] El recuento de votos en estas elecciones podría llevar hasta 18 horas y la tabulación podría tardar hasta 40 días. En 1992, COMELEC adoptó un plan estratégico para modernizar la votación, y la primera prueba piloto de cómputo electrónico de votos tuvo lugar en la Región Autónoma de 1996 en las elecciones generales musulmanas de Mindanao . Este piloto se consideró un éxito. [52] En 1997 se fundó una ley que pedía que las boletas abiertas fueran reemplazadas por boletas preimpresas. [50] Sin embargo, no fue hasta las elecciones de mayo de 2010 que se utilizó el cómputo electrónico de votos para las elecciones nacionales. [52] Este cambio en el proceso hizo que las boletas pasaran del sistema de "boleta abierta" a boletas donde los votantes llenan óvalos junto a los nombres de los candidatos. [53] COMELEC ha informado que este nuevo sistema reduce la capacidad de los compradores de votos para controlar cómo vota la gente. [50] También redujo el tiempo de recuento de votos, con el recuento manual que antes tomaba quizás meses. [54]
National and local elections began to be held on the same day from May 1992, following the passage of Republic Act (RA) 7166.[46] The country has a voting age of 18.[55] Political advertising was allowed beginning in 2001. Various forms of electoral fraud occur throughout the various elections, and are even expected by a majority of voters. Vote buying is especially prevalent, and campaigns are estimated to cost as much as 16 times the legal campaign finance limit.[18]:103–104
Gobierno local
The Philippines has been highly centralized since Spanish rule, being governed from an "Imperial Manila". The Spanish created some bodies to bring together barangays in 1893, and the Americans organized provincial governments in 1905. Both actions however left the majority of power with the capital. During the Commonwealth period local governments remained under the direct control of the President, before some autonomy was granted to cities and municipalities in 1959 through RA 2264, "An Act Amending the Laws Governing Local Governments by Increasing their Autonomy and Reorganizing Provincial Governments", and to barangays (then called barrios) through RA 2370, the "Barrio Charter Act". Further powers were given under the "Decentralization Act of 1967" (RA 5185), before local elections were abolished with the imposition of martial law in 1972.[56]
The 1987 constitution mandates that local governments must have local autonomy.[56] The smallest local government unit, the barangay or village, dates back to pre-colonial times, coming from the word balangay, which refers to boats used by the Austronesian people to reach the Philippines.[57] The prehistoric barangays were headed by datus.[56] Currently, barangays are grouped into municipalities or cities, while municipalities and cities may be further grouped into provinces. Each barangay, municipality or city, and the province is headed by a barangay chairman, mayor, or governor, respectively, with its legislatures being the Sangguniang Barangay (village council), Sangguniang Bayan (municipal council) or Sangguniang Panlungsod (city council), and the Sangguniang Panlalawigan (provincial board).[citation needed]
Regions are groupings of adjacent provinces created by the national government, often with linguistic or ethnic similarities. However, they do not by themselves have any local government. The exception is the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao, which has its own regional government.[58] While article X of the 1987 constitution allows autonomous regions in the Cordilleras and Muslim Mindanao, only the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) exists.[47] A referendum held in 1989 led to four provinces voting to be part of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In 1990 elections were held for a regional governor, a vice-governor, and for representatives in the Regional Assembly.[41] A 2018 law confirmed through a 2019 plebiscite transformed the ARMM into the more powerful BARMM.[47] Elections in Mindanao have a reputation for electoral anomalies.[41] Two laws aimed at creating the proposed autonomous region in Cordillera were defeated[47] after two plebiscites.[59] The National Capital Region has a governing body, the Metro Manila Council, which carries out some region-equivalent functions.[60]
The concentration of political and economic power in Manila leads has created the demand for changes such as decentralization or federation. The 1991 Local Government Code (Republic Act 7160) shifted some power away from the capital.[47] While local government units have the autonomy, most of their budget is derived from the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA), a disbursement from the national government which is ultimately derived from taxes. This makes most local government units ultimately dependent on the national government.[1] However, they do have the ability to raise income through other measures, such as taxes, which is reflected by significantly increased responsibilities.[61] Provinces further from the capital tend to both poorer, and more reliant on IRA funding from the national government.[58]
Cultura e influencias
Despite the challenges faced by Filipino elections, and a sometimes pessimistic view about the potential of elections,[62]:214 there is broad public support for democracy,[41][63]:4 coupled with a free press and an established legal system.[64][62]:4 Voter turnout in legislative and executive elections averages above 75%. However, other forms of political participation, such as membership in a political party, civil society organization, and labor unions, are rarely used.[65] There are several examples of mass direct action throughout history, including the long-running communist rebellion in the Philippines and the multiple "People Power" events.[66]:16 A distrust of the state, and of state institutions such as the police, is a continuing legacy of martial law.[10]:2
Political parties continue to be weak, often created to propel a single candidate, before fading from relevancy. The power of the President within the political system may be one factor limiting the development of stable political parties, as the President is in a position to considerably support their allies.[46] Parties often serve to ally various political families,[67]:8 and it is common for politicians elected on losing party tickets to switch allegiance to the party of the President.[41] The power of traditional elites outside of the government has also inhibited the development of strong national institutions.[2]:30–31 Broad democratic political debate is linked with the concept of good governance, rather than political movements related to class.[68]:122 The persistence of poverty is widely linked in political discourse to the presence of corruption.[68]:124–125 Campaigns focus on personal qualities and records, rather than party platforms.[18]:102
There has been strong continuity in class structures from the Spanish period to the present.[69]:54–55 One prominent historical narrative sees Philippine history through the lens of an "unfinished revolution", tracing the takeover of the Philippine Revolution by elites from the masses to unfulfilled expectations of reform following the People Power Revolution.[64] Electoral pressure is absorbed through elections, despite the winners of elections invariably coming from various factions of the elite, and political parties being differentiated more by patronage networks than by policies. The importance of election funding creates an cyclic effect as political positions provide access to state power which provides the ability to generate funds.[70]:17–18 This state capture means that reforms occur slowly, even if popular.[10]:2 While questions over land reform have persisted since the colonial era, and have been considered by multiple administrations faced with peasant and communist-related political instability, the links between legislators and landlords mean progress has been limited and the vast majority of farmers continue to work on land owned by others.[63]:125[71][72] This failure to achieve significant land reform is thought to have restricted the growth of the Philippine economy, and is linked to continuing political inequality.[73]:69–70 Despite such inequality, the strength of the left movement has declined since the restoration of democracy.[74]:12 A small professional and technical middle class, mostly concentrated in urban areas such as Metro Manila, are relatively trusted within the civil service and play a significant role in civil society organization. Such organizations are examples of cause-based politics, an exception to the usual model of Philippine political parties and political organization. While too small to change the overall political structure, civil society organizations are somtimes able to influence policy on specific issues.[75][76] Under the 1987 constitution all registered parties are allowed poll watchers, whereas under the previous system poll watchers were only allowed from the two main parties.[41]
