Parashat Vayikra , VaYikra , Va-yikra o Wayyiqra ( וַיִּקְרָא - en hebreo para "y Él llamó", la primera palabra en la parashá) es la 24a porción semanal de la Torá ( פָּרָשָׁה , parashá ) en el ciclo judío anual de lectura de la Torá y el primero en el Libro de Levítico . La parashá establece las leyes de los sacrificios ( קָרְבָּנוֹת , korbanot ). Constituye Levítico 1: 1–5: 26 ( 1: 1–6: 7en la versión King James ).
La parashá tiene la mayor cantidad de letras y palabras de cualquiera de las porciones semanales de la Torá en el Libro de Levítico (aunque no la mayoría de los versículos ). Se compone de 6.222 letras hebreas, 1.673 palabras hebreas, 111 versos y 215 líneas en un rollo de la Torá ( סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה , Sefer Torá ). (Parashat Emor tiene la mayor cantidad de versículos de cualquier porción de la Torá en Levítico). [1] Los judíos la leen el sábado 23 o 24 después de Simjat Torá , generalmente en marzo o principios de abril. [2]
Lecturas
En la lectura tradicional de la Torá en sábado, la parashá se divide en siete lecturas, o עליות , aliyot . [3]
Primera lectura - Levítico 1: 1-13
En la primera lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), Dios llamó a Moisés desde el Tabernáculo y le dijo las leyes de los sacrificios. [4] Holocaustos ( עֹלָה , olah ) podría ser toros , carneros o machos cabras , o tórtolas o palomas , que la cura completamente quemado en madera en el altar . [5]
Segunda lectura - Levítico 1: 14–2: 6
En la segunda lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), las ofrendas quemadas también podían ser tórtolas o palomas , que el sacerdote también quemaba completamente en madera en el altar. [6]
Ofrendas de comida ( מִנְחָה , Minjá ) eran de flor de harina con aceite, de la que cura eliminaría una parte de contadores a arder en el altar, y el resto de los sacerdotes podían comer. [7]
Tercera lectura - Levítico 2: 7–16
En la tercera lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), la ofrenda de comida también se puede cocinar en una sartén. [8] Las ofrendas de comida no podían contener levadura ni miel , y debían ser sazonadas con sal . [9] Las ofrendas de comida de las primicias tenían que ser nuevas mazorcas tostadas al fuego, sémola de grano fresco. [10]
Cuarta lectura - Levítico 3: 1-17
En la cuarta lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), sacrificios de bienestar ( שְׁלָמִים , shelamim ) podría ser macho o hembra de ganado vacuno, ovino o caprino, de los cuales el sacerdote rociaría la sangre en los lados del altar y quemaría la grasa alrededor de las entrañas, los riñones y la protuberancia en el hígado en el altar. [11]
Quinta lectura - Levítico 4: 1–26
En la quinta lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), ofrendas por el pecado ( חַטָּאת , chatat ) por el pecado involuntario del Sumo Sacerdote o la comunidad requirió sacrificar un toro, rociar su sangre en la Tienda de Reunión, quemar en el altar la grasa alrededor de las entrañas, los riñones y la protuberancia en el hígado, y quemando el resto del toro en un montón de cenizas fuera del campamento. [12] Las ofrendas por la culpa por el pecado involuntario de un cacique requerían sacrificar un macho cabrío, poner un poco de su sangre en los cuernos del altar y quemar su grasa. [13]
Sexta lectura - Levítico 4: 27–5: 10
En la sexta lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), las ofrendas por la culpa por el pecado involuntario de un laico requerían sacrificar una cabra, poner un poco de su sangre en los cuernos del altar y quemar su grasa. [14] Se requerían ofrendas por el pecado en los casos en que una persona:
- pudo testificar pero no dio información,
- tocó cualquier cosa inmunda,
- tocado la inmundicia humana, o
- pronunció un juramento y se olvidó. [15]
En tales casos, la persona tenía que confesar y sacrificar una oveja o una cabra; o si la persona no podía pagar una oveja, dos tórtolas o dos palomas. [dieciséis]
Séptima lectura - Levítico 5: 11–26
En la séptima lectura ( עליה , aliyah ), si una persona no podía pagar dos tórtolas o palomas, entonces la persona debía llevar harina para la ofrenda por el pecado al sacerdote, y el sacerdote tomaría un puñado y lo ahumaría en el altar. y así hacer expiación. [17]
Ofrendas de culpa ( אָשָׁם , asham ) eran necesarios cuando una persona, sin saberlo, era negligente con cualquier cosa sagrada. [18] En tales casos, la persona tenía que sacrificar un carnero y hacer una restitución más el 20 por ciento al sacerdote. [19] De manera similar, se requerían ofrendas por la culpa cuando una persona actuaba engañosamente en el asunto de un depósito o una prenda, mediante robo, fraude o al encontrar algo perdido y mentir al respecto. [20] En tales casos, la persona tenía que sacrificar un carnero y hacer una restitución más el 20 por ciento a la víctima. [21]
Lecturas según el ciclo trienal
Los judíos que leen la Torá de acuerdo con el ciclo trienal de lectura de la Torá leen la parashá de acuerdo con el siguiente programa: [22]
Año 1 | Año 2 | Año 3 | |
---|---|---|---|
2020, 2023, 2026 ... | 2021, 2024, 2027 ... | 2022, 2025, 2028 ... | |
Leer | 1: 1–2: 16 | 3: 1–4: 26 | 4: 27–5: 26 |
1 | 1: 1–4 | 3: 1–5 | 4: 27–31 |
2 | 1: 5–9 | 3: 6-11 | 4: 32–35 |
3 | 1: 10-13 | 3: 12-17 | 5: 1–10 |
4 | 1: 14-17 | 4: 1–7 | 5: 11-13 |
5 | 2: 1–6 | 4: 8-12 | 5: 14-16 |
6 | 2: 7–13 | 4: 13-21 | 5: 17-19 |
7 | 2: 14-16 | 4: 22-26 | 5: 20-26 |
Maftir | 2: 14-16 | 4: 24-26 | 5: 24-26 |
En la interpretación bíblica interna
La parashá tiene paralelos o se discute en estas fuentes bíblicas: [23]
Levítico capítulo 1–7
En el Salmo 50 , Dios aclara el propósito de los sacrificios. Dios declara que el sacrificio correcto no era sacar un toro de la casa del sacrificador, ni sacar un macho cabrío del redil del sacrificador, para llevarlo a Dios, porque cada animal ya era posesión de Dios. [24] El sacrificador no debía pensar en el sacrificio como alimento para Dios, porque Dios no tiene hambre ni come. [25] Más bien, el adorador debía ofrecer a Dios el sacrificio de acción de gracias e invocar a Dios en tiempos de angustia, y así Dios liberaría al adorador y el adorador honraría a Dios. [26]
Y el Salmo 107 enumera cuatro ocasiones en las que una ofrenda de agradecimiento ( זִבְחֵי תוֹדָה , zivchei todah ), [27] como se describe en Levítico 7: 12-15 (refiriéndose a un זֶבַח תּוֹדַת , zevach todah ) sería apropiado: (1) paso por el desierto , [28] (2) liberación de la prisión , [29] (3) recuperación de una enfermedad grave , [30] y (4) sobrevivir a una tormenta en el mar. [31]
La Biblia hebrea informa de varios casos de sacrificios ante Dios los llamó explícitamente en Levítico 1-7 . Mientras que Levítico 1: 3-17 y Levítico 6: 1-6 establecen el procedimiento para el holocausto ( עֹלָה , olá ), antes de esa fecha, Génesis 8:20 informes de que Noé ofreció holocaustos ( עֹלֹת , olot ) de toda bestia limpia y ave en un altar después que las aguas del Diluvio cesaron. La historia de la unión de Isaac incluye tres referencias al holocausto ( עֹלָה , Olah ). En Génesis 22: 2 , Dios le dijo a Abraham que tomara a Isaac y lo ofreciera como holocausto ( עֹלָה , Olah ). Génesis 22: 3 luego informa que Abraham se levantó temprano en la mañana y partió la leña para el holocausto ( עֹלָה , Olah ). Y después de que el ángel del Señor desvió el sacrificio de Isaac, Génesis 22:13 informa que Abraham alzó los ojos y vio un carnero atrapado en un matorral, y luego Abraham ofreció el carnero como holocausto ( עֹלָה , olá ) en lugar de su hijo. Éxodo 10:25 informa que Moisés presionó a Faraón para que le diera a los israelitas "sacrificios y holocaustos" ( זְבָחִים וְעֹלֹת , zevachim v'olot ) para ofrecer a Dios. Y Éxodo 18:12 informa que después de que Jetro oyó todo lo que Dios hizo con Faraón y los egipcios , Jetro ofreció holocaustos y sacrificios ( עֹלָה וּזְבָחִים , olah uzevachim ) a Dios.
Mientras que Levítico 2 y Levítico 6: 7–16 establecen el procedimiento para la ofrenda de comida ( מִנְחָה , minchah ), antes de eso, en Génesis 4: 3 , Caín trajo una ofrenda ( מִנְחָה , Minjá ) del fruto de la tierra. Y luego Génesis 4: 4-5 informa que Dios tenía respeto por Abel y su ofrenda ( מִנְחָתוֹ , minchato ), pero para Caín y su ofrenda ( מִנְחָתוֹ , minchato ), Dios no tenía respeto.
Y mientras que Números 15: 4–9 indica que quien trajera un animal sacrificado también necesitaba traer una libación ( נֶּסֶךְ , nesech ), antes de eso, en Génesis 35:14 , Jacob derramó una libación ( נֶּסֶךְ , nesech ) en Betel .
De manera más general, la Biblia hebrea se refirió a los "sacrificios" ( זְבָחִים , zevachim ) genéricamente en conexión con Jacob y Moisés. Después de que Jacob y Labán se reconciliaron, Génesis 31:54 informa que Jacob ofreció un sacrificio ( זֶבַח , zevach ) en la montaña y compartió una comida con sus parientes. Y después de que Jacob se enteró de que José todavía estaba vivo en Egipto, Génesis 46: 1 informa que Jacob viajó a Beerseba y ofreció sacrificios ( זְבָחִים , zevachim ) al Dios de su padre Isaac. Y Moisés y Aarón discutieron repetidamente con Faraón sobre su solicitud de ir a un viaje de tres días al desierto y sacrificar ( וְנִזְבְּחָה , venizbechah ) a Dios. [32]
La Biblia hebrea también incluye varios informes ambiguos en los que Abraham o Isaac construyeron o regresaron a un altar e "invocaron el nombre del Señor". [33] En estos casos, el texto implica, pero no declara explícitamente, que el Patriarca ofreció un sacrificio. [34] Y a pedido de Dios, Abraham llevó a cabo un sacrificio inusual en el Pacto entre las Piezas ( ברית בין הבתרים ) en Génesis 15: 9–21 .
Levítico capítulo 5
Los rabinos leyeron Levítico 5: 21-26 junto con Números 5: 6-8 como pasajes relacionados. [35] Levítico 5: 21-26 trata de aquellos que pecan y cometen una transgresión contra Dios al tratar falsamente a sus vecinos en el asunto de un depósito, prenda, robo, otra opresión de sus vecinos o el hallazgo de propiedad perdida, y jurar una mentira. Levítico 5: 23–24 establece que el ofensor debe restaurar inmediatamente a la víctima en su totalidad la propiedad en cuestión y agregar una quinta parte adicional. Y Levítico 5: 25-26 requiere que el ofensor lleve al sacerdote un carnero sin defecto como ofrenda por la culpa, y el sacerdote hará expiación por el ofensor ante Dios, y el ofensor será perdonado. Números 5: 6–7 indica que cuando la gente comete algún pecado contra Dios, entonces confesará y hará una restitución total a la víctima y agregará una quinta parte. Y Números 5: 8 establece que si la víctima no tiene heredero a quien se le pueda hacer restitución, el ofensor debe restituir al sacerdote, además del carnero de la expiación.
