La Revolución Iraní (en persa : انقلاب ایران , romanizado : Enqelâbe Irân , pronunciado [ʔeɴɢeˌlɒːbe ʔiːɾɒːn] ), también conocida como la Revolución Islámica , [1] fue una serie de eventos que culminaron con el derrocamiento de la dinastía Pahlavi bajo Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi , y el reemplazo de su gobierno por una república islámica bajo el Gran Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini , líder de una de las facciones en la revuelta. [2] La revolución fue apoyada por variosOrganizaciones islamistas e izquierdistas [3] y movimientos estudiantiles .
| Revolución iraní | |||
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| Parte de los intentos de constitucionalización en Irán y la Guerra Fría | |||
 Manifestaciones masivas en College Bridge, Teherán | |||
| Fecha | 7 de enero de 1978 - 11 de febrero de 1979 (1 año, 1 mes y 4 días) | ||
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| Metas | Derrocamiento de la dinastía Pahlavi | ||
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| Resultó en |
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| Partes en el conflicto civil | |||
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| Figuras de plomo | |||
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| Bajas y perdidas | |||
| ver Víctimas de la revolución iraní | |||
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Las manifestaciones contra el Sha comenzaron en octubre de 1977 y se convirtieron en una campaña de resistencia civil que incluyó tanto a elementos seculares como religiosos. [4] [5] [6] Las protestas se intensificaron rápidamente en 1978 como resultado de la quema del Cine Rex que fue visto como el detonante de la revolución, [7] [8] y entre agosto y diciembre de ese año, huelgas y Las manifestaciones paralizaron el país. El Sha dejó Irán en el exilio el 16 de enero de 1979, como último monarca persa , dejando sus deberes en manos de un consejo de regencia y Shapour Bakhtiar , que era un primer ministro de la oposición . El ayatolá Jomeini fue invitado a regresar a Irán por el gobierno, [9] [10] y regresó a Teherán para recibir un saludo de varios miles de iraníes. [11] El reinado real se derrumbó poco después, el 11 de febrero, cuando las guerrillas y las tropas rebeldes abrumaron a las tropas leales al Sha en combates callejeros armados , llevando a Jomeini al poder oficial. [12] [13] Irán votó por referéndum nacional para convertirse en una república islámica el 1 de abril de 1979 [14] y para formular y aprobar una nueva constitución teocrática-republicana [4] [5] [15] [16] por la que Jomeini se convirtió en supremo líder del país en diciembre de 1979.
La revolución fue inusual por la sorpresa que generó en todo el mundo. [17] Carecía de muchas de las causas habituales de la revolución (derrota en la guerra, crisis financiera , rebelión campesina o militares descontentos ); [18] ocurrió en una nación que estaba experimentando una relativa prosperidad ; [9] [16] produjo un cambio profundo a gran velocidad; [19] fue enormemente popular; resultó en el exilio de muchos iraníes; [20] y reemplazó una monarquía autoritaria pro-occidental [9] con una teocracia anti-occidental [9] [15] [16] [21] basada en el concepto de velayat-e faqih (o tutela de los juristas islámicos ). Además de estos, la revolución buscó un resurgimiento chiíta global y el desarraigo de la hegemonía sunita . [22] Fue una revolución relativamente no violenta , y ayudó a redefinir el significado y la práctica de las revoluciones modernas (aunque hubo violencia después). [23]
Antecedentes (1891-1977)
Las razones aducidas para la revolución y su carácter populista , nacionalista y más tarde chiíta islámico incluyen:
- Una reacción violenta contra el imperialismo occidental ;
- el golpe de Estado iraní de 1953 ;
- un aumento en las expectativas creadas por los ingresos extraordinarios del petróleo de 1973 ;
- un programa económico demasiado ambicioso;
- enfado por una contracción económica breve y aguda en 1977-1978; y [Nota 1]
- otras deficiencias del régimen anterior.
El régimen del Sha fue visto como un opresor, brutal, [28] [29] corrupta y lujosa régimen por algunas de las clases de la sociedad en ese momento. [28] [30] También sufrió algunas fallas funcionales básicas que trajeron cuellos de botella económicos , escasez e inflación . [31] El Sha fue percibido por muchos como en deuda, si no como un títere de, una potencia occidental no musulmana (es decir, los Estados Unidos ) [32] [33] cuya cultura estaba afectando a la de Irán. Al mismo tiempo, el apoyo al Sha puede haber disminuido entre los políticos y los medios occidentales, especialmente bajo la administración del presidente estadounidense Jimmy Carter, como resultado del apoyo del Sha a los aumentos del precio del petróleo de la OPEP a principios de la década. [34] Cuando el presidente Carter promulgó una política de derechos humanos que decía que los países culpables de violaciones de derechos humanos serían privados de armas o ayuda estadounidense, esto ayudó a dar a algunos iraníes el valor de publicar cartas abiertas y peticiones con la esperanza de que la represión por el gobierno podría disminuir. [35]
La revolución que sustituyó la monarquía de Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi por el Islam y Jomeini se atribuye en parte a la difusión de la versión chiíta del renacimiento islámico . Esta resistió la occidentalización y la sierra ayatolá Jomeini como seguir los pasos de los chiíes Imam Husayn ibn Ali , mientras que el Shah en el papel de enemigo de Hussein, el odiado tirano Yazid I . [36] Otros factores incluyen la subestimación del movimiento islamista de Jomeini por parte del reinado del Sha, que los consideraba una amenaza menor en comparación con los marxistas y socialistas islámicos [37] [38] [39] —y por los opositores secularistas del gobierno— que pensaba que los jomeinistas podían quedar al margen. [40]
Protesta del tabaco (1891)
El clero chiíta ( ulama ) tuvo una influencia significativa en la sociedad iraní . El clero se mostró por primera vez como una fuerza política poderosa en oposición a la monarquía con la Protesta del Tabaco de 1891 . El 20 de marzo de 1890, Nasir al-Din Shah otorgó una concesión al Mayor GF Talbot para un monopolio total sobre la producción, venta y exportación de tabaco durante 50 años. [41] En ese momento, la industria del tabaco persa empleaba a más de 200.000 personas, por lo que la concesión representó un gran golpe para los agricultores y bazaaris persas, cuyos medios de vida dependían en gran medida del lucrativo negocio del tabaco. [42] Los boicots y protestas en su contra fueron generalizados y extensos como resultado de la fatwa (decreto judicial) de Mirza Hasan Shirazi . [43] Finalmente Nasir al-Din Shah se vio impotente para detener el movimiento popular y canceló la concesión. [44]
La Protesta del Tabaco fue la primera resistencia iraní significativa contra el Sha y los intereses extranjeros, revelando el poder del pueblo y la influencia de los ulama entre ellos. [41]
Revolución constitucional persa (1905-11)
La creciente insatisfacción continuó hasta la Revolución Constitucional de 1905-1911. La revolución condujo al establecimiento de un parlamento , la Asamblea Nacional Consultiva (también conocida como Majlis ) y la aprobación de la primera constitución. Aunque la revolución constitucional logró debilitar la autocracia del régimen de Qajar , no logró proporcionar un gobierno alternativo poderoso. Por lo tanto, en las décadas posteriores al establecimiento del nuevo parlamento, tuvieron lugar una serie de eventos críticos. Muchos de estos eventos pueden verse como una continuación de la lucha entre los constitucionalistas y los Shah de Persia, muchos de los cuales fueron respaldados por potencias extranjeras contra el parlamento.
Reza Shah (1921-1935)
La inseguridad y el caos creados después de la Revolución Constitucional llevaron al ascenso del general Reza Khan, el comandante de la élite de la Brigada Cosaca Persa que tomó el poder en un golpe de estado en febrero de 1921. Estableció una monarquía constitucional , derrocando al último Qajar Shah , Ahmed Shah , en 1925 y siendo designado monarca por la Asamblea Nacional, para ser conocido en adelante como Reza Shah, fundador de la dinastía Pahlavi .
Durante su reinado se introdujeron amplias reformas sociales, económicas y políticas, algunas de las cuales provocaron el descontento público que proporcionaría las circunstancias para la revolución iraní. Particularmente controvertido fue el reemplazo de las leyes islámicas por las occidentales y la prohibición de la ropa islámica tradicional , la separación de sexos y el velo de las mujeres con el niqab . [45] La policía retiró a la fuerza y arrancó chador a las mujeres que se resistieron a su prohibición del hijab público .
En 1935, decenas de personas murieron y cientos resultaron heridas en la rebelión de la mezquita de Goharshad . [46] [47] [48] Por otro lado, durante el surgimiento temprano de Reza Shah, Abdul-Karim Ha'eri Yazdi fundó el Seminario Qom y creó importantes cambios en los seminarios . Sin embargo, evitaría entrar en temas políticos, al igual que otros líderes religiosos que lo siguieron. Por lo tanto, el clero no organizó intentos generalizados contra el gobierno durante el gobierno de Reza Shah. Sin embargo, el futuro ayatolá Jomeini fue alumno del jeque Abdul Karim Ha'eri. [49]
Mosaddegh y The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (1951-1952)
A partir de 1901, la Anglo-Persian Oil Company (rebautizada como Anglo-Iranian Oil Company en 1931), una compañía petrolera británica, disfrutó de un monopolio sobre la venta y producción de petróleo iraní. Era el negocio británico más rentable del mundo. [50] La mayoría de los iraníes vivían en la pobreza, mientras que la riqueza generada por el petróleo iraní jugó un papel decisivo para mantener a Gran Bretaña en la cima del mundo. En 1951, el primer ministro iraní, Mohammad Mosaddegh, se comprometió a expulsar a la empresa de Irán, recuperar las reservas de petróleo y liberar a Irán de las potencias extranjeras.
En 1952, Mosaddegh nacionalizó la Anglo-Iranian Oil Company y se convirtió en un héroe nacional. Los británicos, sin embargo, se indignaron y lo acusaron de robar. Los británicos exigieron el castigo de la Corte Mundial y las Naciones Unidas , enviaron buques de guerra al Golfo Pérsico y finalmente impusieron un embargo aplastante . Mosaddegh no se conmovió por la campaña de Gran Bretaña en su contra. Un periódico europeo, el Frankfurter Neue Presse , informó que Mosaddegh "preferiría ser frito en aceite persa antes que hacer la más mínima concesión a los británicos". Los británicos considera una invasión armada, pero el primer ministro del Reino Unido Winston Churchill decidió por un golpe de estado después de haber sido rechazado el apoyo militar de Estados Unidos por el presidente estadounidense Harry S. Truman , que simpatizaba con los movimientos nacionalistas como Mosaddegh de y no tenía nada más que desprecio por viejo estilo imperialistas como las que dirigía la Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Mosaddegh, sin embargo, se enteró de los planes de Churchill y ordenó el cierre de la embajada británica en octubre de 1952, lo que obligó a todos los diplomáticos y agentes británicos a abandonar el país.