Politicians at local and national levels are usually either dynastic candidates or popular celebrities. Dynastic politics is very common.[44] Members of the House and local government officials can be elected for a maximum of three terms, although positions often pass to family members.[47] In 1992 32% of the representatives in the restored Congress were children of politicians, and 15% represented a third or fourth generation.[67]:xviii In 2010 over half of the members of the house of representatives and over half of all Governors were related to someone who had been in Congress over the previous 20 years. In 2015 over 60% of high-level local elective offices were held by a dynastic candidate. For both dynastic candidates and celebrities, voter familiarity with their names is thought to drive their electoral success. Levels of education correlate with voting for each of the types of candidates, with those with less education more likely to vote for celebrity candidates and those with more education more likely to vote for dynastic candidates. Less wealthy voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates, although it has little impact on votes for dynastic candidates. Older voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates, and voters in Luzon are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates than voters in the Visayas or Mindanao.[44] While the constitution bans political dynasties, no legislation has been passed to define what this means.[43] Term limits have had a limited effect on such dynasties.[77]
Despite the centralization of national power, politics itself is very decentralized.[70]:18 Regional and ethnic identities are sometimes stronger than national identity,[2]:30 with national identity often being driven by Christians, and more specifically Tagalogs.[64] The importance of name recognition in politics (especially under the open ballot system) and the use of single-member district entrenched local politicians.[48] Political patronage relationships extend vertically through the various levels of political administration.[78]:20[79]:26 National politicians then relied on local politicians to drive turnout within the constituency of the local politician, incentivizing government funding of local projects rather than national ones to shore up support, and causing national political parties to function more as an alliance of local politicians rather than centralized platforms.[48] Winning a Presidential election usually comes with winning the highly populous Tagalog areas of Southern Luzon. Most winning candidates have done well throughout the Philippines, winning pluralities in Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao. However, some elections have been won without the Visayas or Mindanao, and in a single case, the 2004 election, the Presidency was won without a plurality in Luzon. However, the importance of national image has been increasing in Presidential contests.[62]:156
Decentralization of power to local governments and widespread poverty have reinforced the presence of clientelism within politics.[51][70]:18 Such an effect is particularly strong in the geographically defined House of Representative seats.[10]:15 Politics is defined by clans and personalities rather than political parties, and politicians receive support from members of their linguistic group or from a geographical area that identifies with them.[65] Political, cultural, and geographical borders are mutually reinforcing.[64] Factional rivalries have dominated local politics since the late 19th century. As democracy expanded under American rule, these rivalries influenced provincial and national politics.[80] Local politics is thus often more personal and potentially violent than national politics.[46] It can also grow more authoritarian, even as national politics becomes more democratic.[79]:28 The competitiveness of different localities varies greatly, from having a long-entrenched dynasty, to having regular electoral turnover.[79]:30
Furthermore, a strong emphasis on family, so entrenched it is enshrined in the civil code, makes local familial links more important than state support,[67]:7 and personal links more important than ideological interests.[78]:18 (Families in Filipino culture refer not just to the nuclear family, but to a wide network of both blood and marriage ties.)[67]:9–10 Particular families are associated with certain areas, and a seat passing within a family is often seen as political continuity, with competition provided instead by seats passing to another family.[67]:41 A paternalistic landlord-tenant relationship typifies politician voter relationships in rural areas.[78]:20 Local politicians attend events such as baptisms, funerals, and weddings, within their constituency, often providing a direct financial donation.[18]:102 In urban areas, where established patron-client links are weaker, patronage takes the form of machine politics, being more specific and short-term.[78]:20–21 In such situations, electoral fraud and physical coercion is more common.[79]:28–30 Vote buying is extremely prevalent, including "negative vote buying", where voters are taken out of their constituency on voting day or have their fingers inked without having cast a ballot.[50] Over time, this model of control, supported through the economic benefits of state capture, has become more prominent compared to the older paternalistic model.[79]:28–30
Military
The Philippine military became officially involved in socioeconomic issues during the Hukbalahap Rebellion.[9]:81[10]:179 While the 1935 constitution designated the President the Commander in Chief, the 1973 constitution was the first to explicitly include the principle of civilian control of the military.[7]:8 Despite this change, during martial law under Ferdinand Marcos, military leaders took over aspects of local government and became directly involved in the economy,[9]:80–81 and the military itself expanded threefold.[70]:88–89 During this period, the communist and Islamic rebellions led to further involvement by the military in politics.[9]:82 Internal opposition to Marcos developed as corruption became more apparent, and following the 1986 elections an apparently failed coup by a military faction sparked what became the People Power Revolution[10]:223–224 The military's perceived role in this overthrowing of President Marcos[9]:82 created a precedent for direct intervention into politics.[7]:11
The 1987 constitution kept the 1973 text on civilian rule over the military, although it added that the armed forces were the "protector of the people and the state".[9]:83[7]:8 It also separated the Philippine Constabulary from the military, while shifting response for internal security from the military to the police.[9]:86–87 However, the military has remained more involved in politics than it was before martial law, playing a role in the 2001 Second EDSA Revolution which overthrew President Estrada.[9]:82 Failed or suspected coups took place in the late 1980s, 2003, 2006,[9]:83–84 and 2007.[12]:98
Civilian oversight of the military includes a dedicated deputy ombudsman for the military, investigation by the Commission on Human Rights, and the jurisdiction of civilian courts. The 1989 Philippine coup d'état attempt led to rebellion and mutiny becoming crimes.[9]:80 As an institution the military is supportive of democracy, with many factions often coming out in opposition to attempted coups.[12]:110 However, weak civilian institutions continue to provide openings for military influence.[9]:85, 93 Amnesty was granted to those involved in past coup attempts in 1992.[9]:86 The practice of recruiting retired military officers for some executive branch roles, such as ambassadorships, or within cabinet, was started by Marcos and continued after the restoration of democracy.[9]:81, 93 The separation between the police and the military was impeded by the continuing communist and Islamic rebellions.[9]:91 The President remains able to use the military to rule by decree.[12]:102 Localized instances of martial law have been declared in 2009 and 2017, both in Mindanao.[81]
Catholic Church
The influence of the church in civil society dates back to the Spanish era, when the church exercised considerable secular power.[70]:16, 25 Despite the separation of church and state that was established under American rule, the church retained social influence among both elites and the wider population and a desire to promote its global values within the country.[70]:32–34 The church provided a unifying moral framework that linked the rich with the poor.[68]:118