En la interpretación rabínica clásica
La parashá se analiza en estas fuentes rabínicas de la era de la Mishná y el Talmud : [36]
Levítico capítulo 1
Leviticus Rabbah informa que Rav Assi dijo que los niños pequeños comenzaron sus estudios de Torá con Levítico y no con Génesis porque los niños pequeños son puros, y los sacrificios explicados en Levítico son puros, por lo que los puros estudiaron a los puros. [37]
Un Midrash señaló que la sección que relata la instalación del Tabernáculo en Éxodo 38: 21–40: 38 , en la cual, comenzando con Éxodo 39: 1 , casi todos los párrafos concluyen: "Como el Señor le ordenó a Moisés", [38] Le sigue Levítico 1: 1: "Y el Señor llamó a Moisés". El Midrash comparó esto con el caso de un rey que ordenó a su sirviente que le construyera un palacio. En todo lo que construyó el siervo, escribió el nombre del rey. El criado escribió el nombre del rey en las paredes, los pilares y las vigas del techo. Después de algún tiempo, el rey entró en el palacio y en todo lo que vio encontró su nombre. El rey pensó que el sirviente le había hecho todo este honor, y sin embargo, el sirviente permaneció fuera. Así que el rey había llamado para que el sirviente entrara directamente. Así también, cuando Dios le ordenó a Moisés que hiciera de Dios un tabernáculo, Moisés escribió en todo lo que hizo: "Como el Señor le ordenó a Moisés". Dios pensó que Moisés le había hecho a Dios todo este honor y, sin embargo, Moisés permaneció afuera. Entonces Dios llamó a Moisés para que pudiera entrar en la parte más interna del Tabernáculo. Por lo tanto, Levítico 1: 1 informa: "Y el Señor llamó a Moisés". [39] El rabino Samuel bar Nahman dijo en nombre del rabino Nathan que "como mandó el Señor" está escrito 18 veces en la sección que relata el establecimiento del Tabernáculo en Parashat Pekudei, correspondiente a las 18 vértebras de la columna vertebral. Asimismo, los Sabios instituyeron 18 bendiciones de la oración Amidá , correspondientes a las 18 menciones del Nombre Divino en la lectura del Shemá , y también en el Salmo 29 . El rabino Hiyya bar Abba enseñó que el "mandamiento" de 18 veces se cuenta solo desde Éxodo 38:23 , "Y con él estaba Aholiab, hijo de Ahisamac de la tribu de Dan ", hasta el final del Libro del Éxodo. [40]
El tratado Zevachim en la Mishná, Tosefta y el Talmud de Babilonia interpretó la ley de los sacrificios de animales en Levítico 1–5 . [41] La Mishná enseñó que un sacrificio se sacrificaba por seis cosas: (1) por el sacrificio para el cual fue consagrado, (2) por el oferente, (3) por el bien de el Nombre Divino, (4) por causa de los fuegos del altar, (5) por causa de un aroma, y (6) por causa de agradar a Dios, y una ofrenda por el pecado y una ofrenda por la culpa por causa de pecado. El rabino José enseñó que incluso si el oferente no tenía ninguno de estos propósitos en el fondo, la ofrenda era válida, porque era un reglamento de la corte, ya que la intención la determinaba únicamente el sacerdote que realizaba el servicio. [42]
El rabino Simeon ben Yoḥai enseñó que, en términos generales, la Torá requería un holocausto solo como expiación por la meditación pecaminosa del corazón. [43]
Un Midrash enseñó que si la gente se arrepiente, se considera como si hubieran subido a Jerusalén , hubieran construido el templo y los altares y hubieran ofrecido todos los sacrificios ordenados en la Torá. [44] El rabino Aha dijo en nombre del rabino Hanina ben Pappa que Dios considera que estudiar los sacrificios equivale a ofrecerlos. Rav Huna enseñó que Dios dijo que dedicarse al estudio de la Mishná es como si uno estuviera ofreciendo sacrificios. Samuel enseñó que Dios dijo que dedicarse al estudio de la ley es como si uno estuviera construyendo el templo. [45] Y el Avot de Rabí Natan enseñó que Dios ama el estudio de la Torá más que el sacrificio. [46]
El rabino Ammi enseñó que Abraham le preguntó a Dios si Israel pecaría, si Dios los castigaría como Dios castigó a la generación del Diluvio y a la generación de la Torre de Babel. Dios respondió que Dios no lo haría. Entonces Abraham le preguntó a Dios en Génesis 15: 8: "¿Cómo sabré?" Dios respondió en Génesis 15: 9: “Tómame una novilla de tres años. . . " (indicando que Israel obtendría perdón a través de sacrificios). Entonces Abraham le preguntó a Dios qué haría Israel cuando el Templo ya no existiera. Dios respondió que cada vez que los judíos leen el texto bíblico que trata sobre los sacrificios, Dios lo consideraría como si estuvieran trayendo una ofrenda y perdonaría todas sus iniquidades. [47]
La Guemará enseñó que cuando Rav Sheshet ayunaba, al concluir su oración, agregaba una oración de que Dios sabía que cuando el templo aún estaba en pie, si la gente pecaba, solían traer sacrificios (de conformidad con Levítico 4: 27-35 y 7: 2 –5 ), y aunque ofrecieron solo la grasa y la sangre del animal, se concedió la expiación. Rav Sheshet continuó diciendo que había ayunado y que su grasa y sangre habían disminuido, por lo que pidió que fuera la voluntad de Dios contabilizar a Rav Sheshet la grasa y la sangre que habían disminuido como si las hubiera ofrecido en el Altar. [48]
El rabino Isaac declaró que la oración es más grande que el sacrificio. [49]
El Avot del rabino Natan enseñó que mientras el rabán Joḥanan ben Zakai y el rabino Joshua se iban de Jerusalén, el rabino Joshua expresó su pesar porque el lugar donde los israelitas habían expiado sus iniquidades había sido destruido. Pero Rabban Joḥanan ben Zakai le dijo que no se entristeciera, porque tenemos en los actos de bondad amorosa otra expiación tan eficaz como el sacrificio en el templo, como dice Oseas 6: 6 : "Porque deseo misericordia, no sacrificio". [50]
El rabino Leazar ben Menahem enseñó que las palabras iniciales de Levítico 1: 1 , "Y el Señor llamó", indicaban la proximidad de Dios a Moisés. Rabí Leazar enseñó que las palabras de Proverbios 15:29 , "El Señor está lejos de los impíos", se refieren a los profetas de otras naciones. Pero la continuación de Proverbios 15:29 , "Él escucha la oración de los justos", se refiere a los profetas de Israel. Dios se aparece a naciones distintas de Israel sólo como alguien que viene de lejos, como dice Isaías 39: 3 , "Vinieron a mí de un país lejano". Pero en relación con los profetas de Israel, Génesis 18: 1 dice: "Y apareció el Señor", y Levítico 1: 1 dice: "Y el Señor llamó", implicando desde las inmediaciones. El rabino Haninah comparó la diferencia entre los profetas de Israel y los profetas de otras naciones con un rey que estaba con su amigo en una cámara (separada por una cortina). Siempre que el rey deseaba hablar con su amigo, doblaba la cortina y le hablaba. (Pero Dios habla a los profetas de otras naciones sin abrir la cortina.) Los rabinos lo compararon con un rey que tiene esposa y concubina; a su esposa va abiertamente, pero a su concubina repara con sigilo. De manera similar, Dios se aparece a los no judíos solo de noche, como dice Números 22:20 , "Y Dios vino a Balaam de noche", y Génesis 31:24 dice: "Y Dios vino a Labán el arameo en un sueño nocturno. . " [51]
El Sifra citó Levítico 1: 1 junto con Éxodo 3: 4 para la proposición de que siempre que Dios le hablaba a Moisés, Dios primero lo llamaba. [52] Y el Sifra dedujo del llamado de Dios "a él" en Levítico 1: 1 que Dios tenía la intención de hablarle solo a Moisés, excluyendo incluso a Aarón. El rabino Judah ben Betera señaló que Dios le habló a Moisés y Aarón juntos en 13 pasajes, y solo a Moisés en 13 pasajes, enseñando que en estos últimos pasajes, Moisés debía informar a Aarón. Y el rabino José el galileo dedujo del uso de "en la tienda de reunión" en Levítico 1: 1 que cada vez que Dios le hablaba a Moisés en la tienda de reunión, Dios le hablaba solo a Moisés, con exclusión de Aarón. [53] El rabino Tanḥum ben Ḥanilai encontró en el llamado de Dios a Moisés solo en Levítico 1: 1 una prueba de que una carga que es demasiado pesada para 600.000 - escuchar la voz de Dios (ver Deuteronomio 5:22 ) - puede no obstante ser ligera para uno. [54] Y el Sifra también dedujo de Levítico 1: 1 que la voz de Dios, tal vez porque estaba subyugada, resonaba solo dentro de la tienda misma. [55]
El rabino Tanuma dijo en nombre del rabino Joshua ben Korchah que Levítico 1: 1 demostraba que de los 10 nombres diferentes que las Escrituras aplicaban a Moisés, Dios siempre se dirigía a Moisés por su nombre de pila. [56]
La Sifra enseñó que el término "cualquier hombre" ( אָדָם , adam ) en Levítico 1: 2 abarcaba a los conversos. Pero el término "de ustedes" excluía a los apóstatas. [57]
Rabí Judah leyó Levítico 1: 2 , “Habla a los niños ( בְּנֵי , benei ) de Israel ”, en el sentido de que los“ hijos ”( בְּנֵי , benei ) de Israel pudo imponer las manos ( סמיכה , smichah ) en un sacrificio antes de que se ofreciera, pero no las "hijas" ( בְּנוֹת , benot ) de Israel. El rabino José y el rabino Simeon , sin embargo, no estuvieron de acuerdo y enseñaron que las mujeres también podían imponer los sacrificios. Abaye enseñó que un Baraita siguió al rabino José y al rabino Simeon cuando enseñó que tanto las mujeres como los niños pueden tocar el shofar en Rosh Hashaná . [58]
La Mishná dedujo de Levítico 1: 3 que el oferente solo efectuaba la expiación si el oferente traía la ofrenda voluntariamente, pero si el oferente se comprometía a traer una ofrenda quemada, la Mishnah enseñaba que obligaban al oferente a declarar que la ofrenda era voluntaria. Los rabinos en un Baraita leyeron las palabras "lo ofrecerá" en Levítico 1: 3 para enseñar que la congregación necesitaba obligar al oferente a cumplir con la obligación del oferente. [59] Y la Mishná enseñaba que la intención del sacerdote que realizaba el sacrificio determinaba si la ofrenda sería válida. [60]
A Tanna recitó ante Rabí Isaac bar Abba las palabras de Levítico 9:16 , “Y presentó el holocausto; y lo ofreció según la ordenanza ”, que se refiere al holocausto obligatorio que Levítico 9: 2 requería que Aarón trajera en el octavo día de su consagración. El Tanna razonó que al decir “conforme a la ordenanza”, Levítico 9:16 se refería a las reglas que Levítico 1: 3-9 aplicaba a los holocaustos voluntarios , y por lo tanto enseñaba que esas reglas también se aplicaban a los holocaustos obligatorios . El Tanna concluyó que como Levítico 1: 4 requería la imposición de manos para los holocaustos voluntarios, la ley también requería la imposición de manos para los holocaustos obligatorios. [61]
La Guemará interpretó el requisito de Levítico 1: 5 de que el sacerdote "arroje la sangre alrededor del altar" para enseñar que el sacerdote arrojó la sangre contra dos esquinas opuestas del altar, golpeando así los cuatro lados del altar y satisfaciendo el requisito de lanzar el altar "en derredor". [62]
El rabino Eliezer (o algunos dicen que el rabino Eliezer ben Jacob) enseñó que Nadab y Abiú murieron en Levítico 10: 2 solo porque dieron una decisión legal interpretando Levítico 1: 7 en presencia de su Maestro Moisés. Aunque Levítico 9:24 informa que "salió fuego de delante de Jehová y consumió el holocausto y la grosura del altar", Nadab y Abiú dedujeron del mandato de Levítico 1: 7 que "los hijos del sacerdote Aarón pondrá fuego sobre el altar "que los sacerdotes todavía tenían el deber religioso de llevar un poco de fuego ordinario al altar también". [63]
La Mishná señaló que Levítico 1: 9 ; 1:17 ; y 2: 9 cada uno usa las mismas palabras, "una ofrenda encendida de olor grato al Señor", ya sea para describir el holocausto de una bestia, una ofrenda de ave o incluso una ofrenda de harina. (Y Levítico 5: 7 ; 5:11 ; 12: 8 ; y 14: 21-22 siempre que las personas de menores recursos pudieran traer ofrendas menos costosas). La Mishná dedujo de esto que uno que sacrifica mucho y uno que sacrifica poco alcanzaron el mismo mérito, siempre que los donantes dirigieran sus corazones al cielo. [64] Rabí Zera enseñó que Eclesiastés 5:11 proporciona una prueba bíblica de esto cuando dice: "Dulce es el sueño de un sirviente, coma mucho o poco". Rav Adda bar Ahavah enseñó que Eclesiastés 5:10 proporciona una prueba bíblica de esto cuando dice: "Cuando aumentan los bienes, aumentan los que los comen; y qué ventaja tiene el dueño de ellos". El rabino Simeon ben Azzai enseñó que las Escrituras dicen de un buey grande: "Una ofrenda encendida de olor grato"; de un pajarito, "Ofrenda encendida de olor grato"; y de una ofrenda de comida: "Ofrenda encendida de olor grato". El rabino Simeon ben Azzai enseñó que las Escrituras usan la misma expresión cada vez para enseñar que es lo mismo si las personas ofrecen mucho o poco, siempre que dirijan sus corazones al cielo. [65] Y el rabino Isaac preguntó por qué se distinguía la ofrenda de comida en que Levítico 2: 1 usa la palabra "alma" ( נֶפֶשׁ, nefesh) to refer to the donor of a meal-offering, instead of the usual "man" ( אָדָם, adam, in Leviticus 1:2, or אִישׁ, ish, in Leviticus 7:8) used in connection with other sacrifices. Rabbi Isaac taught that Leviticus 2:1 uses the word "soul" ( נֶפֶשׁ, nefesh) because God noted that the one who usually brought a meal-offering was a poor man, and God accounted it as if the poor man had offered his own soul.[66]
Similarly, Leviticus Rabbah reports that Rabbi Joshua of Siknin taught in the name of Rabbi Levi that God tried to accommodate the Israelites’ financial condition, as God told them that whoever had become liable to bring a sacrifice should bring from the herd, as Leviticus 1:3 says, “If his offering be a burnt-offering of the herd.” But if the offeror could not afford a sacrifice from the herd, then the offeror could bring a lamb, as Leviticus 4:32 says, “And if he bring a lamb . . . .” If the offeror could not afford to bring a lamb, then the offeror could bring a goat, as Leviticus 3:12 says, “And if his offering be a goat.” If the offeror could not afford to bring a goat, then the offeror could bring a bird, as Leviticus 1:14 says, “And if his offering . . . be . . . of fowls.” If the offeror could not afford to bring a bird, then the offeror could bring fine flour, as Leviticus 2:1 says, “fine flour for a meal-offering.” Other offerings could not be offered in halves, but this one was to be offered in halves, as Leviticus 6:12 says, “half thereof in the morning, and half thereof in the evening.” And Scripture accounted one who offered it as if offering a sacrifice from one end of the world to the other, as Malachi 1:11 says, “For from the rising of the sun even to the going down of the same, My name is great among the nations; and in every place offerings are presented to My name, even a pure meal-offering.”[67]
The Mishnah taught that the priest's obligation in Leviticus 1:9 to offer the fats and other sacrificial pieces persisted until dawn.[68]
The Sifra deduced from Leviticus 1:10 that God occasionally began freestanding statements to Moses so as to allow Moses a pause to collect his thoughts. The Sifra generalized from this example that it was all the more appropriate for ordinary people to speak deliberately in conversation with other people.[69]
Tractate Kinnim in the Mishnah interpreted the laws of pairs of sacrificial pigeons and doves in Leviticus 1:14, 5:7, 12:6–8, 14:22, and 15:29; and Numbers 6:10.[70]
Leviticus chapter 2
Tractate Menachot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Talmud interpreted the law of meal offerings in Leviticus 2.[71]
Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish (Resh Lakish) noted that Scripture uses the word “covenant” with regard to salt in Leviticus 2:13, “The salt of the covenant with your God should not be excluded from your meal-offering; with all your sacrifices you must offer salt,” and with regard to afflictions in Deuteronomy 28:69, “These are the words of the covenant.” Rabbi Shimon taught that just as, in the covenant mentioned with regard to salt, the salt sweetens the taste of the meal and renders it edible, so too in the covenant mentioned with regard to suffering, suffering cleanses a person’s transgressions, purifying a person for a more sublime existence.[72]
Leviticus chapter 3
The Gemara deduced from the words "And if his offering be a sacrifice of peace-offerings" in Leviticus 3:1 that for an offering to be effective, one needed to slaughter the sacrifice for the sake of its being a peace-offering.[73]
Rabbi Judah taught that whoever brought a peace-offering brought peace to the world. Rabbi Simeon taught that they are called "peace-offerings" because all are at peace, each sharing in them. The blood and the limbs were for the altar, the breast and the thigh for the priests, and the hide and the meat for the owner.[74]
Rabbi Simeon interpreted the term "peace-offering" ( שְׁלָמִים, shelamim) in Leviticus 3:1 and after to indicate that a person could bring the offering only when "whole" ( שָׁלֵם, shalem), and thus not when one was in the first stage of mourning after the death of a close relative.[75]
Interpreting the words "And he shall . . . kill it at the door of the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:2, Rav Judah deduced in the name of Samuel that the priest had to kill the sacrifice when the gate was open, not when the gate was closed, and thus that peace-offerings slain before the doors of the Temple were opened were invalid.[76]
The Mishnah taught that because the peace-offering was a sacrifice of lesser sanctity, it could be slain in any part of the Temple court.[77] The Rabbis taught in a Baraita that the Mishnah's rule could be derived from the words "And he shall . . . kill it at the door of the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:2, "And he shall . . . kill it before the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:8, and "And he shall . . . kill it before the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:13. The three verses taken together taught that all sides of the Temple court were fit for performing sacrifices of lesser sanctity.[78]
The Gemara deduced from the words "And the priest shall make it smoke" in Leviticus 3:11 that the priest must not mix portions of one sacrifice with those of another. And the Gemara cited a Baraita to interpret the words "And the priest shall make them smoke" Leviticus 3:16 to teach that the priest had to burn all the sacrificed parts of an offering at the same time.[79]
A Midrash interpreted Psalm 146:7, "The Lord lets loose the prisoners," to read, "The Lord permits the forbidden," and thus to teach that what God forbade in one case, God permitted in another. Thus, God forbade the abdominal fat of cattle in Leviticus 3:3, but permitted it in the case of beasts. God forbade consuming the sciatic nerve in animals (in Genesis 32:33) but permitted it in fowl. God forbade eating meat without ritual slaughter (in Leviticus 17:1–4) but permitted it for fish. Similarly, Rabbi Abba and Rabbi Jonathan in the name of Rabbi Levi taught that God permitted more things than God forbade. For example, God counterbalanced the prohibition of pork (in Leviticus 11:7 and Deuteronomy 14:7–8) by permitting mullet (which some say tastes like pork).[80]
Leviticus 3:16–17 reserved for God all animal fat and blood. The Gemara recounted that when Rabbi Sheshet would fast, he would pray: “Master of the Universe, it is revealed before You that when the Temple is standing, one sins and offers a sacrifice. And although only its fat and blood were offered from that sacrifice on the altar, [the offeror’s] transgression is atoned for. And now, I sat in observance of a fast and my fat and blood diminished. May it be Your will that my fat and blood that diminished be considered as if I offered a sacrifice before You on the altar, and may I find favor in Your eyes.”[81]
The Sages taught that one may trust butchers to remove the fat that Leviticus 3:17 and 7:23 forbids.[82]
Leviticus chapter 4
Reading Leviticus 4:3–21, the Mishnah noted that the person who burned the bull (as well as the person who led away the scapegoat pursuant to Leviticus 16:7–10 and 26, the person who burned the bull burned pursuant to Leviticus 16:27, and the person who burned the red cow pursuant to Numbers 19:8) rendered unclean the clothes worn while so doing. But the bull (as well as the scapegoat, the other bull, and the red cow) did not itself render unclean clothes with which it came in contact. The Mishnah imagined the clothing saying to the person: "Those that render you unclean do not render me unclean, but you render me unclean."[83]
Tractate Horayot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem Talmud, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the laws of the High Priest's bull in Leviticus 4:1–12, the bull for a communal error in Leviticus 4:13–21, the goat of the Nasi (Hebrew title) in Leviticus 4:22–26, and the sin offerings in Leviticus 4:27–5:12, and 5:17–19.[84]
The Rabbis interpreted the words, "If any one shall sin through error," in Leviticus 4:2 to apply to inadvertent transgressions.[85]
The Mishnah taught that 36 transgressions warranted excision ("the soul shall be cut off," נִכְרְתָה הַנֶּפֶשׁ, nichretah ha-nefesh) if committed intentionally, and warranted bringing of a sin offering ( חַטָּאת, chatat), as in Leviticus 4:2, if committed inadvertently: when a man has intercourse with (1) his mother, (2) his father's wife, (3) his daughter-in-law, (4) another man, or (5) an animal; (6) when a woman has intercourse with an animal; when a man has intercourse with (7) a woman and her daughter, (8) a married woman, (9) his sister, (10) his father's sister, (11) his mother's sister, (12) his wife's sister, (13) his brother's wife, (14) the wife of his father's brother, or (15) a menstruating woman;[86] when one (16) blasphemes, (17) serves idols, (18) dedicates children to Molech, (19) has a familiar spirit, (20) desecrates the Sabbath, (21) eats of sacrificial food while unclean, (22) enters the precincts of the Temple in an unclean state, eats (23) forbidden fat, (24) blood, (25) remnant, or (26) refuse, (27) slaughters or (28) offers up a consecrated animal outside the Temple precincts, (29) eats anything leavened on Passover, (30) eats or (31) works on Yom Kippur, compounds sacred (32) anointing oil or (33) incense, (34) uses sacred anointing oil improperly, or transgresses the laws of (35) the Passover offering or (36) circumcision.[87]
Reading Genesis 15:9, “And He said to him: ‘Take me a heifer of three years old ( מְשֻׁלֶּשֶׁת, meshuleshet), a she-goat of three years old ( מְשֻׁלֶּשֶׁת, meshuleshet), and a ram of three years old ( מְשֻׁלָּשׁ, meshulash),’” a Midrash read מְשֻׁלֶּשֶׁת, meshuleshet, to mean “three-fold” or “three kinds,” indicating sacrifices for three different purposes. The Midrash deduced that God thus showed Abraham three kinds of bullocks, three kinds of goats, and three kinds of rams that Abraham's descendants would need to sacrifice. The three kinds of bullocks were: (1) the bullock that Leviticus 16:3–19 would require the Israelites to sacrifice on the Day of Atonement ( יוֹם כִּיפּוּר, Yom Kippur), (2) the bullock that Leviticus 4:13–21 would require the Israelites to bring on account of unwitting transgression of the law, and (3) the heifer whose neck Deuteronomy 21:1–9 would require the Israelites to break. The three kinds of goats were: (1) the goats that Numbers 28:16–29:39 would require the Israelites to sacrifice on festivals, (2) the goats that Numbers 28:11–15 would require the Israelites to sacrifice on the New Moon ( ראש חודש, Rosh Chodesh), and (3) the goat that Leviticus 4:27–31 would require an individual to bring. The three kinds of rams were: (1) the guilt-offering of certain obligation that Leviticus 5:25, for example, would require one who committed a trespass to bring, (2) the guilt-offering of doubt to which one would be liable when in doubt whether one had committed a transgression, and (3) the lamb to be brought by an individual. Rabbi Simeon ben Yoḥai said that God showed Abraham all the atoning sacrifices except for the tenth of an ephah of fine meal in Leviticus 5:11. The Rabbis said that God showed Abraham the tenth of an ephah as well, for Genesis 15:10 says “all these ( אֵלֶּה, eleh),” just as Leviticus 2:8 says, “And you shall bring the meal-offering that is made of these things ( מֵאֵלֶּה, me-eleh),” and the use of “these” in both verses hints that both verses refer to the same thing. And reading Genesis 15:10, “But the bird divided he not,” the Midrash deduced that God intimated to Abraham that the bird burnt-offering would be divided, but the bird sin-offering (which the dove and young pigeon symbolized) would not be divided.[88]
Reading Leviticus 4:22, “When ( אֲשֶׁר, asher) a ruler ( נָשִׂיא, nasi) sins,” Rabban Joḥanan ben Zakai said, “Happy ( אַשְׁרֵי, ashrei) is the generation whose leader ( נָשִׂיא, nasi) is strong enough to admit having sinned!”[89]
The Mishnah taught that bringing the sin offering ( חַטָּאת, chatat) of Leviticus 4:27–35 atoned for sin.[90]
Leviticus chapter 5
Rabbi Joshua of Siknin taught in the name of Rabbi Levi that Leviticus 5 uses the word "soul" ( נֶפֶשׁ, nefesh) six times,[91] corresponding to the six days of Creation. God said to the soul that all that God created in the six days of creation God created for the sake of the soul, and then the soul went and sinned! And thus, Leviticus 5:1 begins, "When a soul sins . . . ."[92]
Tractates Nedarim and Shevuot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem Talmud, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the laws of vows and oaths in Exodus 20:7, Leviticus 5:1–10 and 19:12, Numbers 30:2–17, and Deuteronomy 23:24.[93]
The Mishnah supposed that a witness, after having been cautioned about the grave responsibility of being a witness, would think that the witness should just avoid the trouble of testifying. The Mishnah taught that this is why Leviticus 5:1 says, "And he witnessed or saw or knew, if didn't say anything, he bears the sin." (And thus the witness must testify.)[94]
The Mishnah (following Leviticus 5:7–8) taught that a sin-offering of a bird preceded a burnt-offering of a bird; and the priest also dedicated them in that order.[95] Rabbi Eliezer taught that wherever an offerer (because of poverty) substituted for an animal sin-offering the offering of two birds (one of which was for a sin-offering and the other for a burnt-offering), the priest sacrificed the bird sin-offering before the bird burnt-offering (as Leviticus 5:7–8 instructs). But in the case of a woman after childbirth discussed in Leviticus 12:8 (where a poor new mother could substitute for an animal burnt-offering two birds, one for a sin-offering and the other for a burnt-offering), the bird burnt-offering took precedence over the bird sin-offering. Wherever the offering came on account of sin, the sin-offering took precedence. But here (in the case of a woman after childbirth, where the sin-offering was not on account of sin) the burnt-offering took precedence. And wherever both birds came instead of one animal sin-offering, the sin-offering took precedence. But here (in the case of a woman after childbirth) they did not both come on account of a sin-offering (for in poverty she substituted a bird burnt-offering for an animal burnt-offering, as Leviticus 12:6–7 required her to bring a bird sin-offering in any case), the burnt-offering took precedence. (The Gemara asked whether this contradicted the Mishnah, which taught that a bird sin-offering took precedence over an animal burnt-offering, whereas here she brought the animal burnt-offering before the bird sin-offering.) Rava taught that Leviticus 12:6–7 merely accorded the bird burnt-offering precedence in the mentioning. (Thus, some read Rava to teach that Leviticus 12:6–8 lets the reader read first about the burnt-offering, but in fact the priest sacrificed the sin-offering first. Others read Rava to teach that one first dedicated the animal or bird for the burnt-offering and then dedicated the bird for the sin-offering, but in fact the priest sacrificed the sin-offering first.)[96]
A Midrash deduced from the instructions in Leviticus 5:11–13 for the poor person to bring meal offerings that God valued the poor person's offering.[97]
Chapter 9 of Tractate Bava Kamma in the Mishnah and Babylonian Talmud and chapters 9 and 10 in the Tosefta interpreted the laws of restitution in Leviticus 5:21–26 together with Numbers 5:6–8.[98]
The Mishnah taught that if one stole from another something worth a perutah (the minimum amount of significant value) and the thief nonetheless swore that the thief did not do so, the thief was obliged to take restitution to the victim even if the thief needed to go as far as Media (in what is now Iran). The thief could not give restitution to the victim's son or agent, but the thief could give it to an agent of the court. If the victim died, the thief had to restore it to the victim's heirs.[99]
The Mishnah taught that if the thief paid back the principal to the victim but did not pay the additional fifth required by Leviticus 5:24; or if the victim excused the thief the principal but not the fifth; or the victim excused the thief both the principal and the fifth, except for something less than the value of a perutah remaining of the principal, then the thief would not have to go after the victim to repay the victim. (The Mishnah did not consider the payment of the fifth as an essential condition of atonement.) If, however, the thief paid the victim the fifth but not the principal; or the victim excused the thief the fifth but not the principal; or even where the victim excused the thief for both, except for something more than the value of a perutah remaining of the principal, then the thief would have to convey it personally to the victim (even as far as Media).[100]
The Mishnah taught that if the thief paid the principal back to the victim and took an oath falsely that the thief had paid the fifth required by Leviticus 5:24, the thief would have to pay the victim an additional fifth of the fifth and so on until the principal of the last fifth about which the thief swore was reduced to less than the value of a perutah.[101]