Aunque los británicos fueron rechazados inicialmente en su solicitud de apoyo estadounidense por parte del presidente Truman, la elección de Dwight D. Eisenhower como presidente de los EE. UU. En noviembre de 1952 cambió la postura estadounidense hacia el conflicto. El 20 de enero de 1953, el secretario de Estado estadounidense, John Foster Dulles, y su hermano, el director de la CIA , Allen Dulles , dijeron a sus homólogos británicos que estaban dispuestos a actuar contra Mosaddegh. A sus ojos, cualquier país que no se aliara de manera decisiva con Estados Unidos era un enemigo potencial. Irán tenía una inmensa riqueza petrolera, una larga frontera con la Unión Soviética y un primer ministro nacionalista . La perspectiva de una caída en el comunismo y una "segunda China " (después de que Mao Zedong ganara la Guerra Civil China ) aterrorizó a los hermanos Dulles. Nació la Operación Ajax , en la que se depuso al único gobierno democrático que ha tenido Irán . [51]
Golpe de Estado iraní (1953)
En 1941, Reza Shah fue depuesto y su hijo, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi , fue instalado por una invasión de tropas aliadas británicas y soviéticas . En 1953, las potencias extranjeras (estadounidense y británica) acudieron nuevamente en ayuda del Sha. Después de que el joven Shah huyó a Italia , el MI6 británico ayudó a un operativo estadounidense de la CIA a organizar un golpe de estado militar para derrocar al primer ministro nacionalista y democráticamente elegido, Mohammad Mossadegh . [52]
Pahlavi mantuvo una estrecha relación con el gobierno de Estados Unidos, ya que ambos regímenes compartían la oposición a la expansión de la Unión Soviética , el poderoso vecino del norte de Irán. Como su padre, el gobierno del Shah era conocido por su autocracia , su enfoque en la modernización y occidentalización , y por su desprecio por las medidas religiosas [ cita requerida ] y democráticas en la constitución de Irán . Grupos izquierdistas e islamistas atacaron a su gobierno (a menudo desde fuera de Irán, ya que fueron reprimidos dentro) por violar la constitución iraní, la corrupción política y la opresión política de la policía secreta de SAVAK .
Revolución Blanca (1963-1978)
La Revolución Blanca fue una serie de reformas de gran alcance en Irán lanzadas en 1963 por Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi y que duró hasta 1978. El programa de reformas de Mohammad Reza Shah se construyó especialmente para debilitar a las clases que apoyaban el sistema tradicional. Constaba de varios elementos, incluida la reforma agraria ; ventas de algunas fábricas estatales para financiar la reforma agraria; el derecho al voto de las mujeres ; nacionalización de bosques y pastos; formación de un cuerpo de alfabetización ; y la institución de planes de participación en los beneficios para los trabajadores de la industria. [53]
El Shah anunció la Revolución Blanca como un paso hacia la occidentalización , [54] y fue una forma de legitimar la dinastía Pahlavi . Parte de la razón para lanzar la Revolución Blanca fue que el Shah esperaba deshacerse de la influencia de los terratenientes y crear una nueva base de apoyo entre los campesinos y la clase trabajadora. [55] [56] Por lo tanto, la Revolución Blanca en Irán fue un intento de introducir reformas desde arriba y preservar los patrones de poder tradicionales. A través de la reforma agraria, la esencia de la Revolución Blanca, el Shah esperaba aliarse con el campesinado en el campo, y esperaba romper sus lazos con la aristocracia en la ciudad.
Sin embargo, lo que el Sha no esperaba era que la Revolución Blanca condujera a nuevas tensiones sociales que ayudaron a crear muchos de los problemas que el Sha había estado tratando de evitar. Las reformas del Shah cuadruplicaron con creces el tamaño combinado de las dos clases que habían planteado más desafíos a su monarquía en el pasado: la intelectualidad y la clase trabajadora urbana . Su resentimiento hacia el Sha también creció, ya que ahora fueron despojados de las organizaciones que los habían representado en el pasado, como partidos políticos, asociaciones profesionales, sindicatos y periódicos independientes. La reforma agraria, en lugar de aliar a los campesinos con el gobierno, produjo un gran número de agricultores independientes y trabajadores sin tierra que se convirtieron en cañones políticos sueltos, sin ningún sentimiento de lealtad al Sha. Muchas de las masas sentían resentimiento hacia el gobierno cada vez más corrupto; su lealtad al clero, que se consideraba más preocupado por el destino de la población, se mantuvo constante o aumentó. Como señaló Ervand Abrahamian : "La Revolución Blanca había sido diseñada para adelantarse a una Revolución Roja . En cambio, allanó el camino para una Revolución Islámica". [57] La estrategia económica de " goteo " de la Revolución Blanca tampoco funcionó como se esperaba. En teoría, se suponía que el dinero del petróleo canalizado a la élite se usaba para crear empleos y fábricas, y eventualmente distribuir el dinero, pero en cambio la riqueza tendía a quedarse atascada en la cima y concentrarse en manos de unos pocos. [58]
Ascenso y exilio del ayatolá Jomeini (1963–)
El líder posrevolucionario —el clérigo chiíta Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini— alcanzó prominencia política por primera vez en 1963 cuando lideró la oposición al Sha y su Revolución Blanca . Jomeini fue arrestado en 1963 después de declarar al Sha como un "miserable hombre miserable" que se había "embarcado en el [camino hacia] la destrucción del Islam en Irán". [59] Siguieron tres días de grandes disturbios en todo Irán, con 15.000 muertos por disparos de la policía, según informaron fuentes de la oposición. [60] Sin embargo, fuentes antirrevolucionarias conjeturaron que sólo 32 fueron asesinados. [61]
Jomeini fue liberado después de ocho meses de arresto domiciliario y continuó su agitación, condenando la estrecha cooperación de Irán con Israel y sus capitulaciones , o extensión de la inmunidad diplomática , al personal del gobierno estadounidense en Irán. En noviembre de 1964, Jomeini fue arrestado nuevamente y enviado al exilio, donde permaneció durante 15 años (principalmente en Najaf, Irak ), hasta la revolución.
Ideología de la revolución iraní
En este período intermedio de "calma descontenta", [62] el renacimiento iraní en ciernes comenzó a socavar la idea de la occidentalización como progreso que fue la base del reinado secular del Sha, y a formar la ideología de la revolución de 1979: Jalal Al-e -La idea de Ahmad sobre Gharbzadegi: que la cultura occidental era una plaga o una intoxicación que debía eliminarse; [63] La visión de Ali Shariati del Islam como el único verdadero liberador del Tercer Mundo del colonialismo opresivo , el neocolonialismo y el capitalismo ; [64] y los relatos popularizados de Morteza Motahhari sobre la fe chiita se difundieron y ganaron oyentes, lectores y seguidores. [63]
Más importante aún, Jomeini predicó la revuelta, y especialmente el martirio , contra la injusticia y la tiranía era parte del Islam chiita, [65] y que los musulmanes deberían rechazar la influencia tanto del capitalismo liberal como del comunismo, ideas que inspiraron el lema revolucionario "Ni Oriente ni Occidente - ¡República Islámica!"
Lejos de la vista del público, Jomeini desarrolló la ideología de velayat-e faqih (tutela del jurista) como gobierno, que los musulmanes —de hecho, todos— requerían "tutela", en forma de gobierno o supervisión por parte del principal jurista o juristas islámicos. [66] Tal regla era en última instancia "más necesaria incluso que la oración y el ayuno" en el Islam, [Nota 2], ya que protegería al Islam de la desviación de la ley tradicional de la sharia y, al hacerlo, eliminaría la pobreza, la injusticia y el " saqueo " de los musulmanes. tierra por extranjeros no creyentes. [67]
Esta idea de gobierno de los juristas islámicos se difundió a través de su libro Gobierno islámico , sermones en mezquitas y discursos en cassette de contrabando de Jomeini [68] entre su red de oposición de estudiantes ( talabeh ), ex-estudiantes (clérigos capaces como Morteza Motahhari , Mohammad Beheshti , Mohammad-Javad Bahonar , Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani y Mohammad Mofatteh ) y empresarios tradicionales ( bazaari ) dentro de Irán. [68]
Grupos y organizaciones de oposición
Otros grupos de oposición incluían a los constitucionalistas liberales: el democrático y reformista Movimiento de Libertad Islámica de Irán , encabezado por Mehdi Bazargan , y el más laico Frente Nacional . Tenían su base en la clase media urbana y querían que el Shah se adhiriera a la Constitución iraní de 1906 en lugar de reemplazarlo con una teocracia, [69] pero carecían de la cohesión y organización de las fuerzas de Jomeini. [70]
Los grupos comunistas , principalmente el Partido Tudeh de Irán y las guerrillas fedaianas [Nota 3] , se habían debilitado considerablemente por la represión del gobierno. A pesar de esto, las guerrillas sí ayudaron a desempeñar un papel importante en el derrocamiento final de febrero de 1979 [72], entregando "al régimen su golpe de gracia ". [73] El grupo guerrillero más poderoso, los muyahidines del pueblo, era islamista de izquierda y se oponía a la influencia del clero como reaccionario.
Algunos clérigos importantes no siguieron el ejemplo de Jomeini. El popular ayatolá Mahmoud Taleghani apoyó a la izquierda, mientras que quizás el ayatolá más importante e influyente de Irán, Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, primero se mantuvo al margen de la política y luego se manifestó en apoyo de una revolución democrática. [74]
Jomeini trabajó para unir esta oposición detrás de él (a excepción de los " marxistas ateos " no deseados ), [75] [76] centrándose en los problemas socioeconómicos del gobierno del Sha (corrupción y desigualdad de ingresos y desarrollo), [75] [77 ] mientras evitaba detalles específicos entre el público que pudieran dividir a las facciones [78] —particularmente su plan para el gobierno clerical , contra el cual creía que la mayoría de los iraníes habían tenido prejuicios como resultado de la campaña de propaganda de los imperialistas occidentales . [Nota 4] [79]
En la era post-Shah, algunos revolucionarios que chocaron con su teocracia y fueron reprimidos por su movimiento se quejaron de engaño, [80] pero mientras tanto se mantuvo la unidad anti-Shah. [81]
1970–77
Varios acontecimientos de la década de 1970 prepararon el escenario para la revolución de 1979.