National structures were established shortly after independence,[70]:50 and the church became directly involved in elections, both through its administrative hierarchy and through the actions of individual clergy.[70]:50–51 The politicization of the church increased after the Second Vatican Council, in great part due to the activism of catholic youth.[70]:75–77 Another factor was the increasing filipinization of the church following independence.[70]:85 The Church did not initially strongly oppose Marcos[70]:87 and agreed with his anti-communist stance. However, internal opposition grew over the course of the dictatorship.[10]:220 Public political opposition from individual clergy members eventually shifted the opinion of the church hierarchy, who supported the candidacy of Corazon Aquino and the subsequent People Power Revolution.[10]:223–224 Later, the church was one of the institutions that became opposed to the Presidency of Joseph Estrada.[10]:275
Religious orders, such as the Society of Jesus and Opus Dei, run private educational establishments for law, medicine, and business.[70]:34 The church is active in social and economic development, not always in alignment with the desire of state authorities.[70]:75 It has organized to assist in anti-corruption efforts.[68]:125, 145 The Church maintains strong influence on the topic of family, notably through its support of large family size and its opposition to birth control.[10]:295–296 Catholic influence led to the removal of divorce laws following independence.[82] The political influence of the church has decreased in the 21st century. A symbolic moment for church influence was the passing of the Reproductive Health Act of 2012 by the Benigno Aquino administration. This law aimed to make contraception and family planning more accessible, a topic which had faced long-standing church opposition. Public opinion was thought to be in favor of the law.[83] The Rodrigo Duterte administration has also clashed with the church.[84] While Duterte himself is not in favor of a divorce law, proposals to legalize divorce gained significant support in Congress following his election,[85] with one bill being passed by the House of Representatives before rejection by the Senate.[86] The measure was reintroduced in the next session of Congress.[87]
United States
Despite independence, the United States remained entwined within Philippine politics and the Philippine economy.[70]:23[88] Influence also remains in social and civil institutions.[70]:24–25 In the context of the Cold War, direct and indirect influence was leveraged in the early days of independence to reinforce democratic institutions.[70]:49–50 Early civil influence was particularly strong among veterans networks, and the American military maintained support for Philippine military campaigns against the Hukbalahap.[70]:59–60 During the hukbalahap rebellion the United States also supported land reforms to reduce potential attraction to communism, although this pressure subsided as the rebellion ceased.[73]:87
When Marcos declared martial law, to muted American response and with general acquiescence,[10]:205 the strategic value of the Philippines and its American military bases led to continued official support.[10]:211 While the United States eventually pressured Marcos to bring back elections,[18]:100 such support enabled Marcos to stay in power even as civil society and the military began to turn against him.[10]:224 Eventually, the United Stated backed opposition coalition building,[89]:109 and in 1989 intervened to halt a coup against the new Aquino government.[90]:200 The influence of the United States decreased in the 1990s, when agreements to host American military bases ended and the country increased the regional aspects of its foreign policy.[10]:11 Following the September 11 attacks in the United States ties security ties deepened once more, as the Moro insurgency became linked with the global War on terror. This growing cooperation included the limited return of some US forces to Philippine soil.[90]:221
Historia
Pre-Spanish era
Before the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan, the Philippines was split into numerous barangays, which were small entities while being part of region-wide trade networks.[10]:26–27 These societies had three classes, the nobility, freemen, and serfs and slaves.[69]:14 Leaders of these societies were powerful individuals now called datus,[69]:16 although different cultures used different terms.[88] The arrival of Hindu influence increased to power of Indianized datus.[10]:24–25 The first large state was Sulu, which adopted Islam in the 15th century.[10]:43–44 This system then spread to the nearby Sultanate of Maguindanao, and the Kingdom of Maynila.[88] Ferdinand Magellan's death in 1521 can be partly attributed to a dispute between Lapu-Lapu and Rajah Humabon for control of Cebu.[citation needed] Spanish Captain-General Miguel López de Legazpi established a settlement in Cebu in 1565. Maynila was conquered in 1571, and Manila subsequently became the center of Spanish administration. Spain gradually conquered the majority of the modern Philippines, although full control was never established over some Muslims areas in the south and in the Cordillera highlands.[91]:1076
Spanish era
Under Spanish rule barangays were consolidated into urban towns, aiding with control[10]:53 and a shift to a sedentary agricultural society.[10]:61 Rule during the Spanish era was dominated by the church, especially friars.[10]:53 Local priests often held powers in towns, carrying out Spanish orders and collecting taxes.[91]:1077 In areas where the population had not been consolidated into towns, priests travelled between villages.[92]:27 Ultimate power was held by the King and the Council of the Indies, with the Philippines being part of New Spain.[91]:1077 However, due to their distance from both New Spain and Spain itself, the islands functioned practically autonomously and royal decrees had limited effect.[92]:25 The Philippines had their own Governor[91]:1077 and a judicial body was established in 1583.[92]:25
Direct Spanish rule remained did not extend far from Manila.[93]:208 Due to the small number of Spanish officials on the islands, which numbered in the tens, locals were relied upon for administration, especially outside of Manila. Existing datus were co-opted to manage barangays and nominate individuals for provincial government.[92]:24–26 Representatives of the Catholic Church continued to be the most significant direct Spanish presence.[93]:208 Several revolts erupted against Spain, but all were defeated.[94] Some revolts, such as the Tondo Conspiracy, lead to greater local participation in the bureaucracy,[95]:143 and the bringing of local elites into a patronage system to prevent further rebellion.[95]:146 The establishment of towns created administrative positions local elites could fill.[69]:19–20 Traditional native elites, along with some native officeholders and high-value tax payers, became part of a group known as the principalia. This group could make recommendations to the Spanish governor regarding administrative appointments, although they held no direct power. While they were just municipal office-holders, for some their status allowed them to avail of government patronage, and gain special permits and exemptions.[96]:51[97]:16–17 Over time, this elite class became more culturally distinct, gaining an education unavailable to most and intermarrying with Spanish officials and Chinese merchants.[69]:20–21
Pre-existing trading networks were blocked by Spanish authorities, with all trade instead going to Spanish colonies in the New World.[95]:143 Despite increasing economic activity, the archipelago remained divided by regional identity and language.[10]:83–84 Some areas remained out of effective Spanish control, including much of Mindanao, the Sulu archipelago, and Palawan. There was conflict between these areas and the Spanish throughout the Spanish period.[92]:31–34 In the Cordillera highlands, firm Spanish control was limited to the lowland fringes. Inward migration to escape Spanish control and an increase in trade saw settlements in interior areas increase in population and political complexity.[98]
In a process beginning in the late 18th century that would continue for the remainder of Spanish rule, the government tried to shift power from the friars of independent religious orders towards the "secular clergy" of Catholic priests. These priests included local mestizos, and even indios.[66]:103–104 In the 19th century, Philippine ports opened to world trade and shifts started occurring within Filipino society.[99][100] In 1808, when Joseph Bonaparte became king of Spain, the liberal constitution of Cadiz was adopted, giving the Philippines representation to the Spanish Cortes. However, once the Spanish overthrew the Bonapartes, the Philippine, and indeed colonial, representation in the Spanish Cortes was rescinded.[12]:95 From 1836, the Philippines were directly governed by the Ministry of Overseas.[91]:1077