The Mishnah taught that the rules of restitution also applied to the case of a deposit, as Leviticus 5:21–22 says: “In that which was delivered him to keep, or in fellowship, or in a thing taken away by violence, or has deceived his neighbor, or has found that which was lost and lies concerning it and swears falsely.” The custodian had to pay the principal and the fifth required by Leviticus 5:24 and bring a trespass offering as required by Leviticus 5:25.[102] If the depositor asked where the thing deposited was, and an unpaid custodian replied that it was lost, and the depositor then imposed an oath on the custodian, and the custodian swore that the deposit was lost, if witnesses then testified that the custodian consumed the thing deposited, then the custodian had to repay the principal. If the custodian confessed, the custodian had to pay the principal together with a fifth and bring a trespass offering, as required by Leviticus 5:21–24.[103] If, however, the depositor asked where the thing deposited was, and the custodian replied that it was stolen, and the depositor then imposed an oath on the custodian, and the custodian swore that the someone else took the thing deposited, if witnesses testified that the custodian stole it, then the custodian had to repay double as required by Exodus 22:8. But if the custodian confessed on the custodian's own accord, then the custodian had to repay the principal together with a fifth and bring a trespass offering, as required by Leviticus 5:21–24.[104]
The Mishnah taught that if one stole from one's father and, when charged by the father, denied it on oath, and the father then died before the child confessed to the father's heirs, then the child would have to repay the principal and a fifth to the father's other children or to the father's brothers (the child's uncles) if the child had no siblings. But if the child was unwilling to forfeit the child's share in the payment that child had to make, or if the child had no resources, then the child was to borrow the amount from others and perform the duty of restoration to the heirs, and the creditors could subsequently come and demand to be paid the portion that would by law have belonged to the child as heir.[105]
The Mishnah interpreted the requirements of Numbers 5:8 regarding restitution where the victim died without kin to apply as well to where a proselyte victim died. The wrongdoer would have to pay the priests the principal plus 20 percent and bring a trespass offering to the altar. If the wrongdoer died bringing the money and the offering to Jerusalem, the money was to go to the wrongdoer's heirs, and the offering was to be kept on the pasture until it became blemished, when it was to be sold and the proceeds were to go to the fund for freewill offerings. But if the wrongdoer had already given the money to the priest and then died, the heirs could not retrieve the funds, for Numbers 5:10 provides that "whatever any man gives to the priest shall be his."[106]
En la interpretación judía medieval
The parashah is discussed in these medieval Jewish sources:[107]
Leviticus chapters 1–7
Maimonides and Nachmanides differed about the reason for the sacrificial system. Maimonides wrote that the reason for the offerings was because when the Israelites lived in Egypt and Chaldea, the Egyptians worshipped sheep and the Chaldeans worshipped demons in the form of goats. And people in India never slaughter cattle. Thus God commanded the Israelites to slaughter cattle, sheep, and goats to God, so that worshipers of the other lands would know that God required the very act that they considered to be the utmost sin, and through that act God would forgive Israel's sins. God thus intended to cure the people of the other nations of false beliefs, which Maimonides characterized as diseases of the soul, for diseases are healed by medicines that are antithetical to the diseases.[108]
Maimonides taught that God instituted the practice of sacrifices as a transitional step to wean the Israelites off of the worship of the times and move them toward prayer as the primary means of worship. Maimonides noted that in nature, God created animals that develop gradually. For example, when a mammal is born, it is extremely tender, and cannot eat dry food, so God provided breasts that yield milk to feed the young animal, until it can eat dry food. Similarly, Maimonides taught, God instituted many laws as temporary measures, as it would have been impossible for the Israelites to suddenly discontinue everything to which they had become accustomed. So God sent Moses to make the Israelites (in the words of Exodus 19:6) "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." But the general custom of worship in those days was sacrificing animals in temples that contained idols. So God did not command the Israelites to give up those manners of service, but allowed them to continue. God transferred to God's service what had formerly served as a worship of idols, and commanded the Israelites to serve God in the same manner — namely, to build to a Sanctuary (Exodus 25:8), to erect the altar to God's name (Exodus 20:21), to offer sacrifices to God (Leviticus 1:2), to bow down to God, and to burn incense before God. God forbad doing any of these things to any other being and selected priests for the service in the Temple in Exodus 28:41. By this Divine plan, God blotted out the traces of idolatry, and established the great principle of the Existence and Unity of God. But the sacrificial service, Maimonides taught, was not the primary object of God's commandments about sacrifice; rather, supplications, prayers, and similar kinds of worship are nearer to the primary object. Thus God limited sacrifice to only one Temple (see Deuteronomy 12:26) and the priesthood to only the members of a particular family. These restrictions, Maimonides taught, served to limit sacrificial worship, and kept it within such bounds that God did not feel it necessary to abolish sacrificial service altogether. But in the Divine plan, prayer and supplication can be offered everywhere and by every person, as can be the wearing of tzitzit (Numbers 15:38) and tefillin (Exodus 13:9, 16) and similar kinds of service.[109]
Nachmanides, on the other hand, noted that Leviticus 3:16 mentioned a reason for the offerings — that they are "a fire-offering, of a pleasing odor to the Eternal." Nachmanides rejected the argument that the offerings were meant to eliminate the foreigners' foolish ideas, for the sacrifices would not have that effect, as the foreigners' intention was to worship the constellations of the sheep and the ox, and if Jews slaughtered sheep and oxen to God, it would show respect and honor to those constellations. Nachmanides further noted that when Noah came out of the ark, there were as yet no Chaldeans or Egyptians in the world, yet Noah brought an offering that pleased God so much that Genesis 8:21 reports that on its account God said, "I will not again curse the ground anymore for man's sake." Similarly, Abel brought of the first-born of his flock and Genesis 4:4 reports that "the Eternal had regard to Abel and to his offering," but there had not yet been a trace of idol worship in the world. In Numbers 23:4, Balaam said, "I have prepared the seven altars, and I have offered up a bullock and a ram on every altar," but his intent was not to eradicate evil beliefs from Balak's mind, but rather to approach God so that God's communication would reach Balaam. Nachmanides argued that the reason for the offerings was more likely that since people's deeds are accomplished through thought, speech, and action, therefore God commanded that when people sin and bring an offering, they should lay their hands on it in contrast to the evil deed that they committed. Offerers would confess their sin verbally to contrast with their evil speech. They would burn parts of the animal in fire that were seen as the instruments of thought and desire in human beings. The offerers would burn the legs of the animal because they corresponded to the limbs with which the offerer acted. The offerer sprinkled blood on the altar, which is analogous to the blood in the offerer's body. Nachmanides argued that offerers performed these acts so that the offerers should realize that the offerers had sinned against God with their bodies. And the offerer's soul and blood should have been spilled and the offerer's body burned, were it not for God's loving-kindness in taking a substitute and a ransom — the offering — so that the offering's blood should be in place of the offerer's blood, its life in place of the offerer's life, and that the limbs of the offering in place of the parts of the offerer's body.[110]
Leviticus chapter 4
Reading Leviticus 4:22, “When a ruler sins,” the Zohar pointed out that the corresponding clauses referring to the High Priest and the congregation begin with the word “if” — “If the anointed priest shall sin . . .” in Leviticus 4:3 and “If the whole congregation of Israel shall err . . .” in Leviticus 4:13. Rabbi Isaac explained that the reason for the differing language was that it was exceptional for the High Priest to sin, since he felt his responsibility to God, Israel, and each individual. Similarly, it was very exceptional for the whole congregation to commit one and the same sin, for if some committed it, others would not. But a ruler heart is uplifted because of the ruler's power, and therefore the ruler is almost bound to sin; hence it says here “when” and not “if.”[111]
En interpretación moderna
The parashah is discussed in these modern sources:
Leviticus chapters 1–7
Professor James Kugel of Bar Ilan University reported that ancient texts offered several explanations for why peoples of the ancient Near East sacrificed animals: to provide the deity food (see Numbers 28:2); to offer the life of the slaughtered animal as a substitute for the offerer's; to give a costly possession as a sign of fealty or in the hope of receiving still more generous compensation from the deity. Kugel reported that more recent explanations saw the sacrifice as establishing a tangible connection between the sacrificer and the deity, while others stress the connection of the sacred with violence or see the function of religion as defusing violence that would otherwise be directed at people. Kugel argued that the Israelites conceived of animal sacrifices as the principal channel of communication between the people and God.[112] Professor William Hallo, formerly of Yale University, described sacrifice as a sacred-making of the human consumption of animal meat that followed.[113]
Jacob Milgrom read the sacrificial system in the parashah to describe the forces of life and death pitted against each other in a cosmic struggle, set loose by people through their obedience to or defiance of God's commandments.[114] Milgrom taught that Leviticus treats impurity as the opposite of holiness, identifying impurity with death and holiness with life.[115] Milgrom interpreted Leviticus to teach that people could drive God out of the sanctuary by polluting it with their moral and ritual sins. But the priests could periodically purge the sanctuary of its impurities and influence the people to atone.[116] The blood of the purification offerings symbolically purged the sanctuary by symbolically absorbing its impurities, in a victory for life over death.[115]
◄SACRIFICE◄ | ||||||
◄sanctify◄ | ◄cleanse◄ | |||||
HOLY | CLEAN | UNCLEAN | ||||
►profane► | ►pollute► | |||||
►SIN and INFIRMITY► |
Similarly, Gordon Wenham of Trinity College, Bristol, noted that the sacrificial system regularly associates sacrifices with cleansing and sanctification.[117] Wenham read Leviticus to teach that sacrificial blood was necessary to cleanse and sanctify. Sacrifice could undo the effects of sin and human infirmity. Sin and disease profaned the holy and polluted the clean, whereas sacrifice could reverse this process. Wenham illustrated with the chart at right. Wenham concluded that contact between the holy and the unclean resulted in death. Sacrifice, by cleansing the unclean, made such contact possible. Sacrifice thus allowed the holy God to meet with sinful man.[118]
The 20th century British anthropologist Mary Douglas wrote that to find the underlying logic of the first chapters of Leviticus about how to make a sacrifice and how to lay out the animal sections on the altar, one needs to look carefully at what Leviticus says about bodies and parts of bodies, what is inner and outer, and what is on top and underneath.[119] Douglas suggested this alignment of the three levels of Mount Sinai, the animal sacrifice, and the Tabernacle:[120]
Mount Sinai | Animal Offering | Tabernacle |
---|---|---|
Summit or head, cloud like smoke (Exodus 19:18); God came down to top; access for Moses (Exodus 19:20–22). | Entrails, intestines, genital organs (washed) at the summit of the pile. | Holy of Holies, cherubim, Ark, and Testimony of Covenant. |
Perimeter of dense cloud; access restricted to Aaron, two sons, and 70 elders (Exodus 24:1–9). | Midriff area, dense fat covering, kidneys, liver lobe, burnt on altar. | Sanctuary, dense clouds of incense, symmetrical table and lampstand, restricted to priests. |
Lower slopes, open access. | Head and meat sections, access to body, food for people and priest. | Outer court, main altar, access for people. |
Mountain consecrated (Exodus 19:23). | Animal consecrated (Leviticus 1–7). | Tabernacle consecrated (Leviticus 16). |
Douglas argued that the tabernacle ran horizontally toward the most sacred area, Mount Sinai went up vertically to the summit, and the sacrificial pile started with the head underneath and went up to the entrails, and one can interpret each by reference to the others. Douglas noted that in mystical thought, “upper” and “inner” can be equivalent. The pattern is always there throughout creation, with God in the depths or on the heights of everything.[121] Likening the tabernacle to a body, the innards corresponded to the Holy of Holies, for the Bible locates the emotions and thought in the innermost parts of the body; the loins are wrung with remorse or grief; God scrutinizes the innermost part; compassion resides in the bowels. The Tabernacle was associated with creation, and creation with fertility, implying that the innermost part of the Tabernacle was a Divine nuptial chamber, depicting the union between God and Israel.[122] Douglas concluded that the summit of the mountain was the abode of God, below was the cloudy region that only Moses could enter, and the lower slopes were where the priests and congregation waited, and analogously, the order of placing the parts of the animal on the altar marked out three zones on the carcass, the suet set around and below the diaphragm corresponding to the cloud girdling the middle of the mountain.[123]
Professor James Watts of Syracuse University argued that the rhetorical purpose of Leviticus 1–7 was to assert the Torah's authority over both religious professionals and laity. No Israelite could claim to be exempt from its provisions. Like royal and oracular texts that their framework evokes, Leviticus 1–7 intended to persuade the Israelites and the priests to perform the offerings correctly, as specified in the text. But Leviticus 1–7 also aimed to reinforce the authority of the Torah over religious performance in the Temple. By publicly stipulating the forms of the Israelite's offerings, Leviticus 1–7 positioned priests and laity to monitor each other's performance, with the text as the arbiter of correct practice. Thus Leviticus 1–7 shifted cultic authority from the priesthood to the book.[124]
The 20th century Reform Rabbi Bernard Bamberger noted that while the Rabbis introduced into the synagogue a number of practices formerly associated with the Temple, they made no provision for "interim” sacrifices, even though they could have found precedents for sacrifice outside Jerusalem. When the Roman Empire destroyed the Jerusalem Temple, the Rabbis did not choose to follow those precedents for sacrifice elsewhere, but instead set up a substitute, declaring the study of the sacrificial laws as acceptable to God as sacrifices. Bamberger suggested that some scholars may have felt that the day of sacrifice had passed.[125]