La celebración de los 2.500 años del Imperio Persa en Persépolis en 1971 , organizada por el gobierno, fue atacada por su extravagancia. "Mientras los extranjeros se deleitaban con las bebidas prohibidas por el Islam, los iraníes no solo fueron excluidos de las festividades, algunos se morían de hambre". [82] Cinco años después, el Shah enfureció a los piadosos musulmanes iraníes al cambiar el primer año del calendario solar iraní del hijri islámico a la ascensión al trono de Ciro el Grande . "Irán saltó de la noche a la mañana del año musulmán 1355 al año realista 2535". [83]
El boom petrolero de la década de 1970 produjo un aumento "alarmante" de la inflación, el despilfarro y una "brecha acelerada" entre ricos y pobres, la ciudad y el campo, [84] junto con la presencia de decenas de miles de trabajadores extranjeros calificados e impopulares. . Muchos iraníes también estaban enojados por el hecho de que la familia del Shah era la principal beneficiaria de los ingresos generados por el petróleo, y la línea entre los ingresos estatales y los ingresos familiares se difuminaba. En 1976, el Sha había acumulado más de mil millones de dólares provenientes de los ingresos petroleros; su familia, incluidos 63 príncipes y princesas, había acumulado entre $ 5 y $ 20 mil millones; y la fundación familiar controlaba aproximadamente $ 3 mil millones. [85] A mediados de 1977, las medidas de austeridad económica para combatir la inflación afectaron de manera desproporcionada a los miles de migrantes varones pobres y no calificados que se asentaron en las ciudades y que trabajaban en la industria de la construcción. Cultural y religiosamente conservadores, [86] muchos pasaron a formar el núcleo de los manifestantes y "mártires" de la revolución. [87]
Todos los iraníes debían unirse y pagar cuotas a un nuevo partido político, el partido Ḥezb-e Rastakhiz ; todos los demás partidos estaban prohibidos. [88] El intento de ese partido de combatir la inflación con campañas populistas "anti -lucro cesante " —multando y encarcelando a los comerciantes por precios altos— enfureció y politizó a los comerciantes mientras alimentaba los mercados negros . [89]
En 1977, el Sha respondió al "cortés recordatorio" de la importancia de los derechos políticos del nuevo presidente estadounidense, Jimmy Carter , concediendo amnistía a algunos presos y permitiendo que la Cruz Roja visitara las cárceles. A lo largo de 1977, la oposición liberal formó organizaciones y emitió cartas abiertas denunciando al gobierno. [90] En este contexto, una primera manifestación crucial de expresión pública de descontento social y protesta política contra el régimen tuvo lugar en octubre de 1977, cuando la Asociación Cultural Germano-Iraní en Teherán organizó una serie de sesiones de lectura de literatura, organizadas por los recién revividos Asociación de Escritores de Irán y el Instituto Goethe de Alemania . En estas "Diez noches" (Dah Shab), 57 de los poetas y escritores más destacados de Irán leen sus obras a miles de oyentes. Exigieron el fin de la censura y reclamaron la libertad de expresión. [91]
También en 1977, el popular e influyente teórico islamista modernista Ali Shariati murió en circunstancias misteriosas. Esto enfureció a sus seguidores, que lo consideraban un mártir a manos de SAVAK , y eliminó a un potencial rival revolucionario de Jomeini. Finalmente, en octubre, el hijo de Jomeini, Mostafa, murió de un presunto ataque al corazón, y su muerte también se atribuyó a SAVAK. Un servicio conmemorativo posterior para Mostafa en Teherán volvió a poner a Jomeini en el centro de atención. [92] [93]
Brote
En 1977, la política de liberalización política del Sha estaba en marcha. Los opositores seculares del Shah comenzaron a reunirse en secreto para denunciar al gobierno. [23] [94] Liderada por el intelectual de izquierda Saeed Soltanpour , la Asociación de Escritores Iraníes se reunió en el Instituto Goethe en Teherán para leer poesía antigubernamental. [23] La muerte de Ali Shariati en el Reino Unido poco después dio lugar a otra manifestación pública, con la oposición acusando al Sha de asesinarlo. [10] [23]
La cadena de acontecimientos comenzó con la muerte de Mostafa Khomeini , asistente principal e hijo mayor de Ruhollah Khomeini . Murió misteriosamente a la medianoche del 23 de octubre de 1977 en Najaf, Irak . SAVAK y el gobierno iraquí declararon el ataque cardíaco como la causa de la muerte, aunque muchos creían que su muerte se atribuyó a SAVAK. [95] Jomeini permaneció en silencio después del incidente, mientras que en Irán con la difusión de la noticia se produjo una ola de protestas y ceremonias de duelo en varias ciudades. [96] [97] El luto de Mostafa recibió un tinte político por las credenciales políticas de Jomeini, su duradera oposición a la monarquía y su exilio. Esta dimensión de las ceremonias fue más allá de las credenciales religiosas de la familia. [15]
Acercándose a la revolución (1978)
Inicio de protestas (enero)
El 7 de enero de 1978 apareció en el diario nacional Ettela'at un artículo titulado " Irán y la colonización roja y negra " . Escrito bajo un seudónimo por un agente del gobierno, denunciaba a Jomeini como un "agente británico" y un "poeta indio loco" que conspiraba para vender Irán a los neocolonialistas y comunistas . [9] [10]
Tras la publicación del artículo, los estudiantes del seminario religioso de la ciudad de Qom , enojados por el insulto a Jomeini, se enfrentaron con la policía. Según el gobierno, 2 murieron en el enfrentamiento; según la oposición, 70 murieron y más de 500 resultaron heridos. Asimismo, existen discrepancias entre las cifras de víctimas de diferentes fuentes. [9] [10] [94] [98] [99] [100]
Consolidación de la oposición (febrero-marzo)
Según las costumbres chiítas , los servicios conmemorativos ( chehelom ) se llevan a cabo 40 días después de la muerte de una persona. [101] Alentados por Jomeini (quien declaró que la sangre de los mártires debe regar el "árbol del Islam"), [94] los radicales presionaron a las mezquitas y al clero moderado para que conmemoraran las muertes de los estudiantes, y aprovecharon la ocasión para generar protestas. [102] La red informal de mezquitas y bazares, que durante años se había utilizado para realizar eventos religiosos, se consolidó cada vez más como una organización de protesta coordinada. [15] [101] [103] [104]
El 18 de febrero, 40 días después de los enfrentamientos de Qom, estallaron manifestaciones en varias ciudades diferentes. [105] El más grande estaba en Tabriz , que se convirtió en un motín a gran escala . Se incendiaron símbolos gubernamentales y " occidentales " como cines , bares , bancos estatales y comisarías de policía . [101] Se desplegaron unidades del Ejército Imperial Iraní en la ciudad para restaurar el orden, y el número de muertos, según el gobierno, fue de 6, [106] mientras que Jomeini afirmó que cientos fueron "martirizados". [5] [23] [94] [107]
Cuarenta días después, el 29 de marzo, se organizaron manifestaciones en al menos 55 ciudades, incluida Teherán . [101] En un patrón cada vez más predecible, estallaron disturbios mortales en las principales ciudades, [101] [108] y nuevamente 40 días después, el 10 de mayo. Condujo a un incidente en el que los comandos del ejército abrieron fuego contra la casa del ayatolá Shariatmadari , matando a uno de sus estudiantes. Shariatmadari inmediatamente hizo un anuncio público declarando su apoyo a un "gobierno constitucional" y un retorno a las políticas de la Constitución de 1906 . [5] [94] [101]
Reacción del gobierno
El Shah fue tomado completamente por sorpresa por las protestas y, [5] [16] para empeorar las cosas, a menudo se volvía indeciso en tiempos de crisis; [9] prácticamente todas las decisiones importantes que tomaba resultaban contraproducentes para su gobierno y enardecían aún más a los revolucionarios. [9]
El Shah decidió continuar en su plan de liberalización y negociar en lugar de usar la fuerza contra el movimiento de protesta aún incipiente: [101] [102] [103] [108] El prometió que plenamente elecciones democráticas para los Majlis se celebrarán en 1979; la censura se relajó; se redactó una resolución para ayudar a reducir la corrupción dentro de la familia real y el gobierno; [103] y los manifestantes fueron juzgados en tribunales civiles en lugar de en consejos de guerra militares y fueron puestos en libertad rápidamente. [105] [108]
Las fuerzas de seguridad de Irán no habían recibido entrenamiento ni equipo para el control de disturbios desde 1963. [106] Como resultado, las fuerzas policiales no pudieron controlar las manifestaciones, por lo que el ejército se desplegó con frecuencia. [108] Los soldados recibieron instrucciones de no usar fuerza letal , sin embargo, hubo casos de soldados sin experiencia que reaccionaron excesivamente, encendieron la violencia sin intimidar a la oposición y recibieron la condena oficial del Sha. [106] La administración Carter en los Estados Unidos también se negó a vender gases lacrimógenos no letales y balas de goma a Irán. [94] [109]
Ya en los disturbios de febrero en Tabriz , el Shah despidió a todos los funcionarios de SAVAK en la ciudad como una concesión a la oposición, y pronto comenzó a despedir a funcionarios públicos y funcionarios del gobierno a quienes consideró que el público culpaba. [5] [16] [108] En la primera concesión nacional, reemplazó al general de línea dura de SAVAK, el general Nematollah Nassiri, por el general más moderado Nasser Moghaddam . [9] [108] El gobierno también negoció con líderes religiosos moderados como Shariatmadari , disculpándose con él por el allanamiento de su casa. [10]
Principios de verano (junio)
Para el verano, las protestas se habían estancado, manteniéndose a un ritmo constante durante cuatro meses, con unos 10.000 participantes en cada ciudad importante, con la excepción de Isfahan , donde las protestas eran más grandes, y Teherán , donde eran más pequeñas, protestando cada 40 días. Esto equivalía a una pequeña minoría de los más de 15 millones de adultos en Irán. [110]
Contra los deseos de Jomeini, Shariatmadari pidió que las protestas de duelo del 17 de junio se llevaran a cabo como una estadía de un día. [101] Aunque las tensiones permanecieron en el medio , la política del Shah pareció haber funcionado, lo que llevó a Amuzegar a declarar que "la crisis ha terminado". Un análisis de la CIA concluyó que Irán "no se encuentra en una situación revolucionaria o incluso prerrevolucionaria". [111] Estos y sucesos posteriores en Irán se citan con frecuencia como una de las sorpresas estratégicas más importantes que Estados Unidos ha experimentado desde que se estableció la CIA en 1947. [112]
Como señal de flexibilización de las restricciones gubernamentales, se permitió a tres prominentes líderes de la oposición del Frente Nacional laico - Karim Sanjabi , Shahpour Bakhtiar y Dariush Forouhar - escribir una carta abierta al Sha exigiendo que reinara de acuerdo con la constitución de Irán . [5] [94] [103]
Renewed protests (Aug–Sept)
Appointment of Jafar Sharif-Emami as prime minister (11 Aug)
By August, the protests had "kick[ed]…into high gear,"[113] and the number of demonstrators mushroomed to hundreds of thousands.[110] In an attempt to dampen inflation, the Amuzegar administration cut spending and reduced business. However, the cutbacks led to a sharp rise in layoffs—particularly among young, unskilled, male workers living in the working-class districts. By summer 1978, the working class joined the street protests in massive numbers.[107] In addition, it was the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, bringing a sense of increased religiosity among many people.[101]
A series of escalating protests broke out in major cities, and deadly riots broke out in Isfahan where protesters fought for the release of Ayatollah Jalaluddin Taheri.[4][101] Martial law was declared in the city on 11 August as symbols of Western culture and government buildings were burned, and a bus full of American workers was bombed.[101][103] Due to his failure to stop the protests, Prime Minister Amuzegar offered his resignation.
The Shah increasingly felt that he was losing control of the situation and hoped to regain it through complete appeasement.[5][94] He decided to appoint Jafar Sharif-Emami to the post of prime minister, himself a veteran prime minister. Emami was chosen due to his family ties to the clergy, although he had a reputation of corruption during his previous premiership.[9][10]
Under the Shah's guidance, Sharif-Emami effectively began a policy of "appeasing the opposition's demands before they even made them."[10] The government abolished the Rastakhiz Party, legalized all political parties and released political prisoners, increased freedom of expression, curtailed SAVAK's authority and dismissed 34 of its commanders,[103] closed down casinos and nightclubs, and abolished the imperial calendar. The government also began to prosecute corrupt government and royal family members. Sharif-Emami entered into negotiations with Ayatollah Shariatmadari and National Front leader Karim Sanjabi in order to help organize future elections.[103] Censorship was effectively terminated, and the newspapers began reporting heavily on demonstrations, often highly critically and negatively of the Shah. The Majlis (Parliament) also began issuing resolutions against the government.[9]
Cinema Rex fire (19 Aug)
On 19 August, in the southwestern city of Abadan, four arsonists barred the door of the Cinema Rex movie theatre and set it on fire. In what would be the largest terrorist attack in history prior to the September 11 attacks in the US in 2001,[114] 422 people inside the theatre were burned to death. Khomeini immediately blamed the Shah and SAVAK for setting the fire, and,[5][94][115] due to the pervasive revolutionary atmosphere, the public also blamed the Shah for starting the fire, despite the government's insistence that they were uninvolved. Tens of thousands of people took to the streets shouting "Burn the Shah!" and "The Shah is the guilty one!"[105]
After the revolution, many claimed that Islamist militants had started the fire.[114][116][117][118][119][120] After the Islamic Republic government executed a police officer for the act, a man claiming to be the lone surviving arsonist claimed he was responsible for starting the fire.[121] After forcing the resignation of the presiding judges in an attempt to hamper the investigation, the new government finally executed Hossein Talakhzadeh for "setting the fire on the Shah's orders," despite his insistence that he did it on his own accord as an ultimate sacrifice for the revolutionary cause.[116][121]
Declaration of martial law and the Jaleh Square Massacre (4 Sept)
The 4th of September marked Eid al-Fitr, the holiday celebrating the end of the month of Ramadan. A permit for an open-air prayer was granted, in which 200,000–500,000 people attended.[101] Instead, the clergy directed the crowd on a large march through the center of Tehran, whilst the Shah reportedly watched the march from his helicopter, unnerved, and confused.[101] A few days later, even larger protests took place, and, for the first time, protesters called for Khomeini's return and the establishment of an Islamic republic.[101]
At midnight on 8 September, the Shah declared martial law in Tehran and 11 other major cities throughout the country. All street demonstrations were banned, and a night-time curfew was established. Tehran's martial law commander was General Gholam-Ali Oveissi, who was known for his severity against opponents.[5][9][10][23][94][107][114] However, the Shah made clear that once martial law was lifted, he intended to continue with the liberalization. He retained Sharif-Emami's civilian government, hoping that protesters would avoid taking the streets.[94][102][103]
However, 5,000 protesters took to the streets, either in defiance or because they had missed hearing the declaration, and faced off with soldiers at Jaleh Square.[5][15][94] After the firing of warning shots failed to disperse the crowd, troops fired directly into the mob, killing 64,[101] while General Oveissi claimed that 30 soldiers were killed by armed snipers in surrounding buildings.[5][10][16][94][101][104][115] Additional clashes throughout the day, which would be called Black Friday by the opposition, brought the opposition death toll to 89.[9][107]
Reactions to Black Friday
The deaths shocked the country, and damaged any attempt at reconciliation between the Shah and the opposition. Khomeini immediately declared that "4,000 innocent protesters were massacred by Zionists," and gave him a pretext to reject any further compromise with the government.