Political turmoil in Spain led to 24 governors being appointed to the Philippines from 1800 to 1860,[10]:85 often lacking any experience with the country.[95]:144 Significant political reforms began in the 1860s, with a couple of decades seeing the creation of a cabinet under the Governor-General and the division of executive and judicial power.[66]:85–87 Societal changes in Spain and the Philippines led to an expansion of the Philippine bureaucracy and its civil service positions, predominantly for the educated living in urban areas, although the highest levels continued to remain in the hand of those born in Spain. This, combined with a shifting economy, saw more complex social structures emerge with new upper and middle classes.[97]:12–14 A changing economy also brought poverty, which led to raiding and the founding of the Civil Guard. Education reforms in the 1860s expanded access to higher education.[95]:144 The 19th century also saw further attempts to establish control of the mountain tribes of the interior, although success remained limited. Better success was had in the south, where the Spanish gained control over the seas and coasts, and obtained the surrender of the Sultanate of Sulu in 1878.[66]:95–96
The Latin American wars of independence and renewed immigration led to shifts in social identity, with the term Filipino shifting from referring to Spaniards born in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Philippines to a term encompassing all people in the archipelago. This identity shift was driven by wealthy families of mixed ancestry, for which it developed into a national identity,[101][102] and served as a claim to status equal to Spanish peninsulares and insulares.[96]:41 Spanish served as a common language for the growing local elite, who shared a western educational background despite varied ethnolinguistic origins. Most came from Manila.[97]:2, 30 A class of educated individuals became known as the Ilustrados. This group included individuals who had studied at both local universities and Spanish ones, and came from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds. This group gained prominence in Philippine administration, and increasingly involved in politics.[97]:26–34 This added a third group of elites to the two existing groups of the urban bureaucracy and the municipal elites.[97]:35
Liberal reforms and ideas that had taken root in Spain were resisted by the conservative religious orders that had influence throughout the Philippines.[93]:209 In the 1880s, some prominent ilustrados, especially those who had studied in Spain, launched the Propaganda Movement. This loose movement sought to reform Spanish administration of the Philippines.[97]:35–36 The restoration of Philippine representation to the Cortes was one of the grievances raised by the ilustrados. For the most part it was a campaign for secular self-government as a full part of Spain,[10]:105–107 including with equality between those born in Spain and those born in the Philippines. Much of the campaigning took place in Madrid, rather than in the Philippines. With liberal reforms rejected, some saw the movement as the beginning of a national awakening,[97]:36 as its members began to return to the Philippines.[93]:209
An authoritarian backlash against the Propaganda Movement led to official suppression.[10]:105–107 In the 1890s divisions emerged among those that supported the ideals of the movement. One group that emerged from this was the Katipunan, created in 1892 predominantly by members of Manila's urban middle class rather than by ilustrados.[97]:39 These individuals were often less wealthy than those who made up the ilustrados, and less invested in the existing political structures.[97]:42 The Katipunan advocated complete Philippine independence, and began the Philippine Revolution in 1896.[94] This revolution gained the support of the municipal elite outside of the major cities, who found themselves with significantly greater control as Spanish administrative and religious authorities were forced out by the revolutionaries.[97]:46
Despite most ilustrados opposing the revolution, many were implicated by the Spanish authorities and were arrested and imprisoned.[97]:39 After the execution of José Rizal on December 30, 1896, the leader of the Ilustrados who disapproved of the revolution, the rebellion intensified.[103]:140–141 The Katipunan in Cavite had won several battles against the Spaniards, but was split into the Magdiwang and Magdalo factions. A conference was held in 1897 to unite the two factions, but instead caused further division that led to the execution of Andres Bonifacio, who was then the leader of the Katipunan; Bonifacio's death passed the control of the Katipunan to Emilio Aguinaldo.[103]:145–147 This was part of a shift from middle class to elite leadership within the rebellion.[89]:104 Nonetheless, Spanish military superiority was unable to overcome growing political support for the revolution that emerged outside of Manila throughout the archipelago.[66]:112–113 A provisional constitution was set up to last two years, but was soon superseded by an agreement between the Spaniards and the revolutionaries, the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.[7]:1 This pact provided for Aguinaldo's surrender and exile to Hong Kong, and amnesty and payment of indemnities by the Spaniards to the revolutionaries. However, both sides eventually violated the agreement.[93]:216
The Spanish–American War reached the Philippines on May 1 with the Battle of Manila Bay. Aguinaldo returned from exile, set up a new government, and proclaimed the independence of the Philippines on June 12, 1898, in Kawit, Cavite.[104] Aguilnaldo gained support even from ilustrados who had opposed the initial revolution.[97]:40[69]:32 War with the Americans prompted the Spanish Governor to offer an autonomous government,[96]:45 however the Americans defeated the Spanish on August 13 in a mock battle in Manila and took control of the city.[105][106] Aguinaldo proclaimed a revolutionary government, and convened a congress on September 15, 1898, in Barasoain Church in Malolos. This unicameral congress was aimed at enticing support to the revolutionaries. It approved the declaration of independence, and in 1899 approved the Malolos Constitution to inaugurate the First Philippine Republic.[34]:123 The First Philippine Republic reflected the liberal ideas of the time, valuing private property rights and limiting voting to high-class men, reflecting the growing influence of the elite in the initially anti-elite movement.[10]:115 The Philippines remained under Spanish sovereignty until December 10, 1898, when Spain ceded it to the United States in the Treaty of Paris that ended the short war between those powers.[107]
American era
The Philippine–American War erupted in February 1899 in a skirmish in Manila. The United States set up military and civil governments in Manila and in other areas as they were pacified.[108] Just nine days after the conquest of Manila, civil administration was initiated with the involvement of local ilustrados.[96]:46–47 In rural areas, the co-opting of municipal elites that had taken over from the Spanish removed resistance to American rule.[97]:46 Aguinaldo was captured on April 1, 1901, at Palanan, Isabela.[91]:1076 The Americans gave Filipinos limited self-government at the local level by 1901,[41] holding the first municipal elections,[15] and passed the Philippine Organic Act in 1902 to introduce a national government[109] and regularize civilian rule, designating the Philippine Commission as a legislative body, with membership consisting of Americans appointed by the American President.[34]:123–124 The first provincial elections took place in 1902.[70]:17 The judicial system saw Cayetano Arellano appointed as the first Filipino Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.[12]:95–96 The judicial system as a whole modelled the American system, and American judges shaped early case law.[110]:11–12
U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt ended U.S. hostilities and proclaimed a full and complete pardon and amnesty to revolutionaries on July 4, 1902 and abolished the office of U.S. Military Governor in the Philippines.[91]:1076[111] On April 9, 2002, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo proclaimed that the Philippine–American War had ended on April 16, 1902 with the surrender of General Miguel Malvar.[112]
American belief in the importance of the rule of law defined its political approach to the Philippines, with its laws and constitutional traditions replicated in their new possessions and applying to Americans and natives alike. It also served as a justification for taking possession of the islands, along with the theory they were as of yet incapable of democratic self-governance.[96]:25–26 The Schurman Commission, in assessing the islands, reported to the President that the various peoples of the islands lacked a common nationhood. However, a small number of elites, such as those who led the independence movement, were considered "highly-educated and able".[96]:30–31 Those with wealth and education were considered more likely to acquiesce to American rule compared to those in the middle class.[97]:46–47