Leviticus chapter 1
Milgrom noted that Leviticus 1–5, like most of Leviticus, is addressed to all the Israelite people, while only a few laws, in Leviticus 6:1–7:21; 10:8–15; and 16:2–28, are reserved for the Priests alone.[126]
Milgrom taught that the burnt offering in Leviticus 1 was intended for the person who wanted to present to God a sacrificial animal in its entirety either as an expression of loyalty or as a request for expiation.[127]
Leviticus chapter 2
Milgrom believed that the cereal offering, whose description follows in Leviticus 2, was probably intended for the same purposes as the burnt offering, on behalf of the poor who could not afford entire animal offerings.[128] Milgrom saw in the sacrificial texts a recurring theme of concern for the poor: Everyone, regardless of means, was able to bring an acceptable offering to God. Thus Leviticus 1:14–17 added birds to the roster of burnt offerings, and Leviticus 2 on the cereal offering appears immediately after Leviticus 1 on the burnt offering, implying that if a person could not afford birds, then the person could bring a cereal offering instead.[129]
Leviticus chapter 3
Milgrom taught that in the original Priestly source ("P"), an offerer brought the well-being offering in Leviticus 3 solely out of joyous motivations like thanksgiving, vow fulfillment, or spontaneous free will.[130] The offerer shared the meat of the offering with family and friends.[131] Milgrom reasoned that the advent of the Holiness Code ("H") brought another dimension to the sacrifice of the well-being connected with the prohibition of consuming blood. H's ban on nonsacrificial slaughter meant that all meat eaten as food had initially to be sanctified on the altar as a well-being offering.[132]
Leviticus chapter 4
Milgrom taught that the rationale for the sin or purification offering in Leviticus 4:1–5:13 was related to the impurity generated by violations of prohibitive commandments, which, if severe enough, polluted the sanctuary from afar. Milgrom called this pollution the Priestly Picture of Dorian Gray: While sin might not scar the face of the sinner, it did scar the face of the sanctuary. This image illustrated a Priestly version of the doctrine of collective responsibility: When evildoers sinned, they brought the more righteous down with them. Those who perished with the wicked were not entirely blameless, but inadvertent sinners who, by having allowed the wicked to flourish, also contributed to pollution of the sanctuary. The High Priest and the leaders of the people, in particular, brought special sacrifices in Leviticus 4:9 and 23, for their errors caused harm to their people, as reflected in Leviticus 4:3 and 10:6. Thus, in the Priestly scheme, brazen sins (the leaders' rapacity) and inadvertent sins (the silent majority's acquiescence) polluted the sanctuary (and corrupted society), driving God out of the sanctuary and leading to national destruction. In the theology of the purification offering, the sanctuary needed constant purification lest God abandon it because of the people's rebellious and inadvertent sins.[133]
Leviticus chapter 5
Milgrom taught that the guilt or reparation offering in Leviticus 5:14–26 might seem at first glance to be restricted to offenses against God's sanctum or name, but reflected wider theological implications. The Hebrew noun אָשָׁם, asham, "reparation, reparation offering," is related to the Hebrew verb אָשֵׁם, asheim, "feel guilt," which predominates in this offering in Leviticus 5:17, 23, and 26, and in the purification offering, as well, in Leviticus 4:13, 22, and 27; and 5:4–5. Milgrom inferred from this relationship that expiation by sacrifice depended on both the worshiper's remorse and the reparation that the worshiper brought to both God and people to rectify the wrong. Milgrom noted that if a person falsely denied under oath having defrauded another, subsequently felt guilt, and restored the embezzled property and paid a 20 percent fine, the person was then eligible to request of God that a reparation offering expiate the false oath, as reflected in Leviticus 5:20–26. Milgrom saw here Priestly lawmakers in action, bending the sacrificial rules to foster the growth of individual conscience, permitting sacrificial expiation for a deliberate crime against God (knowingly taking a false oath) provided that the person repented before being apprehended. Thus Leviticus 5:20–26 ordains that repentance converted an intentional sin into an unintentional one, making it eligible for sacrificial expiation.[133]
Milgrom concluded that the sin or purification offering taught the "ecology of morality," that the sins of the individual adversely affect society even when committed inadvertently, and the guilt or reparation offering fostered a doctrine of repentance. Milgrom noted that Leviticus 4:1–5:13 did not prescribe the sin or purification offering just for cultic violations but in Leviticus 4:2 extended the meaning of the term "communal" to embrace the broader area of ethical violations. And Milgrom saw in the discussion of the guilt or reparation offering in Leviticus 5:24b–25 that in matters of expiation, one had to rectify one's relationship with other people before seeking to rectify one's relationship with God.[129]
En análisis crítico
Scholars who follow the Documentary Hypothesis attribute the parashah to the Priestly source who wrote in the 6th or 5th century BCE.[134]
Mandamientos
According to Sefer ha-Chinuch, there are 11 positive and 5 negative commandments in the parashah:[135]
- To carry out the procedure of the burnt offering as prescribed in the Torah[136]
- To bring meal offerings as prescribed in the Torah[137]
- Not to burn honey or yeast on the altar[138]
- Not to omit the salt from sacrifices[139]
- To salt all sacrifices[139]
- The Sanhedrin must bring an offering when it rules in error.[140]
- To bring a sin offering for transgression[141]
- Anybody who knows evidence must testify in court.[142]
- To bring an offering of greater or lesser value (if the person is wealthy, an animal; if poor, a bird or meal offering)[143]
- Not to decapitate a fowl brought as a sin offering[144]
- Not to put oil on the meal offerings of wrongdoers[145]
- Not to put frankincense on meal offerings[146]
- One who profaned property must repay what he profaned plus a fifth and bring a sacrifice.[19]
- To bring an offering when uncertain of guilt[147]
- To return the robbed object or its value[148]
- To bring an offering when guilt is certain[149]
En la liturgia
The list of animals from which the Israelites could bring sacrifices in Leviticus 1:2 provides an application of the fourth of the Thirteen Rules for interpreting the Torah in the Baraita of Rabbi Ishmael that many Jews read as part of the readings before the Pesukei d'Zimrah prayer service. The rule provides that when the general precedes the specific, the law applies only to the specific. Leviticus 1:2 says, "you shall bring your offering from the domestic animals, even from the herd or from the flock." Applying the fourth rule teaches that Israelites could bring sacrifices from no domestic animals other than cattle from the herd or sheep or goats from the flock.[150]
During the Torah reading, the gabbai calls for the Kohen to "approach" ( קרב, k'rav) to perform the first aliah, or blessing on the Torah reading, recalling the use of the word "approach" ( קרב, k'rav) in Leviticus 1:5 to describe the priest's duty to perform the sacrificial service.[151]
Many Jews read excerpts from and allusions to the instructions in the parashah as part of the readings on the offerings after the Sabbath morning blessings. Specifically, Jews read the instructions for the priest's sacrifices in Leviticus 1:11,[152] the prohibition on leavening or honey in the incense in Leviticus 2:11,[153] a discussion of the bulls that are completely burned, in reference to the instructions in Leviticus 4:8–12,[154] and a discussion of the guilt offerings referred to in Leviticus 5:14–26.[155]
El Maqam Semanal
In the Weekly Maqam, Sephardi Jews each week base the songs of the services on the content of that week's parashah.[156] For Parashat Vayikra, Sephardi Jews apply Maqam Rast, the maqam that shows a beginning or an initiation of something, as with this parashah, Jews begin the book of Leviticus.
Haftará
Generally
The haftarah for the parashah is Isaiah 43:21–44:23.
Summary
God formed the people of Israel that they might praise God, but they did not call upon God, nor did they bring God their burnt-offerings, meal-offerings, frankincense, or the fat of their sacrifices.[157] Rather, they burdened God with their sins.[158] God blots out their transgressions for God's own sake.[159] Their first father sinned, and their intercessors transgressed, and so God abandoned the sanctuary and the Israelites to condemnation.[160]
And yet God told the people of Israel not to fear, for God would pour water upon the thirsty land, and God's blessing upon their offspring, and they would spring up like grass.[161] And they would call themselves the Lord's, by the name of Jacob, and by the name of Israel.[162]
God declared that God is the first and the last, and beside God there is no God, no One Who can proclaim what the future will be, no other Rock.[163] Those who fashion graven images shall not profit; they shall be shamed together.[164] The smith makes an ax, and the carpenter forms the figure of a man.[165] He hews down cedars and oaks, and uses the same wood for fuel to warm himself and to make a god to worship.[166] They do not know nor understand that they strive after ashes.[167]
God called on the people of Israel to remember these things, and not forget God who formed them and blotted out their sins.[168] God called on the heaven and earth, mountain and forest to sing, for God had redeemed Israel for God's glory.[169]
Connection to the Parashah
Both the parashah and the haftarah address sacrifices to God. Both the parashah and the haftarah address burnt offerings ('olah),[170] meal offerings (minchah),[171] frankincense (levonah),[172] and witnesses (ed or eday).[173]
On Shabbat Rosh Chodesh
When the parashah coincides with Shabbat Rosh Chodesh (as it does in 2029), the haftarah is Isaiah 66:1–24.[2]
On Shabbat Zachor
When the parashah coincides with Shabbat Zachor (the special Sabbath immediately preceding Purim — as it does in 2022, 2024, 2027, and 2030), the haftarah is:
- for Ashkenazi Jews: 1 Samuel 15:2–34;
- for Sephardi Jews: 1 Samuel 15:1–34.[2]
Connection to the Special Sabbath
On Shabbat Zachor, the Sabbath just before Purim, Jews read Deuteronomy 25:17–19, which instructs Jews: "Remember (zachor) what Amalek did" in attacking the Israelites.[174] The haftarah for Shabbat Zachor, 1 Samuel 15:2–34 or 1–34, describes Saul's encounter with Amalek and Saul's and Samuel's tretament of the Amalekite king Agag. Purim, in turn, commemorates the story of Esther and the Jewish people's victory over Haman's plan to kill the Jews, told in the book of Esther.[175] Esther 3:1 identifies Haman as an Agagite, and thus a descendant of Amalek. Numbers 24:7 identifies the Agagites with the Amalekites. Alternatively, a Midrash tells the story that between King Agag's capture by Saul and his killing by Samuel, Agag fathered a child, from whom Haman in turn descended.[176]
Ver también
- Udhiyyah or Qurbani (sacrifice in Islam)
Notas
- ^ "Torah Stats — VaYikra". Akhlah Inc. Retrieved July 7, 2013.
- ^ a b c "Parashat Vayikra". Hebcal. Retrieved March 4, 2018.
- ^ See, e.g., Menachem Davis, editor, The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Vayikra/Leviticus (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2008), pages 2–29.
- ^ Leviticus 1:1.
- ^ Leviticus 1:3–13.
- ^ Leviticus 1:14–17.
- ^ Leviticus 2:1–6.
- ^ Leviticus 2:7–10.
- ^ Leviticus 2:11–13.
- ^ Leviticus 2:14.
- ^ Leviticus 3:1–16.
- ^ Leviticus 4:1–21.
- ^ Leviticus 4:22–26.
- ^ Leviticus 4:27–31.
- ^ Leviticus 5:1–4.
- ^ Leviticus 5:5–10.
- ^ Leviticus 5:11–13.
- ^ Leviticus 5:14–15.
- ^ a b Leviticus 5:16.
- ^ Leviticus 5:20–22.
- ^ Leviticus 5:22–26.
- ^ See, e.g., Richard Eisenberg, "A Complete Triennial Cycle for Reading the Torah," in Proceedings of the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards of the Conservative Movement: 1986–1990 (New York: Rabbinical Assembly, 2001), pages 383–418.
- ^ For more on inner-Biblical interpretation, see, e.g., Benjamin D. Sommer, “Inner-biblical Interpretation,” in Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, editors, The Jewish Study Bible, 2nd edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), pages 1835–41.
- ^ Psalm 50:9–11.
- ^ Psalm 50:12–13.
- ^ Psalm 50:14–15.
- ^ Psalm 107:22.
- ^ Psalm 107:4–9.
- ^ Psalm 107:10–16.
- ^ Psalm 107:17–22.
- ^ Psalm 107:23–32.
- ^ See Exodus 5:3 ( וְנִזְבְּחָה, venizbechah); 5:8 ( נִזְבְּחָה, nizbechah); 5:17 ( נִזְבְּחָה, nizbechah); 8:4 ( וְיִזְבְּחוּ, veyizbechu); 8:22 ( נִזְבַּח, nizbach (twice)); 8:23 ( וְזָבַחְנוּ, vezavachnu); 8:24 ( וּזְבַחְתֶּם, uzvachtem); 8:25 ( לִזְבֹּחַ, lizboach); 10:25 ( זְבָחִים, zevachim); 12:27 ( זֶבַח, zevach); 13:15 ( זֹבֵחַ, zoveiach).
- ^ See Genesis 12:8; 13:3–4; 26:25. See also Exodus 17:15, in which Moses built an altar in thanksgiving.
- ^ See Anson Rainey, "Sacrifice,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972), volume 14, pages 599, 606.
- ^ See, e.g., Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:5–12 (Land of Israel, circa 200 CE), in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, The Mishnah: A New Translation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), pages 524–26; Tosefta Bava Kamma 9:19, 10:1–5, 17–18 (Land of Israel, circa 250 CE), in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2002), volume 2, pages 1005, 1008–10, 1013–14; Babylonian Talmud 103a–11a (Sasanian Empire, 6th century), in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Bava Kamma: Volume 3, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2001), volume 40, pages 103a3–111a4.
- ^ For more on classical rabbinic interpretation, see, e.g., Yaakov Elman, “Classical Rabbinic Interpretation,” in Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, editors, Jewish Study Bible, 2nd edition, pages 1859–78.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 7:3 (Land of Israel, 5th century), in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus (London: Soncino Press, 1939), volume 4, page 95.
- ^ See Exodus 38:22; 39:1, 5, 7, 21, 26, 29, 31, 32, 42, and 43; and 40:16, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, and 32.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 1:7, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 11.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 1:8, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, pages 11–12.
- ^ Mishnah Zevachim 1:1–14:10, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 699–732; Tosefta Zevachim 1:1–13:20, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 2, pages 1307–69; Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 2a–120b, in, e.g., Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, editors, Talmud Bavli: Tractate Zevachim (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995–1996), volumes 55–57.