The Shah himself was horrified by the events of Black Friday, and harshly criticized the events, though this did little to sway public perception of him as being responsible for the shooting.[9][101][106] While martial law officially remained in effect, the government decided not to break up any more demonstrations or strikes (in effect, "martial law without there exactly being martial law," according to Sharif-Emami), instead continuing to negotiate with protest leaders.[103] Consequently, protest gatherings often took place without any serious intervention by soldiers.[108]
Nationwide strikes (Sept–Nov)
On 9 September, 700 workers at Tehran's main oil refinery went on strike, and on 11 September, the same occurred at refineries in five other cities. On 13 September, central government workers in Tehran simultaneously went on strike.[9][10][23]
By late October, a nationwide general strike was declared, with workers in virtually all major industries walking off their jobs, most damagingly in the oil industry and the print media.[15][23] Special "strike committees" were set up throughout major industries to organize and coordinate the activities.[4]
The Shah did not attempt to crack down on strikers,[103] but instead gave them generous wage increases, and allowed strikers who lived in government housing to remain in their homes.[5][9][103] By the beginning of November, many important officials in the Shah's government were demanding from the Shah forceful measures to bring the strikers back to work.[5][9][23][94]
Khomeini moves to the West (Nov)
Hoping to break Khomeini's contacts with the opposition, the Shah pressured the Iraqi government to expel him from Najaf. Khomeini left Iraq, instead moving to a house bought by Iranian exiles in Neauphle-le-Château, a village near Paris, France. The Shah hoped that Khomeini would be cut off from the mosques of Najaf and be cut off from the protest movement. Instead, the plan backfired badly. With superior French telephone and postal connections (compared to Iraqi ones), Khomeini's supporters flooded Iran with tapes and recordings of his sermons.[10][94][108]
Worse for the Shah was that the Western media, especially the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), immediately put Khomeini into the spotlight.[10][122] Khomeini rapidly became a household name in the West, portraying himself as an "Eastern mystic" who did not seek power, but instead sought to "free" his people from "oppression." The normally critical Western media rapidly became a docile tool in Khomeini's hands.[10][94]
In addition, the media coverage eroded the influence of other, more moderate clergy such as Ayatollah Shariatmadari and Ayatollah Taleghani.[101][103][108] The BBC itself later issued a statement admitting to having a "critical" disposition to the Shah, saying that its broadcasts helped to "change the collective perception of the population."[9]
In November, secular National Front leader Karim Sanjabi flew to Paris to meet Khomeini. There the two signed an agreement for a draft constitution that would be "Islamic and democratic". It signaled the now official alliance between the clergy and the secular opposition.[9][101] In order to help create a democratic facade, Khomeini placed Westernized figures (such as Sadegh Qotbzadeh and Ebrahim Yazdi) as the public spokesmen of the opposition, and never spoke to the media of his intentions to create a theocracy.[9]
University of Tehran protest (5 Nov)
Street demonstrations continued at full force with little response from the military; by late October, government officials effectively even ceded the University of Tehran to student protesters.[103][108] Worse, the opposition was increasingly becoming armed with weapons, firing at soldiers and attacking banks and government buildings in an attempt to destabilize the country.[16][94]
On 5 November, demonstrations at University of Tehran became deadly after a fight broke out with armed soldiers.[4][15][103][108] Within hours, Tehran broke out into a full-scale riot. Block after block of Western symbols such as movie theaters and department stores, as well as government and police buildings, were seized, looted, and burned. The British embassy in Tehran was partially burned and vandalized as well, and the American embassy nearly suffered the same fate. The event became known to foreign observers as "The Day Tehran Burned."[5][94][108][123]
Many of the rioters were young teenage boys, often organized by the mosques in southern Tehran, and encouraged by their mullahs to attack and destroy western and secular symbols.[15][108][123] The army and police, confused about their orders and under pressure from the Shah not to risk initiating violence, effectively gave up and did not intervene.[94][108][123][124]
Appointment of a military government (6 Nov)
As the situation on the streets spiraled out of control, many well known and reputable figures within the country began to approach the Shah, begging him to stop the chaos.[9][16][94][108]
On 6 November, the Shah dismissed Sharif-Emami from the post of prime minister, and chose to appoint a military government in its place.[9][123] The Shah chose General Gholam-Reza Azhari to be prime minister because of his mild-mannered approach to the situation.[5][94][123] The cabinet he would choose was a military cabinet in name only and consisted primarily of civilian leaders.[123]
The same day, the Shah made a speech on Iranian television.[9][10][124] He referred to himself as Padeshah ('Master King'), instead of the more grandiose Shahanshah (king of kings), which he insisted on being called previously.[103] In his speech he stated "I have heard the voice of your revolution...this revolution cannot but be supported by me, the king of Iran".[103][125] He apologized for mistakes that were committed during his reign, and promised to ensure that corruption would no longer exist.[108][124] He stated he would begin to work with the opposition to bring democracy, and would form a coalition government.[5][108][124] In effect, the Shah intended to restrain the military government (which he described as a temporary caretaker government) from carrying out a full crackdown.[103]
The speech backfired when the revolutionaries sensed weakness from the Shah and "smelled blood".[108][125] Khomeini announced that there would be no reconciliation with the Shah and called on all Iranians to overthrow him.[108][125]
Military authorities declared martial law in Khuzestan province (Iran's main oil producing province) and deployed troops to its oil facilities. Navy personnel were also used as strikebreakers in the oil industry.[5][94][123] Street marches declined and oil production began increasing once again, nearly reaching pre-revolutionary levels.[94][123] In a symbolic blow to the opposition, Karim Sanjabi, who had visited Khomeini in Paris, was arrested upon his return to Iran.[103]
However, the government still continued the policy of appeasement and negotiation.[9][10][108][124] The Shah ordered the arrest of 100 officials from his own government for charges of corruption, including former prime minister Amir Abbas-Hoveyda and former SAVAK head Nematollah Nassiri.[9][10][108]
Muharram protests (early Dec)
Khomeini condemned the military government and called for continued protests.[101][126] He and the protest organizers planned a series of escalating protests during the holy Islamic month of Muharram, to culminate with massive protests on the days of Tasu'a and Ashura, the latter commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Hussein ibn Ali, the third Shia Muslim imam.[101]
While the military authorities banned street demonstrations and extended the curfew, the Shah faced deep misgivings about the potential violence.[103]
On 2 December 1978, the Muharram protests began. Named for the Islamic month they began in, the Muharram protests were impressively huge and pivotal. Over two million protesters[127] (many of whom were teenagers organized by the mullahs from the mosques of southern Tehran) took to the streets, crowding Shahyad Square. Protesters frequently went out at night, defying the set curfew, often taking to rooftops and shouting "Allahu-akbar" ('God is great'). According to one witness, many of the clashes on the street had an air of playfulness rather than seriousness, with security forces using "kid gloves" against the opposition.[108] Nevertheless, the government reported at least 12 opposition deaths.[126]
The protesters demanded that Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi step down from power and that Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini be returned from exile. The protests grew incredibly fast, reaching between six million and nine million in strength in the first week. About 10% of the entire population had taken to the streets in the Muharram protests. Both beginning and ending in the month of Muharram, the protests succeeded, and the Shah stepped down from power later that month.[127]
After the success of what would become known as a revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran as its religious and political leader for life. Khomeini had been an opposition leader to Shah for many years, rising to prominence after the death of his mentor, renowned scholar Yazdi Ha'iri, in the 1930s.[128] Even in his years in exile, Khomeini remained relevant in Iran. Supporting the protests from beyond Iran's borders, he proclaimed that "freedom and liberation from the bonds of imperialism" was imminent.[128]
Tasu'a and Ashura marches (10–11 Dec)
As the days of Tasu'a and Ashura (10 and 11 December) approached, in order to prevent a deadly showdown the Shah began to draw back. In negotiations with Ayatollah Shariatmadari, the Shah ordered the release of 120 political prisoners and Karim Sanjabi, and on 8 December revoked the ban on street demonstrations. Permits were issued for the marchers, and troops were removed from the procession's path. In turn, Shariatmadari pledged that to make sure that there would be no violence during the demonstrations.[103]
On 10 and 11 December 1978, the days of Tasu'a and Ashura, between 6 and 9 million anti-Shah demonstrators marched throughout Iran. According to one historian, "even discounting for exaggeration, these figures may represent the largest protest event in history."[129] The marches were led by Ayatollah Taleghani and National Front leader Karim Sanjabi, thus symbolizing the "unity" of the secular and religious opposition. The mullahs and bazaaris effectively policed the gathering, and protesters who attempted to initiate violence were restrained.[101]
More than 10% of the country marched in anti-Shah demonstrations on the two days, possibly a higher percentage than any previous revolution. It is rare for a revolution to involve as much as 1 percent of a country's population; the French, Russian, and Romanian revolutions may have passed the 1 percent mark.[20]
Revolution (finales de 1978-1979)
Much of Iranian society was in euphoria about the coming revolution. Secular and leftist politicians piled onto the movement hoping to gain power in the aftermath, ignoring the fact that Khomeini was the very antithesis to all of the positions they supported.[9] While it was increasingly clear to more secular Iranians that Khomeini was not a liberal, he was widely perceived as a figurehead, and that power would eventually be handed to the secular groups.[9][108]
Demoralization of the Army (December, 1978)
The military leadership was increasingly paralyzed by indecision, and rank-and-file soldiers were demoralized, having been forced to confront demonstrators while prohibited from using their own weapons (and being condemned by the Shah if they did).[106] Increasingly, Khomeini called on the soldiers of the armed forces to defect to the opposition.[94][105] Revolutionaries gave flowers and civilian clothes to deserters, while threatening retribution to those who stayed.