This elite minority was seen as the key to gaining acceptance of American rule, and the Americans appropriated selected narratives such as the veneration of José Rizal.[96]:45–46 The hierarchical social structure that existed under Spanish rule was co-opted by the United States, with democracy introduced in a manner which did not threaten the power of the existing elites.[46] Actions which included Filipinos within government structures were taken as demonstrations of American commitment to local involvement in governance.[96]:47 The elites further benefited from the redistribution of friar lands.[113]:66 In turn, ilustrado views of Filipino society influenced the Americans.[97]:47 Initial American policy favored local governance,[66]:135 and so they introduced elections at a local level and later built upwards. This had the effect of entrenching local elites into the national system,[41] who were often relied upon to help govern by the American administration.[10]:126 This process meant that politicians who built provincial power bases in these early years were able to compete at a national level with politicians from Manila.[97]:6–7 In some rural areas, support for the revolution and opposition to American rule persisted among the poorer population, which would later shift into support for socialist ideas[66]:128–130 and conflict with both American and elite rule.[89]:104–105
Americans expanded local participation in governance beyond that which had been allowed under Spanish rule,[10]:119–121 expanding representative government beyond the merely advisory system that existed under the Spanish. Political participation remained limited by pre-existing criteria on status and wealth, with the addition of literacy as another consideration.[96]:51[69]:41 The Federalist Party, formed in 1900 by landed elites, advocated for autonomy under American rule, although its leaders hoped to become a state of the United States.[10]:126–127 These individuals were considered traitors by the ongoing Philippine revolution, but their alliance with the American military led members of the party to be placed in positions of power at all levels and branches of government.[69]:32–34 Opposition began to consolidate under the banner of the Nacionalista Party, which advocated for independence and regarded itself as the heir of the First Philippine Republic.[10]:126–127 On July 30, 1907, the first election of the Philippine Assembly was held. Led by Sergio Osmeña, the assembly was held predominantly by the Nacionalista Party; they were opposed by the Federalists, who were by then renamed the Progresista Party.[41] The Nacionalistas ended up with a majority of 80 seats.[34]:124 Due to the tight restrictions of the voting franchise, only 1.4% of the population participated in this election.[114]:15 The Nacionalista party would maintain electoral dominance until independence, and even came to include several former Federalistas.[69]:42
Legislation involving immigration, currency and coinage, and timber and mining required approval by the United States President.[34]:124 Despite their ambitions for independence, Nacionalista leaders developed collaborative relationships with American officials.[97]:4 The election of United States President Woodrow Wilson, and his appointment of Governor-General Francis Burton Harrison,[115] led to the policy of Filipinization being introduced in 1913 as part of a policy to accelerate decolonization.[66]:139 In 1913 Filipinos were included in the commission, shifting its membership to five Filipinos and four Americans.[34]:124 Efforts were also made to bring locals into the civil service.[91]:1081[116]
American forces continued to secure and extend their control over the islands, suppressing an attempted extension of the Philippine Republic,[103]:200–202 securing the Sultanate of Sulu,[117] and establishing control over interior mountainous areas that had resisted Spanish conquest.[118] The last military resistance outside of Mindanao was ended by 1906.[91]:1076 Military rule over the Muslim Moro Province and the animist Mountain Province ended in 1913, with them then coming under the control of the civilian government in Manila.[66]:125 This wove southern Mindanao into the country more tightly that it had ever been previously, although its inhabitants remained a distinct minority.[10]:125 Divisions between Christians and Muslims (known as Moros) in the archipelago coincided with American economic interest in Mindanao.[119]:258–259 American proposals to split most of Mindanao, the Sulu archipelago, and Palawan from the rest of the islands were supported by some Moro political leaders.[119]:266–267 Some Moro leaders believed all of Mindanao to be rightfully theirs, in spite of a large Christian minority.[119]:260 Moros were remained concerned that rule by Americans would be replaced with rule by Christian Filipinos. Proposals to divide the colony were strongly opposed by the predominantly Christian Philippine legislature.[120]:83–85 The Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was created in 1920,[120]:110 replacing direct rule by an American Governor,[90]:174 and the Philippine government pursued a policy of gradually strengthening government in Mindanao, supported by immigration from Christian areas.[119]:269–270 By 1935 these areas were fully integrated into the Philippine administrative structure.[120]:97 Despite this, the traditional political structures of Sultanates and Datus continued as a parallel structure in Mindanao and Sulu throughout the American period, and beyond.[120]:93
The commission was replaced by the Philippine Senate through the 1916 Jones Law.[109] This body had 24 members elected for six-year terms, with 2 from each of the 12 senatorial districts. Most were elected, however those from the district consisting of the non-Christian areas of Mindanao and the Cordilleras were appointed by the Governor-General.[34]:124 The appointed senators had no fixed terms. This legislative body had the power to confirm appointments to the executive and judicial branches.[115] The Jones Law envisioned eventual Philippine independence, once the territory had achieved stable governance.[109] Some American legislators continued to disagree with this aim,[119]:262 believing American rule could be indefinite.[119]:270–271 1916 also saw the voting franchise expand from just educated English and Spanish speakers to include educated speakers of native languages,[10]:147 and the removal of the requirement to own property, leading to the electorate including 6-7% of the population.[69]:42 By 1921, the Filipinization policy had resulted in 96% of the civil service staff being Filipinos.[91]:1081[121]
The Nacionalista-dominated Philippine Assembly, and later the Philippine Senate, were often at odds with the Governor-General.[10]:139[119]:271[91]:1117 Its leadership grew more powerful, seizing state bodies and using nationalism to weaken American oversight.[10]:141–142 The establishment of the senate led to the Nacionalistas forming opposing camps loyal to Osmeña (the Unipersonalistas) and Senate President Manuel L. Quezon (the Colectavistas).[69]:44 Despite this division, several independence missions were sent to Washington, D.C..[10]:146 The onset of the Great Depression strengthened American desire to grant independence to the Philippines, as it would reduce American liability to the territory.[119]:273[122][123] The OsRox Mission led by Osmeña and House Speaker Manuel Roxas resulted in the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act. However, the Senate rejected this; a new law, the Tydings–McDuffie Act which was marginally different and, more importantly, was supported by Quezon,[91]:1117 was approved and paved the way for the Commonwealth of the Philippines and mandated U.S. recognition of independence of the Philippine Islands after a ten-year transition period.[124]
The institutionalization of the elite's role in politics under the American system, combined with an increase in the Philippine population and an accruing of land into elite hands, led to a breakdown in transitional social relationships between the elite and the rest of the populace. In rural areas, especially central Luzon, class consciousness-based political organization developed, leading to eventually to peasant revolts in the 1930s.[78]:21–22
Commonwealth era