- ^ Mishnah Zevachim 4:6, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 707; Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 46b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Moshe Einhorn, Henoch Moshe Levin, Michoel Weiner, Shlomo Fox-Ashrei, and Abba Zvi Naiman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995), volume 56, page 46b3.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 7:3, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 93.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 7:2, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 91.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 7:3, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 94–95.
- ^ Avot of Rabbi Natan (circa 700–900 CE), chapter 4, in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan, translated by Judah Goldin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955), page 32, and in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan: An Analytical Translation and Explanation, translated by Jacob Neusner (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), page 37.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Megillah 31b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz and Hersh Goldwurm, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991), volume 20, page 31b1–2; see also Babylonian Talmud Taanit 27b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Mordechai Kuber and Michoel Weiner, edited by Hersh Goldwurm (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991), volume 19, page 27b1.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 17a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Berachos: Volume 1, elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1997), volume 1, page 17a2.
- ^ Midrash Samuel 1:7 (650–900 CE), quoted in Bernard J. Bamberger, “Leviticus,” in The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition, edited by W. Gunther Plaut, revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern (New York: Union for Reform Judaism, 2006), page 677.
- ^ Avot of Rabbi Natan, chapter 4, in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan, translated by Judah Goldin, page 34.
- ^ Genesis Rabbah 52:5 (Land of Israel, 5th century), in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Genesis (London: Soncino Press, 1939), volume 1, pages 453–54.
- ^ Sifra 1:1 (Land of Israel, 4th century CE), in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Sifra: An Analytical Translation (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), volume 1, page 67.
- ^ Sifra 2:1, in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation, translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 71.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 1:1, 4, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, pages 3, 8–9.
- ^ Sifra 2:2, in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation, translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 73.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 1:3, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 7.
- ^ Sifra 3:3, in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation, translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 78.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Rosh HaShanah 33a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Israel Schneider, Moshe Zev Einhorn, and Eliezer Herzka, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1999), volume 18, page 33a1; see also Babylonian Talmud Chagigah 16b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Dovid Kamenetsky, Henoch Levin, Feivel Wahl, Israel Schneider, and Zev Meisels, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1999), volume 22, page 16b4; Babylonian Talmud Chullin 85a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 63, page 85a1.
- ^ Mishnah Arakhin 5:6, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 816–17; Babylonian Talmud Arakhin 21a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Mendy Wachsman, Feivel Wahl, Yosef Davis, Henoch Moshe Levin, Israel Schneider, Yeshayahu Levy, Eliezer Herzka, Dovid Nachfolger, Eliezer Lachman, and Zev Meisels, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2004), volume 67, page 21a4.
- ^ Mishnah Zevachim 1:1–2:5, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 699–703; Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 2a–31b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Israel Schneider, and Michoel Weiner, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995), volume 55, pages 2a1–31b3.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Beitzah 20a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Yisroel Reisman, edited by Hersh Goldwurm, volume 17, page 20a1. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 53b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Moshe Einhorn, Henoch Moshe Levin, Michoel Weiner, Shlomo Fox-Ashrei, and Abba Zvi Naiman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 56, page 53b2.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Eruvin 63a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Yisroel Reisman and Michoel Weiner, edited by Hersh Goldwurm (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991), volume 8, pages 63a 2–3.
- ^ Mishnah Menachot 13:11, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 765; Babylonian Talmud Menachot 110a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Yosef Davis, Eliezer Herzka, Abba Zvi Naiman, Zev Meisels, Noson Boruch Herzka, and Avrohom Neuberger, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 60, page 110a3. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2003. See also Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 5b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Berachos: Volume 1, elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz, volume 1, page 5b; Babylonian Talmud Shevuot 15a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Shevuos, elucidated by Michoel Weiner and Mordechai Kuber, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1994), volume 51, page 15a.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Menachot 110a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Yosef Davis, Eliezer Herzka, Abba Zvi Naiman, Zev Meisels, Noson Boruch Herzka, and Avrohom Neuberger, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 60, page 110a3–4.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Menachot 104b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Yosef Davis, Eliezer Herzka, Abba Zvi Naiman, Zev Meisels, Noson Boruch Herzka, and Avrohom Neuberger, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 60, page 104b2.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 8:4, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, pages 104–05.
- ^ Mishnah Berakhot 1:1, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 3; Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 2a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Berachos: Volume 1, elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz, volume 1, page 2a.
- ^ Sifra 1:3, in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation, translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 69.
- ^ Mishnah Kinnim 1:1–3:6, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 883–89.
- ^ Mishnah Menachot 1:1–13:11, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 732–65; Tosefta Menachot 1:1–13:23, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 2, pages 1407–68. Babylonian Talmud Menachot 2a–110a.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 5a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Berachos: Volume 1, elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz, volume 1, page 5a.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 4a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Israel Schneider, and Michoel Weiner, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 55, page 4a.
- ^ Sifra 28:1, in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation, translated by Jacob Neusner.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 99b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Israel Schneider, Yosef Widroff, Mendy Wachsman, Dovid Katz, Zev Meisels, and Feivel Wahl, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1996), volume 57, page 99b; Sifra 28:1:3, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Sifra: An Analytical Translation; Leviticus Rabbah 9:8, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 115.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Yoma 62b.
- ^ Mishnah Zevachim 5:7, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 708; Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 55a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Moshe Einhorn, Henoch Moshe Levin, Michoel Weiner, Shlomo Fox-Ashrei, and Abba Zvi Naiman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 56, page 55a2.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 55a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Moshe Einhorn, Henoch Moshe Levin, Michoel Weiner, Shlomo Fox-Ashrei, and Abba Zvi Naiman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 56, page 55a.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 64b.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 22:10, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, pages 288–89.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 17a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1997), volume 1, page 17a.
- ^ Mishnah Chullin 7:1, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 778–79; Malinowitz (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1999), volume 22, page 16b4; Babylonian Talmud Chullin 89b.
- ^ Mishnah Parah 8:3, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 1025.
- ^ Mishnah Horayot 1:1–3:8, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 689–95; Tosefta Horayot 1:1–2:13, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 2, pages 1295–303; Jerusalem Talmud Horayot 1a–18b (Tiberias, Land of Israel, circa 400 CE), in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Horayos: Tractate Eduyos, elucidated by Avrohom Neuberger, Eliezer Herzka, Michoel Weiner, and Nasanel Kasnett, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2002), volume 54, pages 1a–18b; Babylonian Talmud Horayot 2a–14a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli: Tractate Horayos: Tractate Eduyos, elucidated by Avrohom Neuberger, Eliezer Herzka, Michoel Weiner, and Nasanel Kasnett, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2002), volume 54, pages 2a–14a.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Yoma 36b.
- ^ See Leviticus 18:6.
- ^ Mishnah Keritot 1:1–2, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 836–37; Babylonian Talmud Keritot 2a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Eliahu Shulman, Dovid Arye Kaufman, Dovid Nachfolger, Menachem Goldberger, Michoel Weiner, Mendy Wachsman, Abba Zvi Naiman, and Zev Meisels, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 69, pages 2a1–5. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2004.
- ^ Genesis Rabbah 44:14, in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Genesis, translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 1, pages 369–70.
- ^ Sifra 54:1, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Sifra, volume 1, page 250.
- ^ Mishnah Yoma 8:8, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 278; Babylonian Talmud Yoma 85b, in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Yoma. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 9, page 428. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2013.
- ^ Leviticus 5:1, 2, 4, 15, 17, and 21.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 4:2, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 51.
- ^ Mishnah Nedarim 1:1–11:11, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 406–30; Tosefta Nedarim 1:1–7:8, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 1, pages 785–805; Jerusalem Talmud Nedarim 1a–42b, in, e.g., Talmud Yerushalmi: Tractate Nedarim, elucidated by Elchanan Cohen, Chaim Ochs, Mordechai Stareshefsky, Abba Zvi Naiman, Gershon Hoffman, Shlomo Silverman, Yehuda Jaffa, Aharon Meir Goldstein, Avrohom Neuberger, edited by Chaim Malinowitz, Yisroel Simcha Schorr, and Mordechai Marcus (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2016), volume 33, pages 1a–42b; Babylonian Talmud Nedarim 2a–91b, in, e.g., in, e.g., Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, editors, Talmud Bavli: Tractate Nedarim (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2000), volumes 29–30; Mishnah Shevuot 1:1–8:6, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 620–39; Tosefta Shevuot 1:1–6:7, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 2, pages 1219–44; Jerusalem Talmud Shevuot 1a–49a, in, e.g., Talmud Yerushalmi: Tractate Shevuos, elucidated by Mordechai Smilowitz, Gershon Hoffman, Avrohom Neuberger, Mendy Wachsman, Elchanan Cohen, edited by Chaim Malinowitz and Yisroel Simcha Schorr (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2019), volume 46, pages 1a–49a; Babylonian Talmud Shevuot 2a–49b, Talmud Bavli: Tractate Shevuos, elucidated by Michoel Weiner and Mordechai Kuber, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 51.
- ^ Mishnah Sanhedrin 4:5, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 591–92.
- ^ Mishnah Zevachim 10:4, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 722; Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 89a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Israel Schneider, Yosef Widroff, Mendy Wachsman, Dovid Katz, Zev Meisels, and Feivel Wahl, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 57, page 89a.
- ^ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 90a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Israel Schneider, Yosef Widroff, Mendy Wachsman, Dovid Katz, Zev Meisels, and Feivel Wahl, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 57, page 90a.
- ^ Leviticus Rabbah 3:2, in, e.g., Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, translators, Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus, volume 4, page 37.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:5–12, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 524–26. Tosefta Bava Kamma 9:19, 10:1–5, 17–18, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 2, pages 1005, 1008–10, 1013–14; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 103a–11a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, pages 103a3–11a4. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2001.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:5, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 524; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 103a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, page 103a3.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:6, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 524; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 103a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, pages 103a3–4.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:7, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 524; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 103a–b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, pages 103a4–b1.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:7, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 524; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 103b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, page 103b1.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:7, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, page 524; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 108b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, page 108b4.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:8, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 524–25. Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 108b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, page 108b4.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:9, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 525; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 108b, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, page 108b4.
- ^ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:11–12, in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Mishnah, pages 525–26; Babylonian Talmud Bava Kamma 110a, in, e.g., Talmud Bavli, elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman, edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, pages 110a2–3; see also Tosefta Bava Kamma 10:17–18 (attributing to Rabbi Akiva), in, e.g., Jacob Neusner, translator, Tosefta, volume 2, pages 1013–14.
- ^ For more on medieval Jewish interpretation, see, e.g., Barry D. Walfish. “Medieval Jewish Interpretation,” in Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, editors, Jewish Study Bible, 2nd edition, pages 1891–1915.
- ^ Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, part 3, chapter 46. Cairo, Egypt, 1190, in, e.g., Moses Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, translated by Michael Friedländer, page 359. New York: Dover Publications, 1956.
- ^ Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, part 3, chapter 32, in, e.g., Moses Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, translated by Michael Friedländer, pages 322–27.
- ^ Nachmanides. Commentary on the Torah. Jerusalem, circa 1270, in, e.g., Ramban (Nachmanides): Commentary on the Torah. Translated by Charles B. Chavel, pages 19–21. New York: Shilo Publishing House, 1971.
- ^ Zohar, Vayikra, part 3, page 23a. Spain, late 13th century, in, e.g., The Zohar: Pritzker Edition. Translation and commentary by Daniel C. Matt, volume 7, pages 145–46. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2012.
- ^ James L. Kugel. How To Read the Bible: A Guide to Scripture, Then and Now, pages 286–87. New York: Free Press, 2007.
- ^ William W. Hallo. “Leviticus and Ancient Near Eastern Literature,” in ‘'The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Edited by W. Gunther Plaut; revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, page 652.
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 13. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2004.
- ^ a b Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 12.
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 9.
- ^ Gordon J. Wenham, The Book of Leviticus (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1979), page 26 (citing Exodus 29:36–37 and Leviticus 4–5; 8:11–15, 23–30; 14:6–32; and 16:19).
- ^ Gordon J. Wenham. The Book of Leviticus, page 26.
- ^ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 69. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999.
- ^ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 79.
- ^ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, pages 79–80.
- ^ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 80.
- ^ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 86.
- ^ James W. Watts. Ritual and Rhetoric in Leviticus: From Sacrifice to Scripture, pages 55–62. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
- ^ Bernard J. Bamberger. “Leviticus,” in ‘'The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Edited by W. Gunther Plaut; revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, pages 676–77.
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus 1–16, volume 3, page 1. New York: Anchor Bible, 1991.
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing Leviticus 1:4).
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14.
- ^ a b Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 16.
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing Leviticus 7:11–17).
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing 1 Samuel 1:4 and 1 Samuel 9:21–24).
- ^ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing Leviticus 17:3–7).
- ^ a b Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 15.
- ^ See, e.g., Richard Elliott Friedman, The Bible with Sources Revealed (New York: HarperSanFrancisco, 2003), pages 4–5, 191–97.
- ^ See Sefer HaHinnuch: The Book of [Mitzvah] Education, translated by Charles Wengrov, volume 2, pages 3–73. Jerusalem: Feldheim Publishers, 1984.
- ^ Leviticus 1:3.
- ^ Leviticus 2:1.
- ^ Leviticus 2:11.
- ^ a b Leviticus 2:13.
- ^ Leviticus 4:13.
- ^ Leviticus 4:27.
- ^ Leviticus 5:1.
- ^ Leviticus 5:7–11.
- ^ Leviticus 5:8.
- ^ Leviticus 5:11.
- ^ Num. 5:15.
- ^ Leviticus 5:17–18.
- ^ Leviticus 5:23.
- ^ Leviticus 5:25.
- ^ The Schottenstein Edition Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals with an Interlinear Translation. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 244. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2002.
- ^ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 368.
- ^ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 221–22.
- ^ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 228.
- ^ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 236.
- ^ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 239.
- ^ See Mark L. Kligman. "The Bible, Prayer, and Maqam: Extra-Musical Associations of Syrian Jews." Ethnomusicology, volume 45, number 3 (Autumn 2001): pages 443–79. Mark L. Kligman. Maqam and Liturgy: Ritual, Music, and Aesthetics of Syrian Jews in Brooklyn. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2009.