On 11 December, a dozen officers were shot dead by their own troops at Tehran's Lavizan barracks. Fearing further mutinies, many soldiers were returned to their barracks.[106] Mashhad (the second largest city in Iran) was abandoned to the protesters, and in many provincial towns demonstrators were effectively in control.[101]
American and internal negotiations with the opposition (late December, 1978)
The Carter administration increasingly became locked in a debate about continued support for the monarchy.[130] As early as November, ambassador William Sullivan sent a telegram to Carter (the "Thinking the Unthinkable" telegram[130]). The telegram effectively declared his belief that the Shah would not survive the protests and that the US should consider withdrawing its support for his government and persuading the monarch to abdicate. The United States would then help assemble a coalition of pro-Western military officers, middle class professionals, and moderate clergy, with Khomeini installed as a Gandhi-like spiritual leader.[130]
The telegram touched off a vigorous debate in the American cabinet, with some, such as National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski,[130] rejecting it outright. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance rejected a military crackdown;[101] he and his supporters believed in the "moderate and progressive" intentions of Khomeini and his circle.[109][130]
Increasing contact was established with the pro-Khomeini camp. Based on the revolutionaries responses, some American officials (especially Ambassador Sullivan) felt that Khomeini was genuinely intent on creating a democracy.[9] According to historian Abbas Milani, this resulted in the United States effectively helping to facilitate Khomeini's rise to power.[9][131][132]
The Shah began to search for a new prime minister, one who was a civilian and a member of the opposition. On 28 December, he secured an agreement with another major National Front figure, Shahpour Bakhtiar. Bakhtiar would be appointed prime minister (a return to civilian rule), while the Shah and his family would leave the country for a "vacation". His royal duties would be carried out by a Regency Council, and three months after his departure a referendum would be submitted to the people deciding on whether Iran would remain a monarchy or become a republic. A former opponent of the Shah, Bakhtiar became motivated to join the government because he was increasingly aware of Khomeini's intentions to implement hard-line religious rule rather than a democracy.[10] Karim Sanjabi immediately expelled Bakhtiar from the National Front, and Bakhtiar was denounced by Khomeini (who declared that acceptance of his government was the equivalent of "obedience to false gods").[9][133]
The Shah leaves (January, 1979)
The Shah, hoping to see Bakhtiar established, kept delaying his departure. Consequently, to the Iranian public, Bakhtiar was seen as the Shah's last prime minister, undermining his support.[101]
American General Robert Huyser, the Deputy Commander of NATO, entered Iran.[9] While the option of a pro-Shah military coup still was a possibility, Huyser met with military leaders (but not the Shah) and established meetings between them and Khomeini allies for the purpose of agreeing on Bakhtiar's transitional government.[9][94][101][134] Ambassador Sullivan disagreed, and attempted to pressure Huyser to ignore the military and work directly with Khomeini's opposition.[101][134] Nevertheless, Huyser won out and continued to work with both the military and opposition. He left Iran on 3 February.[101][134] The Shah was privately embittered by Huyser's mission, and felt that the United States no longer wanted him in power.[94]
On the morning of 16 January 1979, Bakhtiar was officially appointed prime minister. The same day, a tearful Shah and his family left Iran for exile in Egypt, never to return.[9]
Bakhtiar's premiership and Khomeini's return (January-February, 1979)
When news of the Shah's departure was announced, there were spontaneous scenes of joy throughout the country. Millions poured onto the streets, and virtually every remaining sign of the monarchy was torn down by the crowds.[101][135] Bakhtiar dissolved SAVAK and freed all remaining political prisoners. He ordered the army to allow mass demonstrations, promised free elections and invited the revolutionaries into a government of "national unity".[133][136]
Bakhtiar invited Khomeini back to Iran, with the intention of creating a Vatican-like state in the holy city of Qom, declaring that "We will soon have the honor of welcoming home the Ayatollah Khomeini".[133] On 1 February 1979 Khomeini returned to Tehran in a chartered Air France Boeing 747.[137] The welcoming crowd of several million Iranians was so large he was forced to take a helicopter after the car taking him from the airport was overwhelmed by an enthusiastic welcoming crowd.[138]
Khomeini was now not only the undisputed leader of the revolution,[139][140] he had become what some called a "semi-divine" figure, greeted as he descended from his airplane with cries of 'Khomeini, O Imam, we salute you, peace be upon you.'[141] Crowds were now known to chant "Islam, Islam, Khomeini, We Will Follow You," and even "Khomeini for King."[142] When asked by a reporter how he felt returning to his home country after a long exile, Khomeini replied "Nothing".
On the day of his arrival Khomeini made clear his rejection of Bakhtiar's government in a speech promising, "I shall kick their teeth in. I appoint the government, I appoint the government in support of this nation".[133] On 5 February at his headquarters in the Refah School in southern Tehran, he declared a provisional revolutionary government, appointed opposition leader Mehdi Bazargan (from the religious-nationalist Freedom Movement, affiliated with the National Front) as his own prime minister, and commanded Iranians to obey Bazargan as a religious duty.[4][10][101][133]
[T]hrough the guardianship [Velayat] that I have from the holy lawgiver [the Prophet], I hereby pronounce Bazargan as the Ruler, and since I have appointed him, he must be obeyed. The nation must obey him. This is not an ordinary government. It is a government based on the sharia. Opposing this government means opposing the sharia of Islam ... Revolt against God's government is a revolt against God. Revolt against God is blasphemy.[143][144]
Angered, Bakhtiar made a speech of his own. Reaffirming himself as the legitimate leader, he declared that:
Iran has one government. More than this is intolerable, either for me or for you or for any other Iranian. As a Muslim, I had not heard that jihad refers to one Muslim against other Muslims.... I will not give permission to Ayatollah Khomeini to form an interim government. In life there comes a time when one must stand firm and say no.... I have never seen a book about an Islamic republic; neither has anyone else for that matter.... Some of the people surrounding the Ayatollah are like violent vultures.... The clergy should go to Qom and build a wall around themselves and create their own Vatican.[133]
Armed battles and collapse of the monarchy (February, 1979)
Tensions between the two rival governments increased rapidly. To demonstrate his support, Khomeini called for demonstrators to occupy the streets throughout the country. He also sent a letter to American officials warning them to withdraw support for Bakhtiar.[9] Bakhtiar became increasingly isolated, with members of the government (including the entire Regency Council) defecting to Khomeini. The military was crumbling, with its leadership completely paralyzed, unsure of whether to support Bakhtiar or act on their own, and rank-and-file soldiers either demoralized or deserting.[101][106]
On 9 February, a rebellion of pro-Khomeini air force technicians broke out at the Doshan Tappeh Air Base. A unit of the pro-Shah Immortal Guards attempted to apprehend the rebels, and an armed battle broke out. Soon large crowds took to the streets, building barricades and supporting the rebels, while Islamic-Marxist guerillas with their weapons joined in support.[101]
The armed rebels attacked a weapons factory, capturing nearly 50,000 machine guns and distributing them to civilians who joined in the fighting. The rebels began storming police stations and military bases throughout Tehran. The city's martial law commander General Mehdi Rahimi decided not to use his 30,000 loyal Immortal Guards to crush the rebellion for fear of producing civilian casualties.[124]
The final collapse of the provisional non-Islamist government came at 2 pm on 11 February when the Supreme Military Council declared itself "neutral in the current political disputes... in order to prevent further disorder and bloodshed."[145][146] All military personnel were ordered back to their bases, effectively yielding control of the entire country to Khomeini.[106] Revolutionaries took over government buildings, TV and radio stations, and palaces of the Pahlavi dynasty, marking the end of the monarchy in Iran. Bakhtiar escaped the palace under a hail of bullets, fleeing Iran in disguise. He was later assassinated by an agent of the Islamic Republic in 1991 in Paris.
This period, from 1 to 11 February, is celebrated every year in Iran as the "Decade of Fajr."[147][148] 11 February is "Islamic Revolution's Victory Day", a national holiday with state sponsored demonstrations in every city.[149][150]
Casualties
Some sources (such as Emadeddin Baghi, a researcher at the Martyrs Foundation) claim 2,781 protesters and revolutionaries were killed in 1978–79 during the Revolution.[151][152] Khomeini reported of a much larger number; he said that "60,000 men, women and children were martyred by the Shah's regime."[153][154][155] According to at least one western source (historian Ervand Abrahamian), the number executed by revolutionary courts as the revolution was consolidated (8000 opponents between June 1981 and June 1985)[156] exceeded those killed by the royalist government trying to stop the revolution.[157]
Songs of Iranian Revolution
Iranian revolutionary songs are epic ballads that composed during the Islamic Revolution in Iran in support of the revolution and opposition to the Pahlavi dynasty.[158] Before the victory of the revolution, these chants were made by various political supporters, and many of them were recorded on cassette tapes in underground and home studios. Many of the songs on the anniversary of the revolution were broadcast by Iranian state television. In schools, these songs were sung by students as part of the celebrations of Fajr Decades.[159] "Iran Iran" or "Allah Allah" chants are famous revolutionary songs.[160]
Papel de la mujer
The Iranian Revolution was a gendered revolution; much of the new regime's rhetoric was centered on the position of women in Iranian society.[161] Beyond rhetoric, thousands of women were also heavily mobilized in the revolution itself,[162] and different groups of women actively participated alongside their male counterparts.[163] Not only participating through voting, women contributed to the revolution through marches, demonstrations and chanting slogans.[164] Women were involved in caring for the wounded, including doctors who responded to calls for help and opened their homes for those who needed assistance. While women themselves were often killed, tortured, arrested or injured and some were involved in guerilla activities, most contributed in non-violent ways.[165] Many women were instrumental not only in being involved in the revolution themselves but in mobilizing men and other non-political women. Many women protested while carrying children and their presence was one of the main reasons for disarming soldiers (who were there on behalf of the regime) who were ordered to shoot if necessary.[166]
Khomeini's rhetoric on women's participation
Ayatollah Khomeini asserted that "You ladies here have proved that you are at the forefront of this movement. You have a great share in our Islamic movement. The future of our country depends on your support."[167] He invoked the image of the hijab as a symbol of the revolution, saying that, "a nation whose respected women demonstrate in modest garb [hejab] to express their disgust with the Shah's regime- such a nation will be victorious."[168] He also said that, "women from all levels of society took part in the recent demonstrations, which we are calling the 'referendum of the streets'... women fought side by side with men in the struggle for their independence and their liberty."[169] Khomeini pleaded women to participate in anti-Shah demonstrations in various cities. Furthermore, women later responded to Khomeini's urge to vote in favor of the Islamic Republic and the new constitution.[164] Women were so pivotal to the revolution that in response to a suggestion from a top aid to ban women from coming to group audience, Khomeini said "I threw the Shah out with these women, there's no problem in their coming."[168]
After the revolution, Khomeini credited much of the success of the movement to women, even commending the women for mobilizing men, "you ladies have proved that you are in the vanguard of the movement, you have proved that you lead the men, men get their inspiration from you, the men of Iran have learnt lessons from the honourable ladies of Iran ...You are in the vanguard of the movement."[167]
It has been argued that Khomeini and his fellow leaders danced around the issue of women's rights and rather focused their rhetoric on mobilizing women through encouraging them to participate in protests and fueling their anti-Shah sentiments.[170]
Variation within women's participation
The contributions of women to the revolutions and the intentions behind these contributions are complex and layered. The motivations of women for being part of the revolutions were complex and varied among a plethora of religious, political and economic reasons[171] and women participating were from various classes and backgrounds.[172] Many Western educated upper-middle-class women from secular, urban and professional families were involved as well as many women from working-class and rural backgrounds.[165] There were groups as varied as the Fida'iyan-i Khalq, and the Mujahedin were functioning as guerrilla units during the revolutions in opposition to the Shah's regime.[165] There were also other groups of women with various agendas that sometimes converged and sometimes diverged from the Islamic Republic's political positions. For example, organized feminism which was around since the Pahlavi dynasty, joined the revolutionary movement after the Shah dropped the cabinet position on Women's Affairs to appease the Islamists.[168] Members of the Women's Organization of Iran marched in support for the revolution and it was important that women very much linked to the government also turned against the Shah's regime.[170] Yet, there were later some tension between feminists' dress and the revolution's stance on women's clothing and they began to feel uncomfortable at opposition events.[171]
Some argue that this politicization and mobilization of women made it difficult for the new regime to push them out of the public and political spheres. The revolution resulted in an unprecedented opening for Iranian women into politics (mostly through demonstrations and voting),[173] and some authors argue that this had a lasting impact on Iranian women's political participation and role in the public sphere.[164] Some women were also part of the inner circle of the leaders of the new regime such as Marzieh Hadidchi. Other than the politicization of women, there were particular circumstances during the revolution which pushed women into being involved with politics. For example, "the combination of martial law with its curfew hours and the closing down of shops and workplaces, together with the cold of the fall and winter months resulted in the centers of political discussion often being within the home."[174] Women engaged with news and media as well as political discussions alongside their male counterparts as "the revolution was the only topic of interest to anyone, regardless of age or sex."[174] During 1978 and 1979 there were many gatherings in women's homes where they exchanged interpersonal news and anecdotes. These personal accounts were valuable in a time where the official coverage of news was not trusted by many people.[165]
Women who were activists, religious women and women dissatisfied with the regime were able to unite under the anti-Shah umbrella. However it's important to note that "women were not united in their opinions of the revolution and its outcome as much as they were not united in their reasons for joining the revolution".[175] Despite this mobilization and high participation rate of women, they were still kept out of leadership positions which were exclusive to men; women are thought to be part of the rank and file rather than the elite strata of the revolution.[170]
Academic literature on women's participation
While there has been some academic literature exploring individual narratives of women on the revolution,[164] most of the academic work produced focuses on the effect of the revolution on women rather than the role of Iranian women during the revolution. Scholar Guity Nashat highlights this neglected aspect of the revolution, "Although women's participation in the events leading to the 11 February revolution was instrumental in its success, most studies have not addressed the reasons for their involvement or their contribution."[176] Janet Baur argues the necessity of examining the daily lives of women, their living conditions and their relationship to other groups in order to understand their participation in the socio-political events of the revolution. She further explains that the cultural, ideological, social and material factors shaping the social life and class differences in the period just prior to the revolution need to be studied in order to understand how the Iranian women's social consciousness developed and how it led them to take part in public protests.[165] Caroline M. Brooks argues that women were left to express their concerns through the protest rather than in the Majlis. Thus, this created a "dangerous bargaining position for activist women" since rather than arguing and their position through intellect they were only able to "argue by numbers in the streets and be repelled by force".[170]
There are some contesting understandings in academic literature regarding the reasons behind the mobilization of women. While some argue that the micro level actions of women can be understood through religious and political ideologies, others argue that it is in fact the effect of manipulations of information, symbols and context which should be studied.[165]
Consecuencias: consolidación del poder de Jomeini
From early 1979 to either 1982 or 1983 Iran was in a "revolutionary crisis mode."[177] After the system of despotic monarchy had been overthrown,[178] the economy and the apparatus of government had collapsed, and military and security forces were in disarray. Yet, by 1982 Khomeini and his supporters had crushed the rival factions, defeated local rebellions and consolidated power.