The new constitution created under this act was approved on January 31, 1935,[5]:43 and was adopted on February 1. The first elections were held on September 17.[5]:44 Quezon and Osmeña reconciled,[10]:147[69]:44 and both were elected as president and vice president respectively, in 1935.[110]:12 The Nacionalistas controlled the now unicameral National Assembly for the entirety of the Commonwealth, with the understanding that the Americans would grant independence in the near future.[91]:1117–1118 In 1937 the voting franchise was expanded to include literate women,[10]:147 and this period saw participation in elections reach 14%.[114]:15 Local elections were held in different years to legislative and presidential elections.[15] Under the Commonwealth religious freedom was guaranteed, although government and national identity remained Christian and Manila-centric.[120]:108–109 A national curriculum similarly sought to impose a single vision of a Filipino identity across the diverse ethnolinguistic groups of the islands.[120]:110 Alongside this, Tagalog was established as a national language.[125]
The Presidential system of the Commonwealth government was based on that of the United States.[41] However, while dividing power between three branches similarly to the constitution of the United States, the 1935 constitution gave the Philippine President significantly more power both politically and economically than that accorded to the President of the United States.[114]:16 Tensions between the executive and legislature, especially over passing budgets, were immediately apparent under the new system.[113]:71 Control over budgets and political appointments were the two biggest ways that the legislature could influence the executive. Budgetary control also provided members of Congress of means to generate political patronage through pork barrel politics.[114]:17 Seats in the legislature provided valuable access to the Philippine National Bank, and the ability to influence export quotas (most valuably that of sugar). Often one family member became involved in politics, while another managed the family business.[113]:66–67
Having sought the restriction of executive power under American Governors, as President Quezon now moved to expand its power.[66]:153 The peasant-led Sakdal uprising and the fear of a newly formed communist party were used to justify centralizing power.[66]:153 Originally a unicameral legislature was created,[41] however Quezon pressed for constitutional amendments that would allow him to obtain a second term and for the restoration of a bicameral legislature. Both amendments were passed,[91]:1117–1118 with the newly restored Senate now being elected at-large instead of per district, as what was done during the pre-Commonwealth era. Quezon, Osmeña and the Nacionalista Party as a whole won the elections in 1941 with greatly increased margins.[34]:125 Through patronage, Quezon was able to maintain strong support among local elites. This clout allowed him to pass several significant reforms aimed at improving the economic situation of the poor and middle classes, failing only in his attempts at land reform.[66]:154
The transition to the Commonwealth government from American rule led to civil service positions that had previously been held by Americans being filled by political appointees, a practice explicitly allowed by the 1935 constitution.[113]:67 The constitution also served to protect American interests in the Philippines, effectively giving them greater economic access than other foreign countries, and the Philippine economy remained tied to the American one even after independence.[113]:67–68 Defence and foreign affairs remained under the control of the United States,[110]:12 while legislation and judicial decisions could be reviewed in the United States. Treatment of the Commonwealth by the United States was inconsistent, with it sometimes being treated as a separate country and sometimes being treated as under United States jurisdiction. Nonetheless, internationally the had gained some acceptance as a distinct country. The Philippines already had membership within the Universal Postal Union, which was continued by the Commonwealth. After World War Two, the Commonwealth became a founding member of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the International Civil Aviation Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and the United Nations.[126]:37–40
The Japanese invasion of 1941 at the onset of World War II forced the Commonwealth government to go into exile,[91]:1118 and subjected the country to a puppet government. All the existing parties to merge into the KALIBAPI, created by Proclamation No. 109 on December 8, 1942, with other parties being banned.[127] The KALIBAPI became the sole legal political party, and Jose P. Laurel was declared president of an independent Second Philippine Republic[110]:14–15[128] on October 14, 1943.[64] Some municipal and tax laws from the 1935 Constitution remained in force during this period,[5]:43 and there was continuity in state bureaucracy from the Commonwealth to the Second Republic.[66]:160 Under Japanese rule, governing policy was to win the populace over to the Japanese cause and thus reduce support for the United States, but this was unsuccessful.[110]:15 In rural areas, a sudden vacuum of elite power led to the formation of new local governments by the remaining populace, beginning the Hukbalahap Rebellion.[89]:105 Exiled leaders of the previous first Commonwealth government provided limited support to the U.S.; President President Quezon was a member of the Pacific War Council and participated, along with Vice President Osmeña and members of his cabinet, in civic and social activities, promoting the sale of war bonds, etc.[129]
The Americans reconquered the country in 1944, and Osmeña, who had succeeded Quezon upon the latter's death, restored the Commonwealth government.[110]:15 Those attending the congress were the remaining living and free members of the 1941 congress.[110]:15–16[115] The Nacionalistas were divided following the war, with a leadership struggle leading to Manuel Roxas setting up what would later be the Liberal Party.[15] Roxas defeated Osmeña in the 1946 presidential election, and became the last president of the Commonwealth.[95]:145 A left-wing political movement that spawned from the Hukbalahap fight against the Japanese was suppressed by the former elite with American support, leading to the continuation of the rebellion against the new government.[89]:105 The Americans granted independence on July 4, 1946, and Roxas became the first president of the new Republic of the Philippines.[95]:145 The Commonwealth constitution which continued in effect,[15] as did existing membership in international organizations.[126]:41
Independent era
The impact of the war led to a weaker civil service and a reduction in the dominance of Manila, with provincial politicians gaining political power and in some cases de facto autonomy. Many leveraged their provincial power to engage in national politics.[67]:19–20 Muslim leaders who had resisted Japanese occupation were rewarded with local political office, and others successfully ran for Congress.[90]:178 Eventually, many throughout the country who had collaborated with the Japanese were pardoned in 1948 and 1953.[110]:16–17 Universal suffrage saw an expansion of voter participation, although power remained concentrated in the hands of a small elite. Despite the landed elite continuing to dominate the legislature,[114]:14–15 a diversifying post-war economy saw politicians who were not primarily from agricultural backgrounds come to executive power. By the late 1960s this had largely brought an end to the land-based cacique democracy patronage system. Political offices became lucrative by themselves, and patronage became more reliant on access to government funds.[113]:69 Continued American economic and military support lessened the dependence of the executive on the legislature.[114]:17 These changes did not shift the overall shape of Filipino politics, which remained a two-party system dominated by a narrow elite.[114]:15 The winner of the Presidency tended to also take control of both houses of Congress.[41] There was little policy difference between the two parties,[70]:17 and defections were common.[110]:16 Patronage, fraud, and voter suppression were common methods of maintaining power.[114]:17–18
Roxas succumbed to a heart attack in 1948, allowing Vice President Elpidio Quirino to rule the country for the next six years, after winning in 1949.[110]:16 During his term in office, Quirino sought to significantly expand executive power.[114]:18 Election concerns led to the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections being formed, an early example of civil society organization that prominently included World War II veterans. This movement was supported by the United States, who desired the Philippines to be an example of democracy as the Cold War reached Asia, and by the Catholic Church.[70]:48–51 Quirino's Liberal government was widely seen as corrupt and was easily beaten by his former Defense secretary Ramon Magsaysay in the 1953 election. Magsaysay, who oversaw the surrender of the long-running Hukbalahap Rebellion, was massively popular.[130][131] Magsaysay implemented a plan to settle surrendered Hukbalahap rebels in Mindanao.[120]:111 This cemented a demographic shift in Mindanao from having a Muslim majority to having a Christian majority.[90]:177, 180 The expression of class-based politics shifted towards more moderate groups, such as the Federation of Free Farmers and the Federation of Free Workers.[78]:22–23