- ^ Isaiah 43:21–24.
- ^ Isaiah 43:24.
- ^ Isaiah 43:25.
- ^ Isaiah 43:27–28.
- ^ Isaiah 44:1–4.
- ^ Isaiah 44:5.
- ^ Isaiah 44:6–8.
- ^ Isaiah 44:7–11.
- ^ Isaiah 44:12–13.
- ^ Isaiah 44:14–17.
- ^ Isaiah 44:18–20.
- ^ Isaiah 44:21–22.
- ^ Isaiah 44:23.
- ^ Leviticus 1:3–4, 6, 9–10 13–14, 17; 3:5; 4:7, 10, 18, 24–25, 29–30, 33–34; 5:7, 10; Isaiah 43:23.
- ^ Leviticus 2:3, 5–11, 13–15; 5:13; Isaiah 43:23.
- ^ Leviticus 2:1–2, 15–16; 5:11; Isaiah 43:23.
- ^ Leviticus 5:1; Isaiah 44:8.
- ^ Deuteronomy 25:17.
- ^ Esther 1:1–10:3.
- ^ Seder Eliyahu Rabbah chapter 20 (circa 640–900 CE), in, e.g., William G. Braude and Israel J. Kapstein, translators, Tanna Debe Eliyyahu: The Lore of the School of Elijah (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1981); Targum Sheni to Esther 4:13.
Otras lecturas
The parashah has parallels or is discussed in these classical sources:
Biblical
- Exodus 20:7 (vows).
- Leviticus 19:12 (vows).
- Numbers 30:2–17 (vows).
- Deuteronomy 23:22–24 (vows).
- Isaiah 56:7 (sacrifices from all people).
- Jeremiah 7:22–23 (preferring obedience to sacrifices).
- Ezekiel 18:5–7 (the just does not rob).
- Hosea 14:3 (the offering of our lips instead of bulls).
- Psalm 19:13 (unknowing sin); 20:4 (burnt offerings); 40:7 (sacrifices); 50:3–23 (sacrifices of thanksgiving); 51:16–19 (sacrifices); 66:13–15 (burnt offerings); 107:22 (sacrifices of thanksgiving); 116:17 (sacrifices of thanksgiving).
Early nonrabbinic
- The Wisdom of Ben Sira 50:1–29. Jerusalem, circa 180 BCE.
- Philo. Allegorical Interpretation 3:48:143–49:144; On the Sacrifices of Cain and Abel 36:118; On the Posterity of Cain 35:123; On the Preliminary Studies 30:169; On the Change of Names 41:234; On Dreams 1:14:81, 2:10:71, 44:296; On the Special Laws 1: 37:199, 42:233, 43:236, 53:289; 2: 6:26; 4: 23:119, 123. Alexandria, Egypt, early 1st century CE. In, e.g., The Works of Philo: Complete and Unabridged, New Updated Edition. Translated by Charles Duke Yonge, pages 66, 108, 144, 319, 361, 372, 393, 409, 553, 556, 561, 570, 627–28. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 1993.
- Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 3:9:1–4. Circa 93–94. In, e.g., The Works of Josephus: Complete and Unabridged, New Updated Edition. Translated by William Whiston, pages 94–95. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 1987.
Classical rabbinic
- Mishnah: Berakhot 1:1; Shekalim 6:6; Nedarim 1:1–11:12; Bava Kamma 9:7; Sanhedrin 4:5; Shevuot 1:1–8:6; Horayot 1:1–3:8; Zevachim 1:1–14:10; Menachot 1:1–13:11; Chullin 1:4, 7:1; Arakhin 5:6; Keritot 1:2, 2:4, 4:3, 6:6–9; Kinnim 1:1–3:6; Parah 1:4. Land of Israel, circa 200 CE. In, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 3, 261, 406–30, 524, 591, 616, 620–39, 689–766, 779, 817, 837, 839, 845, 849–50, 883–89, 1014. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.
- Tosefta: Peah 3:8; Demai 2:7; Challah 2:7; Bikkurim 2:1; Kippurim (Yoma) 1:5; Nedarim 1:1–7:8; Bava Kamma 7:5; Makkot 5:2–3; Shevuot 1:6–3:8; Horayot 1:1–2:13; Zevachim 1:1–13:20; Menachot 1:1–13:23; Chullin 9:14; Keritot 2:13–15. Land of Israel, circa 250 CE. In, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, pages 65, 85, 339, 348, 542, 785–805; volume 2, pages 987, 1214, 1219–44, 1295–1369, 1401–02, 1429–30, 1437, 1453, 1562–63 1563. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2002.
- Sifra 1:1–69:1. Land of Israel, 4th century CE. In, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, pages 65–345. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988.
- Jerusalem Talmud: Berakhot 8a; Terumot 31b, 71b; Challah 7a, 8a, 33a; Shabbat 23a, 77b, 85b, 89b; Pesachim 18a, 36b, 37a, 38a–b, 43a, 78b; Shekalim 8a, 15a, 49a–b; Yoma 2a, 8a, 11a–b, 12b, 14b, 16b–17a, 32a, 37a, 38b, 45b, 47a; Taanit 9a; Megillah 16a, 34b; Yevamot 28a, 63b; Nedarim 1a–42b; Nazir 19a, 20b–21a, 22a, 23b, 26b; Sotah 10a, 14b–15a, 18b, 22b, 44b; Gittin 27b; Kiddushin 3b, 16a; Bava Kamma 3b–4a; Sanhedrin 8a, 10a, 23a–b, 28b; Shevuot 1a–49a; Avodah Zarah 7b, 18b; Horayot 1a–18b. Tiberias, Land of Israel, circa 400 C.E. In, e.g., Talmud Yerushalmi. Edited by Chaim Malinowitz, Yisroel Simcha Schorr, and Mordechai Marcus, volumes 1, 7–8, 11, 13, 15, 18–21, 25–26, 29–30, 33–35, 37, 39–41, 44, 46–49. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2005–2020. And in, e.g., The Jerusalem Talmud: A Translation and Commentary. Edited by Jacob Neusner and translated by Jacob Neusner, Tzvee Zahavy, B. Barry Levy, and Edward Goldman. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2009.
- Leviticus Rabbah 1:1–7:1; 8:4; 10:3; 22:10. Land of Israel, 5th century. In, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, pages 1–88, 90, 104, 124, 288. London: Soncino Press, 1939.
- Babylonian Talmud: Berakhot 2a, 5a, 31b, 37b; Shabbat 2a–3a, 15a, 25a, 26b, 38a, 68b–69a, 70a, 71b, 103a, 108a; Eruvin 2a, 30b, 57a, 63a, 104a; Pesachim 16b, 32b–33a, 36a, 40a, 43b, 57b, 59a, 62a, 63b, 64b–65b, 66b, 73a, 77b, 83a, 89a, 96b; Yoma 4b–5a, 15b, 20a, 21b, 24a–b, 25b, 26b–27a, 36a–37a, 41a, 44a, 45a, 47a–48a, 50a, 53a, 56b–57b, 58b–59a, 62b, 67b–68b, 73a, 74a, 80a, 85b; Sukkah 30a, 48b, 49b, 56a; Beitzah 20a, 25a, 39a; Rosh Hashanah 5b–6a, 28a, 33a; Taanit 22b; Megillah 8a, 9b, 16a, 20b; Moed Katan 17b; Chagigah 2a, 6a–b, 7b, 10a–11a, 16b, 23b; Yevamot 8b–9a, 32b, 34a, 35b, 83b, 87b, 90a, 100a, 101b, 106a; Ketubot 5b, 30b, 42a–b, 45a, 60a, 106a; Nedarim 2a–91b; Nazir 9b, 23a, 24a, 25a, 27b–28a, 29a, 35a, 36a, 38a, 45a, 47b, 62b; Sotah 14a–15a, 23a, 32a, 33a, 37b, 44b, 46b; Gittin 28b, 71a, 74a; Kiddushin 14a, 24b, 36a–b, 37b, 44a, 50a, 52b–53a, 54b–55a, 57b, 81b; Bava Kamma 2a, 3b, 4b, 9b, 12b–13a, 20b, 40b, 56a, 63b, 65a–67a, 71a, 79b, 86b, 91b, 93a, 94b, 98a–b, 101a, 103a–06b, 108a–b, 110b–11a, 112a, 117b; Bava Metzia 3b, 36a, 43a–b, 48a, 54b–55b, 58a, 104a, 111a–b; Bava Batra 26b, 74b, 79a, 88b, 120b, 123b; Sanhedrin 2a, 3b–4b, 13b–14a, 18b, 30a, 34b, 37b, 42b, 47a, 52a, 61b–62a, 83a, 84a, 87a, 101a, 107a; Makkot 13a, 16a, 17a–19a; Shevuot 2a–49b; Avodah Zarah 24b, 29b, 42b, 44a; Horayot 2a–14a; Zevachim 2a–120b; Menachot 2a–110a; Chullin 2b, 5a–b, 11a, 13a–b, 17a, 19b–22b, 27a–b, 30b, 37a, 49a, 61a, 70b–71a, 85a, 90a, 93a, 117a, 123b, 132b, 133b; Bekhorot 15b, 41a–42a, 43b, 53b, 61a; Arakhin 2a, 4a, 17b–18a, 20b–21a; Temurah 2a–3b, 6a, 8a, 15a–b, 17b–18b, 19b–20a, 22a, 23b, 28a–29a, 32b; Keritot 2a, 3a, 4a–5a, 7a–b, 9a, 10b, 11b–12b, 18b–19b, 22a–b, 23b, 24b, 25b–28b; Meilah 2b, 8a–b, 9b–10a, 15a, 18a–b, 19b–20a; Tamid 28b, 29b, 31b; Niddah 28b, 41a, 70b. Sasanian Empire, 6th century. In, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, Chaim Malinowitz, and Mordechai Marcus, 72 volumes. Brooklyn: Mesorah Pubs., 2006.
Medieval
- Rashi. Commentary. Leviticus 1–5. Troyes, France, late 11th century. In, e.g., Rashi. The Torah: With Rashi's Commentary Translated, Annotated, and Elucidated. Translated and annotated by Yisrael Isser Zvi Herczeg, volume 3, pages 1–57. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1994. ISBN 0-89906-028-5.
- Rashbam. Commentary on the Torah. Troyes, early 12th century. In, e.g., Rashbam's Commentary on Leviticus and Numbers: An Annotated Translation. Edited and translated by Martin I. Lockshin, pages 11–33. Providence: Brown Judaic Studies, 2001. ISBN 1-930675-07-0.
- Judah Halevi. Kuzari. 3:60. Toledo, Spain, 1130–1140. In, e.g., Jehuda Halevi. Kuzari: An Argument for the Faith of Israel. Introduction by Henry Slonimsky, page 184. New York: Schocken, 1964. ISBN 0-8052-0075-4.
- Abraham ibn Ezra. Commentary on the Torah. Mid-12th century. In, e.g., Ibn Ezra's Commentary on the Pentateuch: Leviticus (Va-yikra). Translated and annotated by H. Norman Strickman and Arthur M. Silver, volume 3, pages 1–28. New York: Menorah Publishing Company, 2004. ISBN 0-932232-11-6.
- Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Teshuvah. Chapter 1, ¶ 1. Egypt. Circa 1170–1180. In, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Teshuvah: The Laws of Repentance. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 6–7. New York: Moznaim, Publishing, 1990. OCLC 28239393 ASIN B000AO991CISBN 978-0-940118-20-1.
- Hezekiah ben Manoah. Hizkuni. France, circa 1240. In, e.g., Chizkiyahu ben Manoach. Chizkuni: Torah Commentary. Translated and annotated by Eliyahu Munk, volume 3, pages 656–78. Jerusalem: Ktav Publishers, 2013. ISBN 978-1-60280-261-2.
- Nachmanides. Commentary on the Torah. Jerusalem, circa 1270. In, e.g., Ramban (Nachmanides): Commentary on the Torah. Translated by Charles B. Chavel, volume 3, pages 6–58. New York: Shilo Publishing House, 1974. ISBN 0-88328-007-8.
- Zohar, part 3, pages 2a–26a. Spain, late 13th century.
- Bahya ben Asher. Commentary on the Torah. Spain, early 14th century. In, e.g., Midrash Rabbeinu Bachya: Torah Commentary by Rabbi Bachya ben Asher. Translated and annotated by Eliyahu Munk, volume 5, pages 1463–527. Jerusalem: Lambda Publishers, 2003. ISBN 965-7108-45-4.
- Jacob ben Asher (Baal Ha-Turim). Rimze Ba'al ha-Turim. Early 14th century. In, e.g., Baal Haturim Chumash: Vayikra/Leviticus. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, edited, elucidated, and annotated by Avie Gold, volume 3, pages 1019–53. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2000. ISBN 1-57819-130-0.
- Jacob ben Asher. Perush Al ha-Torah. Early 14th century. In, e.g., Yaakov ben Asher. Tur on the Torah. Translated and annotated by Eliyahu Munk, volume 3, pages 778–805. Jerusalem: Lambda Publishers, 2005. ISBN 978-9657108765.
- Isaac ben Moses Arama. Akedat Yizhak (The Binding of Isaac). Late 15th century. In, e.g., Yitzchak Arama. Akeydat Yitzchak: Commentary of Rabbi Yitzchak Arama on the Torah. Translated and condensed by Eliyahu Munk, volume 2, pages 544–58. New York, Lambda Publishers, 2001. ISBN 965-7108-30-6.
Modern
- Isaac Abravanel. Commentary on the Torah. Italy, between 1492–1509. In, e.g., Abarbanel: Selected Commentaries on the Torah: Volume 3: Vayikra/Leviticus. Translated and annotated by Israel Lazar, pages 15–58. Brooklyn: CreateSpace, 2015. ISBN 978-1508721338. And excerpted in, e.g., Abarbanel on the Torah: Selected Themes. Translated by Avner Tomaschoff, pages 360–81. Jerusalem: Jewish Agency for Israel, 2007. ISBN 965-7118-05-0.