Conflicts among revolutionaries
Some observers believe "what began as an authentic and anti-dictatorial popular revolution based on a broad coalition of all anti-Shah forces was soon transformed into an Islamic fundamentalist power-grab,"[180] that except for his core supporters, the members of the coalition thought Khomeini intended to be more of a spiritual guide than a ruler.[181] Khomeini was in his mid-70s, never held public office, been out of Iran for more than a decade, and told questioners "the religious dignitaries do not want to rule."[179] However, nobody could deny the unanimous central role of the Imam, and the other factions were too small to have any real impact.
Another view is Khomeini had "overwhelming ideological, political and organizational hegemony,"[182] and non-theocratic groups never seriously challenged Khomeini's movement in popular support.[Note 5] Supporters of the new rule themselves have claimed that Iranians who opposed Khomeini were "fifth columnists" led by foreign countries attempting to overthrow the Iranian government.[183]
Khomeini and his loyalists in the revolutionary organizations implemented Khomeini's velayat-e faqih design for an Islamic republic led by himself as Supreme Leader[184] by exploiting temporary allies[185] such as Mehdi Bazargan's Provisional Government of Iran, whom they later eliminated from Iran's political stage one by one.[186]
Organizations of the revolution
The most important bodies of the revolution were the Revolutionary Council, the Revolutionary Guards, Revolutionary Tribunals, Islamic Republican Party, and Revolutionary Committees (komitehs).[187]
While the moderate Bazargan and his government (temporarily) reassured the middle class, it became apparent they did not have power over the "Khomeinist" revolutionary bodies, particularly the Revolutionary Council (the "real power" in the revolutionary state),[188][189] and later the Islamic Republican Party. Inevitably, the overlapping authority of the Revolutionary Council (which had the power to pass laws) and Bazargan's government was a source of conflict,[190] despite the fact that both had been approved by and/or put in place by Khomeini.
This conflict lasted only a few months however. The provisional government fell shortly after American Embassy officials were taken hostage on 4 November 1979. Bazargan's resignation was received by Khomeini without complaint, saying "Mr. Bazargan ... was a little tired and preferred to stay on the sidelines for a while." Khomeini later described his appointment of Bazargan as a "mistake."[191]
The Revolutionary Guard, or Pasdaran-e Enqelab, was established by Khomeini on 5 May 1979, as a counterweight both to the armed groups of the left, and to the Shah's military. The guard eventually grew into "a full-scale" military force,[192] becoming "the strongest institution of the revolution."[193]
Serving under the Pasdaran were/are the Baseej-e Mostaz'afin, ("Oppressed Mobilization")[194] volunteers in everything from earthquake emergency management to attacking opposition demonstrators and newspaper offices.[195] The Islamic Republican Party[196] then fought to establish a theocratic government by velayat-e faqih.
Thousands of komiteh or Revolutionary Committees[197] served as "the eyes and ears" of the new rule and are credited by critics with "many arbitrary arrests, executions and confiscations of property".[198]
Also enforcing the will of the government were the Hezbollahi (the Party of God), "strong-arm thugs" who attacked demonstrators and offices of newspapers critical of Khomeini.[199]
Two major political groups that formed after the fall of the Shah that clashed with and were eventually suppressed by pro-Khomeini groups, were the moderate religious Muslim People's Republican Party (MPRP) which was associated with Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, and the secular leftist National Democratic Front (NDF).
1979 uprisings
Following the events of the revolution, Marxist guerrillas and federalist parties revolted in some regions comprising Khuzistan, Kurdistan and Gonbad-e Qabus, which resulted in fighting between them and revolutionary forces. These revolts began in April 1979 and lasted between several months to over a year, depending on the region.
Establishment of Islamic republic government
Referendum of 12 Farvardin
On 30 and 31 March (Farvardin 10, 11) a referendum was held over whether to replace the monarchy with an "Islamic republic". Khomeini called for a massive turnout[200] and only the National Democratic Front, Fadayan, and several Kurdish parties opposed the vote.[200] The results showed that 98.2% had voted in favor of the Islamic Republic.[200]
Writing of the constitution
In June 1979 the Freedom Movement released its draft constitution for the Islamic Republic that it had been working on since Khomeini was in exile. It included a Guardian Council to veto un-Islamic legislation, but had no guardian jurist ruler.[201] Leftists found the draft too conservative and in need of major changes but Khomeini declared it 'correct'.[202] To approve the new constitution and prevent leftist alterations, a relatively small seventy-three-member Assembly of Experts for Constitution was elected that summer. Critics complained that "vote-rigging, violence against undesirable candidates and the dissemination of false information" was used to "produce an assembly overwhelmingly dominated by clergy, all took active roles during the revolution and loyal to Khomeini."[203]
Khomeini (and the assembly) now rejected the constitution – its correctness notwithstanding – and Khomeini declared that the new government should be based "100% on Islam."[204]
In addition to the president, the new constitution included a more powerful post of guardian jurist ruler intended for Khomeini,[205] with control of the military and security services, and power to appoint several top government and judicial officials. It increased the power and number of clerics on the Council of Guardians and gave it control over elections[206] as well as laws passed by the legislature.
The new constitution was also approved overwhelmingly by the December 1979 constitutional referendum, but with more opposition[Note 6] and smaller turnout.[207]
Consecuencias: crisis revolucionaria
From early 1979 to either 1982 or 1983 Iran was in a "revolutionary crisis mode."[177] After the system of despotic monarchy had been overthrown,[178] the economy and the apparatus of government had collapsed, and military and security forces were in disarray. Events that made up both the crisis and its resolution were the Iran hostage crisis, the invasion of Iran by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, and the presidency of Abolhassan Banisadr.[208][209]
Hostage crisis
In late October 1979, the exiled and dying Shah was admitted into the United States for cancer treatment. In Iran there was an immediate outcry, and both Khomeini and leftist groups demanded the Shah's return to Iran for trial and execution. On 4 November 1979 youthful Islamists, calling themselves Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, invaded the US embassy compound in Tehran and seized its staff. Revolutionaries were angry because of how the Shah had fled abroad while the Embassy-based American CIA and British intelligence organized a coup d'état to overthrow his nationalist opponent who was a legitimately elected official. The students held 52 American diplomats hostage for 444 days, which played a role in helping to pass the constitution, suppressing moderates, and otherwise radicalising the revolution.
Holding the hostages was very popular and continued even after the death of the Shah. As Khomeini explained to his future President Banisadr, "This action has many benefits. ... This has united our people. Our opponents do not dare act against us. We can put the constitution to the people's vote without difficulty ..."[210]
With great publicity the students released documents from the American embassy, or "nest of spies," showing moderate Iranian leaders had met with U.S. officials (similar evidence of high-ranking Islamists having done so did not see the light of day).[211] Among the casualties of the hostage crisis was Prime Minister Bazargan and his government, who resigned in November unable to enforce the government's order to release the hostages.[212]
The prestige of Khomeini and the hostage taking was further enhanced with the failure of a hostage rescue attempt, widely credited to divine intervention.[213]
The hostage crisis ended with the signing of the Algiers Accords in Algeria on 19 January 1981. The hostages were formally released to United States custody the following day, just minutes after Ronald Reagan was sworn in as the new American president.
Suppression of opposition
In early March 1979, Khomeini announced, "do not use this term, 'democratic.' That is the Western style," giving pro-democracy liberals (and later leftists) a taste of disappointments to come.[214] In succession the National Democratic Front was banned in August 1979, the provisional government was disempowered in November, the Muslim People's Republican Party was banned in January 1980, the People's Mujahedin of Iran guerrillas came under attack in February 1980, a purge of universities started in March 1980, and leftist Islamist Abolhassan Banisadr was impeached in June 1981.[citation needed]
After the revolution, human rights groups estimated the number of casualties suffered by protesters and prisoners of the new system to be several thousand. The first to be executed were members of the old system – senior generals, followed by over 200 senior civilian officials[215] – as punishment and to eliminate the danger of a coup d'état. Brief trials lacking defense attorneys, juries, transparency or the opportunity for the accused to defend themselves[216] were held by revolutionary judges such as Sadegh Khalkhali, the Sharia judge. By January 1980 "at least 582 persons had been executed."[217] Among those executed was Amir Abbas Hoveida, former Prime Minister of Iran.[218]
Between January 1980 and June 1981, when Bani-Sadr was impeached, at least 900 executions took place,[219] for everything from drug and sexual offenses to "corruption on earth", from plotting counter-revolution and spying for Israel to membership in opposition groups.[220] In the ensuing 12 months Amnesty International documented 2,946 executions, with several thousand more killed in the next two years according to the anti-government guerilla People's Mujahedin of Iran.[221]
Closings of newspaper companies
In mid-August 1979, shortly after the election of the constitution-writing assembly, several dozen newspapers and magazines opposing Khomeini's idea of theocratic rule by jurists were shut down.[222][223][224] When protests were organized by the National Democratic Front (NDF), Khomeini angrily denounced them saying, "we thought we were dealing with human beings. It is evident we are not."[225]
... After each revolution several thousand of these corrupt elements are executed in public and burnt and the story is over. They are not allowed to publish newspapers.[226]
Hundreds were injured by "rocks, clubs, chains and iron bars" when Hezbollahi attacked the protesters,[227] and shortly after, a warrant was issued for the arrest of the NDF's leader.[228]
Muslim People's Republican Party
In December the moderate Islamic party Muslim People's Republican Party (MPRP) and its spiritual leader Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari had become a rallying point for Iranians who wanted democracy not theocracy.[229] Riots broke out in Shariatmadari's Azeri home region with members of the MPRP and Shariatmadari's followers seizing the Tabriz television station and using it to "broadcast demands and grievances." The regime reacted quickly, sending Revolutionary Guards to retake the TV station, mediators to defuse complaints and activists to stage a massive pro-Khomeini counter-demonstration.[230] The party was suppressed,[229] and in 1982 Shariatmadari was "demoted" from the rank of Grand Ayatollah and many of his clerical followers were purged.[231]
Islamist left
In January 1980, Abolhassan Banisadr was elected president of Iran. Though an adviser to Khomeini, he was a leftist who clashed with another ally of Khomeini, the theocratic Islamic Republic Party (IRP) – the controlling power in the new parliament.[232]
At the same time, erstwhile revolutionary allies of Khomeini – the Islamist modernist guerrilla group People's Mujahedin of Iran (or MEK) – were being suppressed by Khomeini's revolutionary organizations. Khomeini attacked the MEK as monafeqin (hypocrites) and kafer (unbelievers).[233] Hezbollahi people attacked meeting places, bookstores, and newsstands of Mujahideen and other leftists,[234] driving them underground. Universities were closed to purge them of opponents of theocratic rule as a part of the "Cultural Revolution", and 20,000 teachers and nearly 8,000 military officers deemed too westernized were dismissed.[235]
By mid-1981 matters came to a head. An attempt by Khomeini to forge a reconciliation between Banisadr and IRP leaders had failed,[236] and now it was Banisadr who was the rallying point "for all doubters and dissidents" of the theocracy, including the MEK.[237]
When leaders of the National Front called for a demonstration in June 1981 in favor of Banisadr, Khomeini threatened its leaders with the death penalty for apostasy "if they did not repent".[238] Leaders of the Freedom Movement of Iran were compelled to make and publicly broadcast apologies for supporting the Front's appeal.[239] Those attending the rally were menaced by Hezbollahi and Revolutionary Guards and intimidated into silence.[240]
The MEK retaliated with a campaign of terror against the IRP. On 28 June 1981, a bombing of the office of the IRP killed around 70 high-ranking officials, cabinet members and members of parliament, including Mohammad Beheshti, the secretary-general of the party and head of the Islamic Republic's judicial system. The government responded with thousands of arrests and hundreds of executions.[241] Despite these and other assassinations[196] the hoped-for mass uprising and armed struggle against the Khomeiniists was crushed.