Before the 1957 election, Magsaysay was killed in a plane crash.[132] His vice president, Carlos P. Garcia, succeeded him and won the election.[133] He continued Magsaysay's "Filipino First" policy[62]:69 and an austerity program. Garcia was defeated by his vice president, Diosdado Macapagal of the Liberal Party, in 1961. Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise not seen since the Quirino administration. However, Macapagal's policies faced stiff opposition in Congress, where the Nacionalistas hold the majority.[citation needed] The Philippine civil service in the late 1950s and 60s was becaming more technocratic, and Macapagal established the Program Implementation Agency directly under the President. This body was used to manage projects relatively free from Congressional oversight.[113]:69 Macapagal was defeated in 1965 by Senator Ferdinand Marcos.[134]
The growing and diversifying economy of the 1960s led to a growth in private business power[70]:78 and an expansion in mass media.[70]:80 Marcos' infrastructure projects were the feature policy of his term,[135] he was the first president to be reelected, in 1969, although the election was tainted by violence and allegations of fraud and vote buying.[70]:87 The 1969 election saw a similar election observation effort to 1953, although it did not receive as much backing or have as much impact. Marcos was not opposed by the church, business, or the United States. Significant protests, such as the First Quarter Storm,[70]:85–87 and civil unrest, heightened after the election.[70]:87 Communist rebellion strengthened during Marcos' rule,[10]:219–220 and Moro insurgency emerged in Mindanao as tensions surrounding Christian immigration combined with a more empowered national government.[10]:216 Local elections in 1971 overturned Muslim political dominance in Mindanao, as Christian settlers who had previously voted for traditional Muslim leaders switched to voting for Christian representatives.[90]:185
Despite initiating a constitutional convention in 1971,[7]:12 Marcos declared martial law in 1972.[70]:87 While this was likely to justify arresting political opponents,[90]:186 Marcos cited the communist insurgency[136][137] and Muslim separatism as the reasons for the move.[90]:186 At one point, communist rebels were present in one fifth of the country's villages.[114]:1 Meanwhile, the imposition of military rule only increased Muslim resistance in Mindanao.[90]:187–188 Attempts to end the war in Mindanao led Marcos to alter the political situation in the area. He introduced a code of Muslim personal laws, and formally recognized a number of sultans in Mindanao and Sulu. Negotiations led the insurgency to replace demands for independence with demands for autonomy. While peace talks ultimately failed, the level of violence subsided from its peak in the early 1970s.[90]:190–197
Marcos framed his government as fighting against the rich landed elite that traditionally dominated politics. He relied on the growing technocratic civil service, who were receptive to such arguments, to effectively run the country under martial law. The first large-scale government reorganization since independence shortly followed, including a purge of the existing civil service.[113]:69–71 The convention finalized the new constitution in November 1972.[138] It called for a semi-presidential government was approved in 1973[15] through shows of hands in citizen assemblies,[34]:125 a process that did not meet the requirements of the 1935 constitution for constitutional change.[7]:10 The Supreme Court ruled that although this procedure was improper, the constitution had come into force.[31]:6 "Amendment No. 6" of 1976 gave the executive the law-making powers of the legislature.[7]:11–13 Beginning with these referendums, the voting age was lowered from 21 to 15.[55][139][140]
Marcos continued to rule by decree without elections until 1978, when the Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) legislature was elected.[15] Marcos had complete control over the bureaucracy, local governments, military, the press, and COMELEC. The 1978 parliamentary and the 1980 local elections were dominated by Marcos' Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party.[15][70]:88 The unicameral IBP had little power, unable to repeal Presidential decrees or declare no confidence in the government.[34]:125 The Supreme Court affirmed the expansive executive powers claimed under martial law.[7]:10–11
Marcos laid out a vision of a "new society", which would represent an end to old oligarchies.[62]:70 The changes implemented by Marcos sought to eliminate regional power centers and instead strengthen links between his national government and the general public. This was only partially successful, and Marcos relied on local allies to enforce martial law.[141] Some political dynasties who were not Marcos allies were stripped of assets and power,[67]:41 in many cases replaced in local politics by Marcos allies.[67]:437 Opposition groups, whose leaders mostly had already left in exile, boycotted the election, and Marcos still allowed martial law to continue.[citation needed] Marcos ended martial law in 1981, shortly before a visit to the country by Pope John Paul II, although he retained immense executive powers.[7]:12–13 Opposition groups still boycotted the 1981 presidential election,[142][143] which Marcos easily won.[citation needed] As martial law was repealed Marcos implemented a system of nominal autonomy in some regions of Mindanao. However this was seen as largely toothless, and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front operated as a shadow government in some areas.[90]:198
Opponents to Marcos were able to consolidate under the United Nationalist Democratic Organization.[62]:70 Opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was slain upon his return to the country in 1983.[12]:97 By this time, the government was marred by alleged rampant corruption and allegations of human rights violations.[citation needed] A united opposition participated in the 1984 parliamentary election, and made gains including defections from the ruling party.[89]:108 Meanwhile, the economy had entered a period of contraction.[70]:89 To counter growing opposition, in 1985 Marcos called for a snap election that had no constitutional basis.[7]:11 The opposition nominated Benigno's widow Corazon as their candidate.[62]:70 Marcos was declared the winner of the 1986 election, but the opposition refused to accept the result, alleging that the election was rigged. The People Power Revolution drove Marcos from power, and Aquino became president[12]:98 following Congress officially declaring her the election winner.[48]
Post–People Power era
Initially Aquino governed under a "freedom constitution", while setting up a constitutional commission to replace the 1973 constitution.[34]:125[7]:6 This "freedom constitution" declared the Aquino Government to have been installed through a direct exercise of the power of the Filipino people assisted by units of the New Armed Forces of the Philippines.[7]:6 With the IBP abolished,[138] Aquino exercised both executive and legislative powers. This power was used to modify the Family Code to increase gender equality. The 1987 constitution, approved via plebiscite,[34]:125 restored democracy along the lines of the 1935 constitution, although local elections became synchronized with national elections, term limits were put in place, and a multi-party system replaced the previous two-party system.[15] Checks and balances were put in place to limit executive power, and many laws established during martial law were repealed.[7]:13 It also restored the pre-martial law senate system.[41] Written in the aftermath of the people power movement, the new constitution introduced some elements of direct democracy, such as the possibility of constitutional amendments though "initiative and referendum", recall of local elected officials, and provisions guaranteeing the right for civil society groups to organize.[7]:6 The new constitution did not cancel the effect of the previous one, and unless otherwise stated laws established under the 1973 constitution remained in effect.[7]:14 Economic property that had been expropriated from elite families under the dictatorship was returned to them.[67]:19