- Obadiah ben Jacob Sforno. Commentary on the Torah. Venice, 1567. In, e.g., Sforno: Commentary on the Torah. Translation and explanatory notes by Raphael Pelcovitz, pages 499–513. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1997. ISBN 0-89906-268-7.
- Moshe Alshich. Commentary on the Torah. Safed, circa 1593. In, e.g., Moshe Alshich. Midrash of Rabbi Moshe Alshich on the Torah. Translated and annotated by Eliyahu Munk, volume 2, pages 619–33. New York, Lambda Publishers, 2000. ISBN 965-7108-13-6.
- Avraham Yehoshua Heschel. Commentaries on the Torah. Cracow, Poland, mid 17th century. Compiled as Chanukat HaTorah. Edited by Chanoch Henoch Erzohn. Piotrkow, Poland, 1900. In Avraham Yehoshua Heschel. Chanukas HaTorah: Mystical Insights of Rav Avraham Yehoshua Heschel on Chumash. Translated by Avraham Peretz Friedman, pages 205–06. Southfield, Michigan: Targum Press/Feldheim Publishers, 2004. ISBN 1-56871-303-7.
- Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan, 3:40, 42. England, 1651. Reprint edited by C. B. Macpherson, pages 503–04, 572. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Classics, 1982. ISBN 0-14-043195-0.
- Shabbethai Bass. Sifsei Chachamim. Amsterdam, 1680. In, e.g., Sefer Vayikro: From the Five Books of the Torah: Chumash: Targum Okelos: Rashi: Sifsei Chachamim: Yalkut: Haftaros, translated by Avrohom Y. Davis, pages 1–84. Lakewood Township, New Jersey: Metsudah Publications, 2012.
- Chaim ibn Attar. Ohr ha-Chaim. Venice, 1742. In Chayim ben Attar. Or Hachayim: Commentary on the Torah. Translated by Eliyahu Munk, volume 3, pages 924–86. Brooklyn: Lambda Publishers, 1999. ISBN 965-7108-12-8.
- Yitzchak Magriso. Me'am Lo'ez. Constantinople, 1753. In Yitzchak Magriso. The Torah Anthology: MeAm Lo'ez. Translated by Aryeh Kaplan, volume 11, pages 1–117. New York: Moznaim Publishing, 1989. ISBN 094011884X.
- Nachman of Breslov. Teachings. Bratslav, Ukraine, before 1811. In Rebbe Nachman's Torah: Breslov Insights into the Weekly Torah Reading: Exodus-Leviticus. Compiled by Chaim Kramer, edited by Y. Hall, pages 301–13. Jerusalem: Breslov Research Institute, 2011. ISBN 978-1-928822-53-0.
- Samuel David Luzzatto (Shadal). Commentary on the Torah. Padua, 1871. In, e.g., Samuel David Luzzatto. Torah Commentary. Translated and annotated by Eliyahu Munk, volume 3, pages 897–915. New York: Lambda Publishers, 2012. ISBN 978-965-524-067-2.
- H. Clay Trumbull. The Salt Covenant. New York, 1899. Reprinted in Kirkwood, Missouri: Impact Christian Books, 1999. ISBN 0-89228-079-4.
- Yehudah Aryeh Leib Alter. Sefat Emet. Góra Kalwaria (Ger), Poland, before 1906. Excerpted in The Language of Truth: The Torah Commentary of Sefat Emet. Translated and interpreted by Arthur Green, pages 147–51. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1998. ISBN 0-8276-0650-8. Reprinted 2012. ISBN 0-8276-0946-9.
- Hermann Cohen. Religion of Reason: Out of the Sources of Judaism. Translated with an introduction by Simon Kaplan; introductory essays by Leo Strauss, pages 200, 214. New York: Ungar, 1972. Reprinted Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995. ISBN 0-7885-0102-X. Originally published as Religion der Vernunft aus den Quellen des Judentums. Leipzig: Gustav Fock, 1919.
- George Buchanan Gray. Sacrifice in the Old Testament: Its Theory and Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1925. Reprinted by Ktav Publishing House, 1971.
- Alexander Alan Steinbach. Sabbath Queen: Fifty-four Bible Talks to the Young Based on Each Portion of the Pentateuch, pages 74–77. New York: Behrman's Jewish Book House, 1936.
- Roland De Vaux. Studies in Old Testament Sacrifice. University of Wales Press, 1964. ISBN 0-7083-0346-3.
- Anson Rainey. "Sacrifice." In Encyclopaedia Judaica, volume 14, pages 599–607. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972. LCCN 72-90254.
- Jacob Milgrom. Cult and Conscience: The Asham and the Priestly Doctrine of Repentance. E.J. Brill, 1976. ISBN 9004044760.
- Jacob Milgrom. "Sacrifices and Offerings, OT," and "Wave offering." In The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. Supp. volume, pages 763–71, 944–46. Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon, 1976. ISBN 0-687-19269-2.
- Gordon J. Wenham. The Book of Leviticus, pages 47–112. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1979. ISBN 0-8028-2522-2.
- Pinchas H. Peli. Torah Today: A Renewed Encounter with Scripture, pages 105–09. Washington, D.C.: B'nai B'rith Books, 1987. ISBN 0-910250-12-X.
- Mark S. Smith. The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel, pages 2, 100. New York: HarperSanFrancisco, 1990. ISBN 0-06-067416-4.
- Harvey J. Fields. A Torah Commentary for Our Times: Volume II: Exodus and Leviticus, pages 97–103. New York: UAHC Press, 1991. ISBN 0-8074-0334-2.
- Victor Avigdor Hurowitz. “Review Essay: Ancient Israelite Cult in History, Tradition, and Interpretation.” AJS Review, volume 19, number 2 (1994): pages 213–36.
- Walter C. Kaiser Jr., "The Book of Leviticus," in The New Interpreter's Bible, volume 1, pages 1005–42. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1994. ISBN 0-687-27814-7.
- Judith S. Antonelli. "Animal Sacrifice." In In the Image of God: A Feminist Commentary on the Torah, pages 233–46. Northvale, New Jersey: Jason Aronson, 1995. ISBN 1-56821-438-3.
- Ellen Frankel. The Five Books of Miriam: A Woman’s Commentary on the Torah, pages 151–55. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1996. ISBN 0-399-14195-2.
- W. Gunther Plaut. The Haftarah Commentary, pages 232–43. New York: UAHC Press, 1996. ISBN 0-8074-0551-5.
- Sorel Goldberg Loeb and Barbara Binder Kadden. Teaching Torah: A Treasury of Insights and Activities, pages 165–71. Denver: A.R.E. Publishing, 1997. ISBN 0-86705-041-1.
- Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus 1–16, volume 3, pages 129–378. New York: Anchor Bible, 1998. ISBN 0-385-11434-6.
- Susan Freeman. Teaching Jewish Virtues: Sacred Sources and Arts Activities, pages 165–78. Springfield, New Jersey: A.R.E. Publishing, 1999. ISBN 978-0-86705-045-5. (Leviticus 1–7).
- Shoshana Gelfand. "The Book of Relationships." In The Women's Torah Commentary: New Insights from Women Rabbis on the 54 Weekly Torah Portions. Edited by Elyse Goldstein, pages 185–90. Woodstock, Vermont: Jewish Lights Publishing, 2000. ISBN 1-58023-076-8.
- Frank H. Gorman Jr. “Leviticus.” In The HarperCollins Bible Commentary. Edited by James L. Mays, pages 146–50. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, revised edition, 2000. ISBN 0-06-065548-8.
- Lainie Blum Cogan and Judy Weiss. Teaching Haftarah: Background, Insights, and Strategies, pages 286–94. Denver: A.R.E. Publishing, 2002. ISBN 0-86705-054-3.
- Michael Fishbane. The JPS Bible Commentary: Haftarot, pages 147–55. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2002. ISBN 0-8276-0691-5.
- Alan Lew. This Is Real and You Are Completely Unprepared: The Days of Awe as a Journey of Transformation, pages 108–09. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 2003. ISBN 0-316-73908-1.
- Robert Alter. The Five Books of Moses: A Translation with Commentary, pages 547–63. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2004. ISBN 0-393-01955-1.
- Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Book of Ritual and Ethics: A Continental Commentary, pages xii, 6–62, 70–71, 73–78, 85, 95–96, 99, 117, 126, 138–39, 143–44, 146–47, 151, 157, 162, 168, 170–71, 176, 181, 186, 190, 192, 195, 211, 214, 226–30, 266, 270–71, 291, 323–24, 327, 333. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2004. ISBN 0-8006-9514-3.
- Antony Cothey. “Ethics and Holiness in the Theology of Leviticus.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, volume 30, number 2 (December 2005): pages 131–51.
- Professors on the Parashah: Studies on the Weekly Torah Reading Edited by Leib Moscovitz, pages 163–65. Jerusalem: Urim Publications, 2005. ISBN 965-7108-74-8.
- Bernard J. Bamberger. “Leviticus.” In The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Edited by W. Gunther Plaut; revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, pages 658–85. New York: Union for Reform Judaism, 2006. ISBN 0-8074-0883-2.
- Suzanne A. Brody. "A Priest's Expiation." In Dancing in the White Spaces: The Yearly Torah Cycle and More Poems, page 85. Shelbyville, Kentucky: Wasteland Press, 2007. ISBN 1-60047-112-9.
- James L. Kugel. How To Read the Bible: A Guide to Scripture, Then and Now, pages 301–03, 324, 503. New York: Free Press, 2007. ISBN 0-7432-3586-X.
- Christophe Nihan. From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: A Study in the Composition of the Book of Leviticus. Coronet Books, 2007. ISBN 3161492579.
- James W. Watts. Ritual and Rhetoric in Leviticus: From Sacrifice to Scripture. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0-521-87193-8.
- The Torah: A Women's Commentary. Edited by Tamara Cohn Eskenazi and Andrea L. Weiss, pages 569–92. New York: URJ Press, 2008. ISBN 0-8074-1081-0.
- Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert. “Bodily Perfection in the Sanctuary: Parashat Vayikra (Leviticus 1:1–5:26).” In Torah Queeries: Weekly Commentaries on the Hebrew Bible. Edited by Gregg Drinkwater, Joshua Lesser, and David Shneer; foreword by Judith Plaskow, pages 123–28. New York: New York University Press, 2009. ISBN 0-8147-2012-9.
- Reuven Hammer. Entering Torah: Prefaces to the Weekly Torah Portion, pages 143–46. New York: Gefen Publishing House, 2009. ISBN 978-965-229-434-0.
- Roy E. Gane. "Leviticus." In Zondervan Illustrated Bible Backgrounds Commentary. Edited by John H. Walton, volume 1, pages 289–96. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2009. ISBN 978-0-310-25573-4.
- Leigh M. Trevaskis. “On a Recent ‘Existential’ Translation of ḥāṭāʾ.” Vetus Testamentum, volume 59, number 2 (2009): pages 313–19.
- Mark Leuchter. “The Politics of Ritual Rhetoric: A Proposed Sociopolitical Context for the Redaction of Leviticus 1–16.” Vetus Testamentum, volume 60, number 3 (2010): pages 345–65.
- Jeffrey Stackert. “Leviticus.” In The New Oxford Annotated Bible: New Revised Standard Version with the Apocrypha: An Ecumenical Study Bible. Edited by Michael D. Coogan, Marc Z. Brettler, Carol A. Newsom, and Pheme Perkins, pages 143–49. New York: Oxford University Press, Revised 4th Edition 2010. ISBN 0-19-528955-2.
- William G. Dever. The Lives of Ordinary People in Ancient Israel: When Archaeology and the Bible Intersect, pages 188, 244. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2012. ISBN 978-0-8028-6701-8.
- Shmuel Herzfeld. “The Calling.” In Fifty-Four Pick Up: Fifteen-Minute Inspirational Torah Lessons, pages 143–46. Jerusalem: Gefen Publishing House, 2012. ISBN 978-965-229-558-3.
- Liel Leibovitz. "Leviticus, the Video Game: A new iPhone game turns the Bible's most detailed book into fast-paced, educational entertainment." Tablet Magazine. (March 8, 2013).
- Moshe Waldoks. "Leviticus 1:1–5:26: How Do We Come Closer to God?" The Huffington Post. (March 12, 2013).
- Baruch J. Schwartz. "Leviticus." In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 196–206. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. ISBN 0-19-529751-2.
- Annette Yoshiko Reed. “From Sacrifice to the Slaughterhouse: Ancient and Modern Approaches to Meat, Animals, and Civilization.” (2015).
- Jonathan Sacks. Covenant & Conversation: A Weekly Reading of the Jewish Bible: Leviticus: The Book of Holiness, pages 51–98. Jerusalem: Maggid Books, 2015. ISBN 978-1-59264-022-5.
- Jonathan Sacks. Lessons in Leadership: A Weekly Reading of the Jewish Bible, pages 123–28. New Milford, Connecticut: Maggid Books, 2015. ISBN 978-1-59264-432-2.
- Jonathan Sacks. Essays on Ethics: A Weekly Reading of the Jewish Bible, pages 153–57. New Milford, Connecticut: Maggid Books, 2016. ISBN 978-1-59264-449-0.
- Shai Held. The Heart of Torah, Volume 2: Essays on the Weekly Torah Portion: Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, pages 3–14. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2017. ISBN 978-0827612716.
- Steven Levy and Sarah Levy. The JPS Rashi Discussion Torah Commentary, pages 77–79. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2017. ISBN 978-0827612693.
- Bill Dauster. "When Leaders Do Wrong." Washington Jewish Week, March 26, 2020, page 35.
enlaces externos
Texts
- Masoretic text and 1917 JPS translation
- Hear the parashah chanted
- Hear the parashah read in Hebrew
Commentaries
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