The MEK bombings were not the only violent opposition to the Khomeinist rule. In May 1979, the Furqan Group (Guruh-i Furqan) assassinated an important lieutenant of Khomeini, Morteza Motahhari.[242]
Impacto internacional
Internationally, the initial impact of the revolution was immense. In the non-Muslim world, it changed the image of Islam, generating much interest in Islam—both sympathetic[243] and hostile[244]—and even speculation that the revolution might change "the world balance of power more than any political event since Hitler's conquest of Europe."[245]
The Islamic Republic positioned itself as a revolutionary beacon under the slogan "neither East nor West, only Islamic Republic ("Na Sharq, Na Gharb, Faqat Jumhuri-e Islami," i.e. neither Soviet nor American / West European models), and called for the overthrow of capitalism, American influence, and social injustice in the Middle East and the rest of the world. Revolutionary leaders in Iran gave and sought support from non-Muslim activists such as the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, IRA in Ireland and anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa, insofar as favoring leftist revolutionaries over Islamist, but ideologically different and strategically harmful causes, such as the neighboring Afghan Mujahideen.[246] The revolution itself was supported by the Palestine Liberation Organization.[247]
Persian Gulf and the Iran–Iraq War
Supporters of the revolution both within and outside of Iran began calling for the overthrow of monarchies in the region and for them to be replaced by Islamic republics. This alarmed many of Iran's neighbours, particularly Kuwait, Iraq and Saudi Arabia as well as Western nations dependent on Middle Eastern oil for their energy needs.
In September 1980, Iraq took advantage of the febrile situation and invaded Iran. At the centre of Iraq's objectives was the annexation of the East Bank of the Shaat Al-Arab waterway that makes up part of the border between the two nations and which had been the site of numerous border skirmishes between the two countries going back to the late 1960s. The president of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, also wanted to annex the Iranian province of Khuzestan which had (and still has) a high population of Iranian Arabs. There was also concern that a Shia-centric revolution in Iran may stimulate a similar uprising in Iraq, where the country's Sunni minority ruled over the Shia majority.
Hussein was confident that with Iraq's armed forces being well-equipped with new technology and with high morale would enjoy a decisive strategic advantage against an Iranian military that had recently had much of its command officers purged following the Revolution. Iran was also struggling to find replacement parts for much of its US- and British-supplied equipment. Hussein believed that victory would therefore come swiftly.
However Iran was "galvanized"[248] by the invasion and the populace of Iran rallied behind their new government in an effort to repel the invaders. After some early successes, the Iraqi invasion stalled and was then repelled and by 1982, Iran had recaptured almost all her territories. In June 1982, with Iraqi forces all but expelled from Iranian territory, the Iraqi government offered a ceasefire. This was rejected by Khomeini, who declared that the only condition for peace was that "the regime in Baghdad must fall and must be replaced by an Islamic republic,".[249]
The war would continue for another six years during which time countries like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and other Gulf states provided financial assistance to Iraq in an effort to prevent an Iranian victory, even though their relations with Iraq were often hostile - Kuwait itself was invaded by Iraq 2 years after the peace agreement between Iraq and Iran was signed.
Like the hostage crisis, the war served in part as an opportunity for the government to strengthen revolutionary ardour and revolutionary groups;[citation needed] the Revolutionary Guard and committees at the expense of its remaining allies-turned-opponents, such as the MEK.[250][251] While enormously costly and destructive, the war "rejuvenate[d] the drive for national unity and Islamic revolution" and "inhibited fractious debate and dispute" in Iran.[252]
Western/U.S.–Iranian relations
The Islamic Republic of Iran experienced difficult relations with some Western countries, especially the United States. Iran was under constant US unilateral sanctions, which were tightened under the presidency of Bill Clinton.
Once having political relations with Iran dating back to the late Ilkhanate period (13th century),[253] Britain suspended all diplomatic relations with Iran. Britain did not have an embassy until it was reopened in 1988.[254]
For Israel, relations dates back to the Shah until relations were cut on 18 February 1979 when Iran adopted its anti-Zionist stance. The former embassy in Tehran was handed over to the PLO and allied itself with several anti-Israeli Islamist militant groups since.[255]
In the Muslim world
In the Muslim world, particularly in its early years, the revolution inspired enormous enthusiasm and redoubled opposition to western imperialism, intervention and influence. Islamist insurgents rose in Saudi Arabia (1979), Egypt (1981), Syria (1982), and Lebanon (1983).[256]
In Pakistan, it has been noted that the "press was largely favorable towards the new government"; the Islamist parties were even more enthusiastic; while the ruler, General Zia-ul-Haq, himself on an Islamization drive since he took power in 1977, talked of "simultaneous triumph of Islamic ideology in both our countries" and that "Khomeini is a symbol of Islamic insurgence." Some American analysts noted that, at this point, Khomeini's influence and prestige in Pakistan was greater than Zia-ul-Haq's himself.[257] Because Khomeini claimed that Americans were behind the 1979 Grand Mosque seizure, some hundred student protesters from the Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad attacked the US embassy, setting it on fire and taking hostages. The crisis was eventually quickly defused by the Pakistan army but the next day, to some 120 senior Pakistani army officers in Iran, stationed there on their road to hajj, in a televised encounter, Khomeini said that "it is a cause of joy that… all Pakistan has risen against the United States" and the struggle is not that of the US and Iran but "the entire world of disbelief and the world of Islam". According to journalist Yaroslav Trofimov, "the Pakistani officers, many of whom had graduated from Western military academies, seemed swayed by the ayatollah’s intoxicating words."[258]
Although ultimately only the Lebanese Islamists succeeded, other activities have had more long-term impact. The Ayatollah Khomeini's 1989 fatwa calling for the killing of Indian-born British citizen Salman Rushdie had international impact. The Islamic revolutionary government itself is credited with helping establish Hezbollah in Lebanon[259] and the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq.
On the other side of the ledger, at least one observer argues that despite great effort and expense the only countries outside Iran the revolution had a "measure of lasting influence" on are Lebanon and Iraq.[260] Others claim the devastating Iran–Iraq War "mortally wounded ... the ideal of spreading the Islamic revolution,"[209] or that the Islamic Republic's pursuit of an ideological rather than a "nationalist, pragmatic" foreign policy has weakened Iran's "place as a great regional power".[261]
Impacto doméstico
Views differ on the impact of the revolution.[Note 7] For some it was "the most significant, hopeful and profound event in the entirety of contemporary Islamic history,"[263] while other Iranians believe that the revolution was a time when "for a few years we all lost our minds",[264] and which "promised us heaven, but... created a hell on earth."[265]
Internally, Iran has had some success in recent years in the broadening of education and health care for the poor, and particularly governmental promotion of Islam, and the elimination of secularism and American influence in government. Criticisms have been raised with regards to political freedom, governmental honesty and efficiency, economic equality and self-sufficiency, or even popular religious devotion.[266][267] Opinion polls and observers report widespread dissatisfaction, including a "rift" between the revolutionary generation and younger Iranians who find it "impossible to understand what their parents were so passionate about."[268] To honor the 40th anniversary of revolution around 50,000 prisoners were forgiven by order Ali Khamenei to receive "Islamic clemency".[269][270][271]
Human development
Literacy has continued to increase under the Islamic Republic, which uses Islamic principles.[272][273] By 2002, illiteracy rates dropped by more than half.[274][275] Maternal and infant mortality rates have also been cut significantly.[276] Population growth was first encouraged, but discouraged after 1988.[277] Overall, Iran's Human development Index rating has climbed significantly from 0.569 in 1980 to 0.732 in 2002, on a par with neighbouring Turkey.[278][279] In the latest HDI, however, Iran has since fallen 8 ranks below Turkey.[280]
Politics and government
Iran has elected governmental bodies at the national, provincial, and local levels. Although these bodies are subordinate to theocracy – which has veto power over who can run for parliament (or Islamic Consultative Assembly) and whether its bills can become law – they have more power than equivalent organs in the Shah's government.
Iran's Sunni minority (about 8%) has seen some unrest.[281] Five of the 290 parliamentary seats are allocated to their communities.[282]
The members of the Baháʼí Faith have been declared heretical and subversive.[283] While persecution occurred before the Revolution since then more than 200 Baháʼís have been executed or presumed killed, and many more have been imprisoned, deprived of jobs, pensions, businesses, and educational opportunities. Baháʼí holy places have been confiscated, vandalized, or destroyed. More recently, Baháʼís in Iran have been deprived of education and work. Several thousand young Baháʼís between the ages of 17 and 24 have been expelled from universities.