The legislative election, which saw elections for all 24 Senate seats instead of the usual 12, saw pro-Aquino parties win most of the seats in Congress. The electoral system meant that the 200 members of the House had together received only 34% of votes.[41] While local officials were initially appointed directly by Aquino,[79]:28 divisions in left-leaning groups who had opposed Marcos, and a related lack of participation in the 1987 legislative election, contributed to the traditional elite recapturing elected office.[89]:112[144] Political reform movements that had grown under Marcos and played a significant role in the revolution lost their strength over the next few years.[79]:28[75]:282 Aquino's government was mired by coup attempts,[64] high inflation and unemployment,[145] and natural calamities,[145][146] but introduced limited land reform[10]:235[147][148][149] and market liberalization.[150][151] Communist rebels, who had broken with other anti-Marcos groups, continued a low-intensity rebellion. Islamic separatists similarly continued their campaign in the south.[89]:109 Although there were some initial peace negotiations which saw limited success,[90]:200 Aquino eventually undertook a "total war" policy against these insurrections.[89]:113 The establishment of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) saw little change on the ground.[90]:202 Aquino's administration also saw the pullout of the U.S. bases in Subic Bay and Clark.[152][153] In 1991, a new Local Government Code shifted some power and resources to lower levels of government.[89]:115
As the 1992 election grew closer, Aquino declined to run even though she could do so, and instead supported Ramon Mitra;[citation needed] she later backtracked and threw her support to Fidel V. Ramos,[154] who later won albeit under controversial circumstances and allegations of electoral fraud.[155][156][157] Ramos had to face an ongoing energy crisis that had started during the Aquino administration which was resolved when Ramos issued contracts favorable to power producers.[103]:343[158] The Ramos administration privatized government monopolies,[103]:343 lowered economic regulation,[64] hosted the 1996 APEC summit,[159] reinstated the death penalty,[160][161] signed the party list system act,[162][163][164] repealed the anti-subversion law,[163][165] devolved power away from the national government through the Local Government Code,[10]:251 signed a peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front,[166] and bore the brunt of the 1997 Asian financial crisis.[167] He wanted to amend the constitution, but Aquino and other sectors opposed the measure and backed off.[103]:343 Ramos' vice president Joseph Estrada defeated the former's party mate Jose de Venecia and several others in the 1998 election in a comfortable margin; meanwhile, de Venecia's running mate Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was elected vice president.[citation needed]
Estrada expanded the land reform program and the death penalty and refused to sign contracts with sovereign guarantees on public projects. Estrada also wanted to amend the constitution but was again rebuffed by Aquino, the Catholic Church, and the left. The administration launched an "all-out war" against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front that saw the government retaking Camp Abubakar, the main rebel encampment.[168] Despite the popular anti-rebel stance, the administration was embroiled in charges of cronyism and corruption; a scandal involving jueteng gambling led to his impeachment by the House of Representatives.[10]:274–276 In the impeachment trial, Estrada's allies in the Senate successfully prevented evidence to be presented; this triggered massive protests.[169][170] Days later, in what would be called the EDSA II,[171] the Armed Forces of the Philippines withdrew their support to Estrada and transferred their allegiance to Vice President Arroyo; the Supreme Court later ruled the presidency as vacant, and Estrada left Malacañang Palace.[172][173]
Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20, 2001. Four months later, Estrada's supporters lay siege to the presidential palace but were later expelled;[174] Arroyo's People Power Coalition won a majority of seats in the 2001 elections and therefore consolidated power. In 2003, Arroyo put down a coup attempt in the central business district.[175] As Arroyo had served less than four years as President, she was eligible for re-election.[31]:7 She faced Fernando Poe Jr., a friend of Estrada, along with three others in 2004, and won on a slim plurality. Months after Poe died in December, it was exposed, via wiretapped conversations, that Arroyo rigged the election.[176] On a national address, Arroyo said that she was "sorry on a lapse of judgment." The opposition did not let up, and she had to put down two more coup attempts.[177][178] Following her election, Arroyo attempted to change the constitution and create a parliamentary system. This gained significant momentum and support from the House, but Senate opposition, a close Supreme Court ruling, and civil society opposition led to its failure.[31]:8–21 The opposition united in the 2007 Senate election and won easily, but Arroyo's allies still held the House of Representatives.[179] By the end of her presidency, Arroyo was the most unpopular president since the 1986 People Power Revolution,[180][74]:2 with allegations of corruption,[179] increases on taxes, attempts to amend the constitution, and the alleged illegitimacy of her administration as the reasons.[citation needed]
Before the 2010 election, Arroyo's party nominated Gilberto Teodoro for president; however, some quarters suggested that Arroyo was secretly supporting Manny Villar, who was the front-runner.[181] However, former president Aquino died, and her son, Benigno Aquino III, overtook Villar in the polls.[182][183] Estrada overtook Villar in the polls but still lost to Aquino. Aquino embarked on an anti-corruption drive,[184] saw the economy grew and maintain high popularity.[185] However, with natural calamities,[186] and scams on the use of pork barrel and other discretionary funds coming into the light, the Aquino administration had to contend with rising opposition.[187]
In 2016, Aquino's handpicked successor, Mar Roxas, was decisively defeated by Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte in the 2016 Presidential Election.[188] Duterte then implemented a massive War on Drugs that led to thousands of deaths. The opposition, now primarily Liberal Party, pro-Aquino figures, opposed the killings, branding them as human rights abuses.[189] Duterte then prioritized infrastructure spending,[190][191][192] and sought to end the communist insurgency,[193] formally declaring the Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples Army (CPP-NPA) as a terrorist group,[194][195] creating a reintegration program for former rebels,[196][197] and granting amnesty to eligible members.[198][199] The administration made peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, agreeing to expand and empower autonomy in Muslim areas, replacing the ARMM with the more powerful Bangsamoro region.[200] The opposition was wiped out in the 2019 midterms, where all of its senatorial candidates lost, and only a handful of winners in the lower house.[201][202]
Ver también
- Sovereignty of the Philippines
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- ^ Gita-Carlos, Ruth Abbey (February 16, 2021). "Duterte grants amnesty to communist, Moro rebels". Philippine News Agency. Archived from the original on February 16, 2021. Retrieved April 19, 2021.
- ^ Punzalan, Jamaine (January 21, 2021). "Duterte on Bangsamoro anniversary: 'Give full support to the BARMM'". ABS-CBN News. Archived from the original on January 26, 2021. Retrieved January 30, 2021.
The Bangsamoro or "nation of Moros" is the culmination of a tumultuous peace process separatist Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and successive governments, aimed at ending conflict that has killed at least 120,000 people since the 1970s.
- ^ Cabato, Regine (May 14, 2019). "Philippine midterm elections deliver a resounding vote of confidence for Duterte". Washington Post. Archived from the original on May 14, 2019. Retrieved January 30, 2021.
- ^ Cabico, Gaea Katreena (May 22, 2019). "Opposition slate Otso Diretso suffers a resounding loss". The Philippine Star. Archived from the original on June 3, 2019. Retrieved January 30, 2021.
- "The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines". Official Gazette of the Government of the Philippines. 1987.
Otras lecturas
- Hutchcroft, Paul D. (1998). Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9781501738630.
- Kalaw, Maximo M. (1927). The development of Philippine politics (1882-1920). Oriental commercial.
- Mendoza, Ronald; Beja Jr, Edsel; Venida, Victor; Yap, David (July 17, 2013). "Political dynasties and poverty: Resolving the "chicken or the egg" question". Munich Personal RePEc Archive. Munich University Library.
- Muñoz, Mauro R. (2002). Philippine Governance and Constitution. Goodwill Trading Co., Inc. ISBN 9789715740623.