Whether the Islamic Republic has brought more or less severe political repression is disputed. Grumbling once done about the tyranny and corruption of the Shah and his court is now directed against "the Mullahs."[284] Fear of SAVAK has been replaced by fear of Revolutionary Guards, and other religious revolutionary enforcers.[285] Violations of human rights by the theocratic government is said to be worse than during the monarchy,[286] and in any case extremely grave.[287] Reports of torture, imprisonment of dissidents, and the murder of prominent critics have been made by human rights groups. Censorship is handled by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, without whose official permission, "no books or magazines are published, no audiotapes are distributed, no movies are shown and no cultural organization is established. All forms of popular music are banned. Men and women are not allowed to dance or swim with each other."[288]
Women
Throughout the beginning of the 20th century and prior to the revolution, many women leaders emerged and demanded basic social rights for women.[289] During the reign of Reza Shah, the government mandated the removal of the veil and promoted the education of young girls.[289] However, the push-back of the Shii clerics made progress difficult, and the government had to contain its promotion of basic women's rights to the norms of the patriarchal social hierarchy in order to accommodate the clerics.[289] After the abdication of Reza Shah in 1941, the discipline of the government decreased, and women were able to further exercise their rights, including the ability to wear the veil if they wanted.[289] More organization of women's groups occurred in the 1960s and 70s, and they used the government's modernization to define and advocate for women's issues.[289] During these decades, women became active in formerly male domains such as the parliament, the cabinet, armed forces, legal professions, and fields of science and technology.[289] Additionally, women achieved the right to vote in 1963.[289] Many of these achievements and rights that Iranian women had gained in the decades leading up to the revolution were reversed by the Islamic Revolution.[289]
The revolutionary government rewrote laws in an attempt to force women to leave the workforce by promoting the early retirement of female government employees, the closing of childcare centers, enforcing full Islamic cover in offices and public places, as well as preventing women from studying in 140 fields in higher education.[289] Women fought back against these changes, and as activist and writer Mahnaz Afkhami writes, "The regime succeeded in putting women back in the veil in public places, but not in resocializing them into fundamentalist norms."[289] After the revolution, women often had to work hard to support their families as the post-revolutionary economy suffered.[289] Women also asserted themselves in the arts, literature, education, and politics.[289]
Women – especially those from traditional backgrounds – participated on a large scale in demonstrations leading up to the revolution.[290] They were encouraged by Ayatollah Khomeini to join him in overthrowing the Pahlavi dynasty.[291] However, most of these women expected the revolution to lead to an increase in their rights and opportunities rather than the restrictions that actually occurred.[291] The policy enacted by the revolutionary government and its attempts to limit the rights of women were challenged by the mobilization and politicization of women that occurred during and after the revolution.[291] Women's resistance included remaining in the work force in large numbers and challenging Islamic dress by showing hair under their head scarves.[291] The Iranian government has had to reconsider and change aspects of its policies towards women because of their resistance to laws that restrict their rights.[291]
Since the revolution, university enrollment and the number of women in the civil service and higher education has risen[292] and several women have been elected to the Iranian parliament.
Homosexuality
Homosexuality has a long history in pre-revolutionary Iran. Sextus Empiricus asserts in his Outlines of Scepticism (written circa C.E. 200) that the laws of the Parthian Empire were tolerant towards homosexual behaviour, and Persian men were known to "indulge in intercourse with males." (1:152)[293] These ancient practices continued into the Islamic period of Iran, with one scholar noting how "...homosexuality and homoerotic expressions were tolerated in numerous public places, from monasteries and seminaries to taverns, military camps, bathhouses and coffee houses. In the early Safavid era (1501-1723), male houses of prostitution (amard khaneh) were legally recognized and paid taxes."[294]:157 During the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, a faux same-sex wedding occurred between two young men with ties to the royal court, which became a source of shame and outrage for some citizens and was utilized by Islamists as further evidence of the "immoral" monarchy. This also tied the monarchy to the West, which had begun to be regarded in reactionary Islamic discourse as immoral due to "...female nudity and open adult male homosexuality."[294]:161
When Ruhollah Khomeini came to power in 1979, he called for homosexuals to be "exterminated",[295] and one of his first political actions was to institute imprisonment, corporal punishment, and the death penalty for any sexual acts outside traditional Islamic heterosexual marriage. In a 1979 interview with The New York Times, a journalist asked Khomeini to justify the state-sanctioned shootings of homosexuals. In reply Khomeini compared them as well as other adulterers to gangrene, thieves, and murderers.[296]
Iran is currently one of the only Sharia jurisdictions to execute gay men.[297][298][299] Amnesty International reports that approximately 5,000 gays have been executed in Iran since the revolution, including two gay men executed in 2014, both hanged for engaging in consensual homosexual relations.[300]
Economy
Iran's post-revolutionary economy has a significant state-owned or parastatal sector, including businesses owned by the Revolutionary Guards and Bonyad foundations.[301][302]
Since the revolution Iran's GDP(PPP) has grown from $114 billion in 1980 to $858 billion in 2010.[303] GDP per capita (PPP) has grown from $4295 in 1980 to $11,396 in 2010.[303]
Since the revolution Iran's GDP (Nominal) has grown from $90.392 billion in 1979 to $385.874 in 2015.[304] GDP per capita (nominal) has grown from $2290 in 1979 to $5470 in 2016.[305] Real GNI per capita in 2011 constant international dollars decreased after the revolution and during the Iran-Iraq war from $7762 in 1979 to $3699 at the end of the war in 1989. After three decades of reconstruction and growth since then, it has not yet reached its 1979 level and has only recovered to $6751 in 2016.[306] Data on GNI per capita in PPP terms is only available since 1990 globally. In PPP terms, GNI per capita has increased from Int. $11,425 in 1990 to Int. $18,544 in 2016. But most of this increase can be attributed to the rise in oil prices in the 2000s.[307]
The value of Iran's currency declined precipitously after the revolution. Whereas on 15 March 1978, 71.46 rials equaled one U.S. dollar, in January 2018, 44,650 rials amounted to one dollar.[308]
The economy has become more diversified since the revolution, with 80% of Iranian GDP dependent on oil and gas as of 2010,[309] comparing to above 90% at the end of the Pahlavi period.[citation needed] The Islamic Republic lags some countries in transparency and ease of doing business according to international surveys. Transparency International ranked Iran 136th out of 175 countries in transparency (i.e. lack of corruption) for its 2014 index;[301] and the IRI was ranked 130th out of the 189 countries surveyed in the World Bank 2015 Doing Business Report.[310]
Cultura política islámica
It is said that there were attempts to incorporate modern political and social concepts into Islamic canon since 1950. The attempt was a reaction to the secular political discourse namely Marxism, liberalism and nationalism. However one could observe the great influence of western culture in Iran after the coup d'état in 1953. Following the death of Ayatollah Boroujerdi, some of the scholars like Murtaza Mutahhari, Muhammad Beheshti and Mahmoud Taleghani found new opportunity to change conditions. Before them, Boroujerdi was considered a conservative Marja. They tried to reform conditions after the death of the ayatollah. They presented their arguments by rendering lectures in 1960 and 1963 in Tehran. The result of the lectures was the book "An inquiry into principles of Mar'jaiyat". Some of the major issues highlighted were the government in Islam, the need for the clergy's independent financial organization, Islam as a way of life, advising and guiding youth and necessity of being community. Allameh Tabatabei refers to velayat as a political philosophy for Shia and velayat faqih for Shia community. There are also other attempts to formulate a new attitude of Islam such as the publication of three volumes of Maktab Tashayyo. Also some believe that it is indispensable to revive the religious gathered in Hoseyniyeh-e-Ershad.[311]
Galería
An injured revolutionary during protests against Pahlavi regime.
Protests in summer 1978.
Revolutionary victims.
Current Iranian leader, Ali Khamenei in a Revolutionary protest in Mashhad.
Shah visiting Bakhtiar cabinet before his exit from Iran.
People celebrating Shah's exit from the country.
Removal of Shah's statue by the people in University of Tehran.
Khomeini at Mehrabad Airport.
People accompanying Khomeini from Mehrabad to Behesht Zahra.
Khomeini in Behesht Zahra.
Khomeini before a speech at Alavi school.
Representaciones en los medios de EE. UU.
- Argo, starring Ben Affleck, a film on the US government rescuing Americans in Iranian hostage crisis.
- Persepolis is an autobiographical series of comics by Marjane Satrapi first published in 2000 that depicts the author's childhood in Iran during and after the Islamic Revolution. The 2007 animated film Persepolis is based upon on it.
- Septembers of Shiraz is a movie about an Iranian Jewish family. After creating a prosperous life in Iran, they may be forced to abandon everything as a revolution looms on the horizon. It is based on the 2007 novel The Septembers of Shiraz by Dalia Sofer.
Ver también
- Revolution-related topics
- 1979 energy crisis
- Background and causes of the Iranian Revolution
- Civil resistance
- Fajr decade
- Guadeloupe conference
- History of Iran
- History of political Islam in Iran
- History of the Islamic Republic of Iran
- Iran hostage crisis
- Jimmy Carter's engagement with Khomeini
- Ruhollah Khomeini
- Organizations of the Iranian Revolution
- Russian Revolution
- Related conflicts
- 1953 Iranian coup d'état
- Iran–Iraq War
- Kurdish Rebellion of 1983
- List of modern conflicts in the Middle East
- Persian Constitutional Revolution
- General
- Human rights in Islamic Republic of Iran
- International rankings of Iran
- Island of Stability (speech)
- Leftist guerrilla groups of Iran
- People's Mujahedin of Iran
- Persecution of Baháʼís
Referencias
Notes
- ^ According to Kurzman, scholars writing on the revolution who have mentioned this include:
- Gary Sick;[24]
- Michael M. J. Fischer;[25]
- Nikkie R. Keddie[26]
- Shaul Bakhash[27]
- ^ See: Velayat-e faqih (book by Khomeini)#Importance of Islamic Government
- ^ Marxist guerrillas groups were the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIPFG) and the breakaway Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (IPFG), and some minor groups.[71]
- ^ See: Hokumat-e Islami : Velayat-e faqih (book by Khomeini)#Why Islamic Government has not been established
- ^ For example, Islamic Republic Party and allied forces controlled approximately 80% of the seats on the Assembly of Experts of Constitution. (see: Bakhash, pp. 78–82) An impressive margin even allowing for electoral manipulation
- ^ opposition included some clerics, including Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, and by secularists such as the National Front who urged a boycott
- ^ example: "Secular Iranian writers of the early 1980s, most of whom supported the revolution, lamented the course it eventually took."[262]
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What Iran’s revolution had failed to do, the Shia revival in post-Saddam Iraq was set to achieve. The challenge that the Shia revival poses to the Sunni Arab domination of the Middle East and to the Sunni conception of political identity and authority is not substantially different from the threat that Khomeini posed. Iran’s revolution also sought to break the hegemonic control of the Sunni Arab establishment.
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- ^ Abrahamian 2008, p. 143
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enlaces externos
- "Iran after the victory of 1979's Revolution," on Iran Chamber Society
- Islamic Revolution of Iran, Encarta (Archived 2009-10-31)
- The Islamic revolution, Britannica
- Amuzegar, Jahangir (January 1991). Dynamics of the Iranian Revolution: The Pahlavis' Triumph and Tragedy. ISBN 9780791407318.
- The Islamic revolution: 30 years on, its legacy still looms large – audio slideshow by The Guardian
Historical articles
- The Story of the Revolution – a detailed web resource from the BBC World Service Persian Branch
- The Reunion – The Shah of Iran's Court – BBC Radio 4 an audio program featuring the pre-Revolutionary elite
- The Islamic Revolution.
- The Islamic revolution.
- The Islamic revolution, Internews.
Analytical articles
- Bernard Lewis, "Islamic Revolution,", The New York Review of Books (21 January 1988).
- Islamic Revolution: An Exchange by Abbas Milani, with reply by Bernard Lewis
- What Are the Iranians Dreaming About? by Michel Foucault
- The Seductions of Islamism, Revisiting Foucault and the Islamic Revolution by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson, New Politics, vol. 10, no. 1, whole no. 37 (Summer 2004).
- Moojan Momen, "The Religious Background of the 1979 Revolution in Iran"
- The Islamic Revolution by Ted Grant, "In Defence of Marxism" website, International Marxist Tendency (Friday, 9 February 1979).
- Class Analysis of the Islamic Revolution of 1979 by Satya J. Gabriel
- The Cause of The Islamic Revolution by Jon Curme
- History of Undefeated, A few words in commemoration of the 1979 Revolution By Mansoor Hekmat, Communist Thinker and Revolutionary
- Revolution and Counter-revolution in Iran by HKS, Iranian Socialist Workers Party
In pictures and videos
- Iran: Revolution and Beyond – slideshow by Life magazine
- iranrevolution.com by Akbar Nazemi
- Islamic Revolution, Photos by Kaveh Golestan
- Photos from Kave Kazemi
- The Islamic Revolution in Pictures
- Islamic revolution in pictures, BBC World
- Slideshow with audio commentary of the legacy of Islamic revolution after 30 years
- Pictures of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini after the revolution, Shah and wife in Morocco
- Documentary: Anatomy of a Revolution
- NIGHT AFTER THE REVOLUTION English Version
Videos
- 33rd anniversary of Iran Islamic Revolution (PressTV 2012)
